Electronic Theses and Dissertations (Masters)

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/10539/37997

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    A Critical Inquiry into The Ethical Justification(s) For Decriminalising Cannabis Use In South Africa
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Moolla, Sadiyyah; Attoe, Aribiah David
    The right to privacy, as contained in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, grants individuals the right to engage in certain activities, insofar as those activities are private, without infringement by individuals or the state. The said right is what was relied upon by the Constitutional Court in the decision to decriminalize Cannabis, for private use. However, there is a marked difference between that which is legal and that which is moral. In this thesis, I will grapple with the ethical justifications for the decriminalization of Cannabis. Using the Ubuntu ethical theory, I will show that there is in fact no ethical justification for impeding on a moral agent’s right to consume cannabis. I will begin by providing some arguments for and against the legalisation of cannabis use, showing their merits and their demerits. I will then provide an account of Ubuntu ethics and show how its tenets bear on the right to consume cannabis.
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    The Role of International Commitments in Combating the Illicit Distribution of Cocaine
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Bacta, Raquel; Alence, Rod
    Theoretical studies claim that states’ adherence to international drug control treaties may impact the enforcement of cocaine seizure regulations. However, this study found no significant relationship between commitment to United Nations Conventions and cocaine seizures. The study employed two multi-level regression models to investigate the poten- tial correlation between state adherence to drug control conventions and cocaine seizures between 1996 and 2019. The results suggest that other factors, such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP), trade openness, military expenditure, and governance indicators, may play a more important role in explaining the variation in cocaine seizures. Furthermore, the findings imply that practical outcomes may not meet expectations despite efforts to ad- here to international agreements on drug control. Other factors such as national interests, domestic politics, and resource allocation might play a more crucial role in determining the effectiveness of drug control measures. Therefore, comprehensive strategies beyond gov- ernance indicators alone are necessary to address drug trafficking, requiring multifaceted approaches considering socio-economic dynamics, law enforcement capabilities, and inter- national cooperation.
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    Food Riot? Analyzing the July 2021 Unrest in South Africa Using Topic Modeling
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Khoza, Palesa; Kesselman, Brittany
    The July 2021 unrest in South Africa trended on Twitter between the 9th and 31st of July 2021. The unrest received attention from different groups of society, it was interpreted by the media, government, and scholars. This paper explores whether the July 2021 unrest was framed as a food riot by the affected communities across KwaZulu–Natal and Gauteng provinces in South Africa. A dictionary-based analysis and STM topic modeling were conducted on 8264 geo-tagged tweets extracted from the 9th to the 31 of July 2021 to capture the views of the communities in areas affected by the unrest. The findings indicate that conversations concerning the unrest were around collective action, food disturbances, political dissatisfaction, looting, and socio-economic stressors. This study found that political dissatisfaction is linked to a lack of governance response to the deteriorating socio-economic conditions associated with the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings of this study suggest that loss of income and high food prices associated with the pandemic contributed to food disturbances. In addition, food price increases were expected in the aftermath of the social unrest. In conclusion, the views on Twitter revealed conversations around multiple interlinked issues.
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    Caste and Colourism: Constructions of beauty among women in the historically Indian area of Chatsworth, Durban
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Moodley, Paalini Jasanthini; Mngomezulu, Nosipho
    This research study has set out to uncover the silences surrounding caste and colourism, and the influence of this on constructions of beauty standards among women in the Chatsworth Indian community. My fieldwork consisted of participant observations and interviews over the course of four weeks at a beauty parlour in Chatsworth, with a predominantly Indian women clientele. There were six participants in this study who consisted of the owner of the beauty parlour, Sandhya, the nail technicians, Mahati and Nidhi, the threaders, Yukti and Kalyani, and the hairdresser, Lavana. Throughout the chapters within this study, I argue that despite the language of caste rarely spoken, it exists as a reconfigured caste system determined by culture and colour, significantly influencing women’s perceptions of beauty. Moreover, certain standards of beauty that favour lighter skin tones as a result of systemic prejudice, influence women to partake in beauty treatments that feed into this ideal. Lastly, women’s choices in certain treatments are severely influenced by their desire to please a man, impress a mother-in-law, flaunt social status to family through a lighter skin tone, and fit an ideal standard of beauty. In theorising beauty, I draw on feminist and postcolonial perspectives, contextualising beauty within historical, socio-cultural, socio-economic, and socio-political dimensions. I use Hauntology as a framework in unmasking the recursive force of caste which consumes women’s everyday lives, dictating marriage criterion, popularity, status, affluence, and beauty standards
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    Changing Patterns of violence in the Western Sahel
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Krienke, Hannah
    This dissertation investigates how changing patterns of violence in Mali and Burkina Faso have resulted in the formation of alternative government systems by jihadist groups and community militias. By analysing the interactions between these non -state actors, state institutions, and foreign intermediaries, the study highlights the significant impacts of socioeconomic problems, corruption, ethnic and religious tensions, and climate change, which have given rise to space where power and control of the state is contested. In Mali, violence erupted in 2012 with an insurgent movement that was exacerbated by subsequent coups and political crises, eroding state authority and supporting the growth of multiple armed groups most notably via jihadist insurgency. Violence in Burkina Faso began to grow in 2015, and it was exacerbated with the 2022 coup, which altered the dynamics of domestic and foreign alliances, including the Russian Wagner Group's involvement. Both countries are currently governed by the military, although in both cases the military has struggled to calm violence. The frequency of attacks increasing drastically between 2015 and 2024. Therefore, the dynamics of violence in both countries are examined in relation to the restructuring of local and state interactions and the emergence of new forms of governance. This involves drawing on theories such as Mary Kaldor's t "new wars," who emphasises the relationship between identity politics and armed conflict. Through a comparative examination, the study reveals parallels as well as differences in the ways that violence has impacted state formation and impacted Sahelian populations in Mali and Burkina Faso.
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    The aesthetic politics of skin tone and hair texture amongst black women in Diepkloof, Johannesburg
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023) Kwinika, Makhawukana Akani; Katsaura, Obvious
    Beautification practices for Black women in South Africa reveal a complex interplay of cultural influences and individual affirmative choices. This research explores the societal factors that inspire Black women to beautify the surface-body, focusing on hair and skin, both locally and from an intra-racial perspective. The theories that the research borrows from are the Self- objectification theory, which explains the issues associated with bodily modifications and insecurities, and African Feminism, which examines the intersectionality of race, gender, and beauty standards, emphasizing the importance of examining the history of African women. Employing a qualitative methodology, data were collected through questionnaires and in-depth semi-structured interviews conducted in Diepkloof Zone 2, a Township situated in Soweto, Johannesburg, with a sample size of seven women. Thematic analysis was utilized for data analysis. The findings demonstrate that Black women’s beautification practices remain politicized globally, yet the Black beauty experience is multifaceted, ranging from personal to trivial. The study highlights the agency of Black women in redefining beauty standards globally and within the African continent, rather than merely adhering to Western norms. Recommendations include further exploration of Black women’s hair aesthetics to accommodate bald-headedness or short hair as a preference. Furthermore, to explore skin bleaching practices among Black women and understand the psychological implications of colourism and the yellow bone phenomenon beyond the internalization of whiteness.
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    Nationalism Without a State: A Comparative Analysis of Revolutionary Nationalism Among Stateless Nations
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023) Mayet, Humairaa; Zähringer, Natalie
    A political philosophy employed by nationalist groups and parties, revolutionary nationalism, is used to resist the established order and achieve political goals. It is especially prevalent when power is held by a group or party which attempts to oppress and stifle certain identities and nationalities while enabling others. Revolutionary nationalism has been practiced by the people of Palestine and Western Sahara, both when they resisted against their European colonisers, Britain and Spain, and today, as they resist against their occupiers, Israel and Morocco. Forms of resistance practices include popular and organised resistance, as well as violent and nonviolent resistance. Similarities and differences emerge when analysing how each of these occupied populations attempted to resist through means of revolutionary nationalism and these can be examined and compared. Revolutionary nationalism often goes hand-in-hand with the expression of the right to self-determination, the highest form of which is statehood. The aim of this research report is to discern whether or not the practices of revolutionary nationalism give rise to self-determination, even though it has been proven that, in the post-Cold War era, they do not give rise to statehood.
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    Violence, Chaos, and Degeneration: Analysing Unemployment and Xenophobic Conflict in South Africa, 2006–2021.
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024-02) Ndoda, Buhle; Mpofu, Sizwe Walsh
    Over the past 27 years, xenophobic conflict has overwhelmed South Africa. From “Buyelekhaya” (go back home) campaigns to “Operation Dudula” (push back), xenophobia has spread to different parts of the country, provoking social division, animosity, and a nervous condition of ‘othering’ among Black Africans. At the centre of these insurgences is the issue of unemployment in the country. Unemployment levels have seen a persistent increase in the past five years. Scholars that have examined these challenges have not settled on an opinion about the relationship between xenophobic conflict and unemployment. The reason for this lies in the intricacies and racial undertones of anti-migrant sentiments in South Africa. Xenophobia has particularly targeted Black African immigrants, probing questions about intra-Black racism and Afrophobia. Using the SP-SP model I have established, this study examines the influence of high rates of unemployment on xenophobic conflict in South Africa from the year 2006 to 2021. I draw upon secondary qualitative and quantitative data, and primary qualitative data in my analysis.
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    Exploration of the Impact of Police Brutality during demonstrations on Public Trust: A case study of the Malawi Police Service in Malawi, 2010-2020
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2022-12) Chavula, Faith; Pakade, Nomancotsho; Duca, Federica
    Police brutality during demonstrations has been a concern all around the world. Over the last decade, Malawi has recorded tens of violent demonstrations which have been associated with police brutality which has negatively affected an already declining public trust in the Malawi Police Service (MPS). This study employed a qualitative research design to investigate how police brutality during demonstrations has negatively affected public trust in the MPS. This study used semi-structured interviews and document analysis to collect data. This research study sampled twenty (20) respondents namely, citizens who had participated in demonstrations in the past decade, MPS officers, and members of Community Social Organisations (CSO’s) who had been organising different demonstrations in Malawi over the past decade. The major findings of this study are that there has been a political influence in the MPS which has led to the adoption of partisanship in the MPS. This has influenced police brutality especially during anti-government demonstrations. The study also found that the MPS have adopted a militarisation approach also known as an “us vs them” posture, where the police see the public as enemies and respond with excessive force during demonstrations. Due to this militarisation approach and police partisanship, there has been an impaired relationship between the citizens and the police which has resulted in a shift of public trust from the MPS to CSOs. Strategies and recommendations have also been explored to begin to address public trust in the MPS.
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    The Place of Independent Candidates in South Africa’s Multi-party Democracy
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-10) Simelane, Nkanyiso Goodnews; Glaser, Daryl
    This study aims to assess the place of independent candidates and elected independents in South Africa’s multiparty democracy. This research attempts to answer the core question of ‘What role do independent candidates and elected independents play in South Africa’s multiparty democracy?’ This question will be explored by focusing on the electoral performance of independents in local government. The focus is on local government because South Africa’s current electoral system only permits independents to run and hold office at the local government level. The research will mainly draw from results of the local government elections in 2000, 2006, 2011, 2016, and 2021. It will further briefly analyse the provincial and national levels of government and elections to interrogate the possible impact that of allowing independents to stand nationally might have for the future of independent candidates in the country. This research is situated in the broader debate about electoral reform in South Africa since the dawn of inclusive democracy. Scholars have debated the extent to which SA’s current electoral system allows for adequate accountability and citizen involvement. In recent times, the debate was reignited by a Constitutional Court (CC) judgement supporting independent candidates’ integration into the national and provincial elections. In the case of New Nation Movement NPC and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others 2020 (6) SA 257 (CC) (11 June 2020), the CC declared the Electoral Act unconstitutional insofar as “it requires that adult citizens may be elected to the National Assembly and Provincial Legislatures only through their membership of political parties.” What this judgement practically meant is that Parliament must make the necessary legislative amendments and electoral reform to allow for independent candidates (who are not members of a political party) to stand and, if elected, hold office in the provincial and national legislatures by 11 June 2022. As independent candidates in the general elections is a new phenomenon in the SA context, independents have contested locally. This research attempts to extract some key data and analysis on the performance of independents at local level in order to provide statistical foundations for future scholarship on independent candidates in SA.