Electronic Theses and Dissertations (Masters)
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Item An analysis of the relationship between HIV-testing and cervical cancer screening uptake among females of reproductive age (15-49 years old) in South Africa(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Madubye, Koketšo Tholo; Wet-Billings, Nicole DeBackground: Higher income countries (HIC) have threefold testing coverage over lower to middle income countries (LMIC). Cervical cancer is the 4th most prevalent cancer among females globally, and a key contributor to mortality in Southern Africa. In LMIC, including South Africa, only 9% of the eligible screening cohort had ever undergone cervical cancer screening. This study examined the gap in understanding the relationship between HIV testing behaviours and the uptake of cervical cancer screening. Methods: The study was conducted in South Africa, utilising the 2016 South African Demographic and Health Survey (SADHS), as a secondary data source. The sample size of this study was a weighted (n) distribution of 4,199 females. The study design is cross-sectional, the outcome variable of interest in this study was the uptake of cervical cancer screening and the predictor variable is HIV Testing. The data by SADHS (2016) was analysed through the three phases: univariate, bivariate and multivariate. At the bivariate level, contingency tables were employed, using the Pearson chi-square test of association which examined the strength of crude relationships between cervical cancer screening and the study of independent variables. In addition, a multivariate analysis through the employment of a binary logistic regression as the outcome of the study was categorised with ‘yes’ and ‘no’ binary responses. Results: The findings of this study indicated that 33% of females of reproductive age had ever undergone cervical cancer screening, while 62.5% responded affirmatively to having tested for HIV. Females who tested for HIV displayed a higher propensity to having undergone cervical cancer screening, 37.43% female respondents who tested for HIV had undergone screened for cervical cancer, as opposed to those who didn’t test, which only 10.19 % screened for cervical cancer. Conclusions: 37.43% female respondents who tested for HIV had undergone screened for cervical cancer. Among those who did not test for HIV, 10.19 % screened for cervical cancer. There is still much to be done to improve cervical cancer screening among females, while HIV testing remains high, cervical cancer screening is alarmingly low. The 2017 Cervical Cancer Prevention and Control Policy functions as a mediating apparatus, additional supplementations targeting females below the age of 30 remain a necessityItem A relational history of space, administration and economic extractivism in the Mogalakwena Local Municipality in Limpopo, South Africa (1948-2000)(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Pearson, Joel DavidThis dissertation seeks to contribute to existing local government scholarship by presenting a situated and relational historical study of the Mogalakwena Local Municipality in present-day Limpopo Province of South Africa. By adapting and extending Gill Hart’s spatial-relational methodology, this study draws out key mechanics of change over time in the Mogalakwena area since the early 20 th century. This historical analysis reveals that the shifting array of power relations which together structured the field of rural local governance came to be enacted and concretised through specific and identifiable processes of spatial transformation, administrative government, and economic extractivism. While existing scholarship has elaborated on aspects of these processes, the present study insists on analysing all three together, in relation to each other, attentive to forms of both mutual constitution and contradiction, and cognisant of how these processes feed into political dynamics of varying scales – local, regional, and national. As such, the thesis argues that these three sets of processes should be understood as axes of rural local governance. This analysis draws off an empirical foundation compiled from archival and oral history sources, and which points to three broad historical conjunctures of local governance in Mogalakwena over the apartheid and early democratic eras. The first, spanning the period between the early 1950s and early 1970s, is identified as an era of state-building and remaking the countryside under the ascendant National Party (NP), one in which the white central state initiated massive and sweeping transformations of rural areas to bring to life its “Bantustan strategy”. The second conjuncture, defined as the terminal phase of apartheid from the late 1970s through to the end of the 1980s, was one in which rural local governance came to be dominated by forms of resistance, reform and repression when bottom-up political forces challenged the reach and authority of the apartheid central state in rural localities. And during the third conjuncture, the transitional period of national negotiations and democratisation between 1990 and 2000, rural local governance came to be defined by uneven and contested initiatives towards institutional amalgamation, deracialisation and redress. In considering the field of rural local governance within which the Mogalakwena Local Municipality operates today, this study concludes that the three axes together remain key determinants in structuring local and regional power relations. While dramatic new power relations have unfolded within and around the municipality since its creation in the year 2000, this study concludes that these have continued to be materialised through intertwined spatial, administrative and extractivist processes which extend back into history. As such, it suggests a new systematic approach for the study of local government institutions, histories of the state in rural areas, and studies of the state more broadly.Item Hugging the Crocodile: South Africa’s (RSA’s) tense relationship with the International Criminal Court (ICC)(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Bux – Williamson, Fatima Bee BeeThis qualitative research delves into the Republic of South Africa's (RSA) foreign policy framework concerning its involvement in the International Criminal Court (ICC), focusing on the cases of Uhuru Kenyatta and Omar al-Bashir. Rooted in the constructivist paradigm, from Sikkink and Finnemore's (1998) theoretical framework, the study examines the interplay of RSA’s domestic political considerations, regional dynamics, international pressures, and legal and political considerations, and domestic intricacies that have shaped RSA’s dynamic position vis-à-vis the ICC. The research scrutinises RSA’s initial compliance with and advocacy for the ICC trial, utilising the context of the Uhuru Kenyatta case. It conducts an analysis of the roles played by norm entrepreneurs, civil society actors, and the intricate domestic sociopolitical landscape. The study, equally, engages in a thorough exploration of diplomatic missions and negotiations, critically assessing their effectiveness and influence on RSA’s foreign policy paradigm. Moreover, the research assesses broader regional dynamics, with an acute focus on the African Union (AU) and its pivotal role in guiding (RSA’s) strategic decision-making processes. On the contrary, the inquiry into the Omar al-Bashir case ventures into RSA’s intricate web of domestic political considerations, regional dynamics, international pressures, and legal and political variables. This discussion aims to identify similarities and differences between the cases, shedding light on their implications for the fluctuating relationship between South Africa and the ICC. This research study enriches the academic dialogue by conducting a comprehensive qualitative analysis of (RSA’s) engagements with the ICC. Meticulously examining (RSA’s) diplomatic evolution within the ICC framework, the study offers valuable insights into the dynamics that have influenced its foreign policy development over time. By addressing existing literature gaps, this research contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the factors shaping South Africa’s evolving relationship with the ICC.Item The Relationship Between Sensory Disability Status and Contraceptive Use Among Women Aged 15- 49 Years Old In South Africa(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Sifora, Kutlwano Katlego Kimberly; De Wet-Billings, NicoleBackground: Studies suggest that disability significantly hinders access to reproductive health services, particularly family planning, in low- and middle-income countries. Women with disabilities have a low contraceptive use rate, leading to increased risks of unintended pregnancies and health complications. This study examined the relationship between sensory disability status and contraceptive use in South Africa. A sensory disability is a condition that affects one or more of the body's sensory functions like sight, hearing, touch, taste, or smell. In this study, sensory disabilities focused on hearing and visual impairments. Methods: The study employed a cross-sectional design using the 2016 South Africa Demographic and Health Survey. The study focused on women of reproductive age (15–49 years old) in South Africa, who were sexually active and provided information on both their contraceptive use and sensory disability status. The outcome variable of this study was contraceptive use, and the main independent variable was sensory disability status. The control variables included demographic characteristics namely age, race, marital status, province, and place of residence, as well as socioeconomic characteristics such as employment status, wealth status, education, family planning messages, and contraceptive knowledge. The analysis was conducted using Stata 17.0 on a weighted sample of 6 683 sexually active women aged 15–49 years old who answered questions on contraceptive use. The data analysis was done in three phases. For the first phase, cross-tabulations and chi-square analysis were used to demonstrate the levels of contraceptive use as well as all characteristics of women. For the second phase, bivariate binary logistic regression models were used to determine the relationship between each of the independent variables and the outcome variable of contraceptive use. Lastly, for the third phase, a stepwise multivariate binary logistic regression was utilised to determine the relationship between sensory disability status and contraceptive use among women aged 15– 49 years old in South Africa. Results: Among South African women of reproductive age, 55.4% were using contraceptives. Women with sensory disabilities were shown to have lower odds of using contraceptives than those without sensory disabilities, even after adjusting for all other variables [OR: 0.78, CI: 0.63873 - 0.95227]. Significant associations with contraceptive use were observed for factors xi including age, race, marital status, education and province. Compared to women aged 15–24, women aged 35–39 had a much lower likelihood of using contraceptives. [OR: 0.46, CI: 0.38150 - 0.55364]. Women from races other than black were also observed to have lower odds for contraceptive use compared to black women [OR: 0.75, CI: 0.61098 - 0.92237]. Conversely, married women were significantly more likely to use contraceptives than women who were never married [OR: 1.23, CI: 1.05328 - 1.42899]. Additionally, women with secondary [OR: 1.98, CI: 1.28089 - 3.07512] or higher education [OR: 2.40, CI: 1.49931 - 3.83750] exhibited a significantly higher likelihood of contraceptive usage compared to those lacking formal education. Women residing in Western Cape [OR: 1.83, CI: 1.29743 - 2.57637], Eastern Cape [OR: 1.66, CI: 1.27747 - 2.15886], Northern Cape [OR: 1.61, CI: 1.18574 - 2.19087], KwaZulu Natal [OR: 1.51, CI: 1.17797 - 1.92456], North West [OR: 1.43, CI: 1.01266 - 2.01228], and Mpumalanga [OR: 1.50, CI: .15808 - 1.93439] were found to have a higher likelihood of using contraceptives compared to women residing in Limpopo. Conclusions: Low contraceptive use among women with sensory disabilities in South Africa highlights the need for inclusive reproductive health services, addressing communication, information access, and societal attitudes to ensure informed decisions.Item What are the reasons behind the poor access of Covid-19 vaccines in Africa?(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-09) Xaba, Lumkile Thobile; Moore, CandiceDespite the pandemic and initiatives such as COVAX that were put in place for fair and equal distribution of vaccines, the African continent remains the least vaccinated continent in the world. Incorporating evidence from articles, journals and policies, this study demonstrates that the African continent had the least and poorest access to vaccines. This research paper aims to understand why Africa has received the least vaccines and is the least vaccinated continent. The paper looks at the availability of vaccines in Africa and the appropriate options available in healthcare settings to receive Covid-19 vaccines. Literature is used by various scholars to understand the reasons behind the poor access to vaccines which have resulted to low vaccine uptake in Africa. It aims to look at the various contributing factors to this phenomenon, “why has the African continent been the least vaccinated?” To respond to these issues, this study uses the theories of classical realism and institutional liberalism to discover why Africa was the least vaccinated continent. Data has been collected from March 2022 and subjected to discourse analysis to help further understand the reasons behind the poor access of vaccinations during Covid-19 in Africa. We find that there are both internal and external reasons behind the poor access in Africa and both national and international factors have contributed to poor vaccine access.Item Classical Liberalism and the Distribution of Benefits and Burdens with respect to Health-Care(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-08) Tsengiwe, Siyabulela Thomas; Allais, LucyThe South African government is proposing major health policy reforms, the National Health Insurance (NHI), in response to extreme inequalities in healthcare, where the middle and upper classes have access to quality healthcare in the private sector and the majority is subjected to poor healthcare in the public sector. The debate is fierce among South Africans as to what should be the appropriate healthcare policy for the country. Fundamentally, healthcare is an ethical issue of how benefits and burdens should be distributed in society and can better be understood through moral reflection. At the heart of this study is a critical review of one of the influential theories of justice, namely, classical liberalism that normally finds its expression in social and economic policies and in this case the focus is on healthcare. The question that this study seeks to answer is: can classical liberalism produce the right distribution of benefits and burdens with respect to healthcare? The suggestion of this study is that classical liberalism gives an inadequate account of how to distribute benefits and burdens with respect to healthcare. For more coherent accounts, the study proposes that we need to look in the direction of John Rawls and social equality. Government’s approach seems to borrow from elements of Rawls and social equality.Item The Place of Independent Candidates in South Africa’s Multi-party Democracy(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-10) Simelane, Nkanyiso Goodnews; Glaser, DarylThis study aims to assess the place of independent candidates and elected independents in South Africa’s multiparty democracy. This research attempts to answer the core question of ‘What role do independent candidates and elected independents play in South Africa’s multiparty democracy?’ This question will be explored by focusing on the electoral performance of independents in local government. The focus is on local government because South Africa’s current electoral system only permits independents to run and hold office at the local government level. The research will mainly draw from results of the local government elections in 2000, 2006, 2011, 2016, and 2021. It will further briefly analyse the provincial and national levels of government and elections to interrogate the possible impact that of allowing independents to stand nationally might have for the future of independent candidates in the country. This research is situated in the broader debate about electoral reform in South Africa since the dawn of inclusive democracy. Scholars have debated the extent to which SA’s current electoral system allows for adequate accountability and citizen involvement. In recent times, the debate was reignited by a Constitutional Court (CC) judgement supporting independent candidates’ integration into the national and provincial elections. In the case of New Nation Movement NPC and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others 2020 (6) SA 257 (CC) (11 June 2020), the CC declared the Electoral Act unconstitutional insofar as “it requires that adult citizens may be elected to the National Assembly and Provincial Legislatures only through their membership of political parties.” What this judgement practically meant is that Parliament must make the necessary legislative amendments and electoral reform to allow for independent candidates (who are not members of a political party) to stand and, if elected, hold office in the provincial and national legislatures by 11 June 2022. As independent candidates in the general elections is a new phenomenon in the SA context, independents have contested locally. This research attempts to extract some key data and analysis on the performance of independents at local level in order to provide statistical foundations for future scholarship on independent candidates in SA.Item The Impact of the International Human Rights Regime on Personal Security: A Comparative Study of South Africa and Saudi Arabia(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-07) Ragooloo, Prebashnee; Zähringer, NataliePersonal security has become an important issue area to the international community since its differentiation as an aspect of human security (United Nations Human Development Report 1994, 25). The protection of the personal security of people is reliant on international and domestic criminal justice systems. The personal security of people within territories of democratic forms of government are expected to be more protected. Using a comparative method of analysis, South Africa and Saudi Arabia have been selected for this study due largely to the different types of government to determine the degree of personal security that people have in the respective countries. Unexpectedly, Saudi Arabia offers a greater protection of personal security to people within its territory due to the harsh punishments it administers to perpetrators of violent crime. The findings of the study indicate that democracies do not offer greater protection to people from physical violence as a result of its compassionate criminal justice laws. On the other hand, while authoritarian forms of government such as Saudi Arabia is viewed negatively, it affords people within its territory greater protection from violent crime. This study has found that a non-democratic regime (Saudi Arabia in this case) is found to be better a ensurer of personal security than a democratic regime. A key recommendation for future study could be that of comparing a greater number of democratic and non-democratic regimes and to gauge what a bigger sample of comparison could deliver.Item South Africa's State Capture Architecture: A critique of 'State Capture' and Development in 21st Century Post Apartheid South Africa, using the Estina Vrede Dairy Farm Project as a case study(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-07) Mfikili, Khanya Lulibo; Brown, JulianState Capture can be described as corruption on a macro-level, reaching unheard and unseen of levels involving the state, state organs and private business. It has been described as the erosion of democratic processes and a 'coup d'etat'1 of some sorts of the state and its functions-functions affected are mainly empowerment, development, fiscal responsibility and transparency-turning the state 'into a shadow state'. The recent uncovering of "state capture" at different levels of government in South Africa required an analysis of the relationship between 'state capture' and development in South Africa. In this paper, this will be achieved by looking at the Free State Estina Dairy Farm Project (EVDF Project) as a unit of analysis. Four research questions around this dairy farm project will be explored, to ultimately answer the overall question: What is the relationship between development and 'state capture' in 21st Century Post-Apartheid South Africa? An extensive literature review will be done in Chapter Two looking at the history of agricultural projects, illegal financial flows (IFFs) and state capture in South Africa, in the African region and internationally. This research is qualitative in nature, utilizing a case study method. Information used was publically available sources of information, with the testimonies and evidence in the Zonda Commission Reports forming a bulk of the data analyzed. The findings and policy implications in the last chapter informed possible future studies, centered on my research. One possible future study would be a look at the role of IFFs in rural development in (South) Africa.Item Factors associated with Social Grant uptake In South Africa: A Closer Look at the Special Covid-19 Social Relief of Distress Grant among the Youth Aged 18 – 35 Years(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-08) Mabala, Moyahabo Thomas; De Wet-Billings, Nicole; Godongwana, MotlatsoBackground: Globally nearly 900 million people benefited from social assistance in 2017, most of them in the form of cash transfers, which accounts for 44% of the social assistance budget. During the same period, Sub-Saharan Africa was found to be far behind in terms of social assistance coverage, of those living in extreme poverty it is estimated that only 15% of them are receiving social assistance. In South Africa, with a population of 60 million people, it is estimated that 11.4 million of them received some sort of grant at the end of March 2021. When the Special COVID-19 Social Relief of Distress Grant (SCSRDG) was introduced, it received over 9.5 million applications of which only 6.5 million were approved with the youth aged 18 – 34 accounting for 70% of the applicants. As a result of the high number of applicants for the SCSRDG, this study wanted to gain an understanding of the profiles of the applicants. Objective: To explore the demographic, socio-economic, and household factors associated with the uptake of the Special COVID-19 Social Relief of Distress Grant (SCSRDG) among the youth aged 18 – 35 years in South Africa. Methodology: This study is a quantitative analysis of secondary data obtained from the National Income Dynamics Study – Coronavirus Rapid Mobile Survey 2020 wave 5. The survey interviewed 7074 youth aged between 18 – 35 years. The outcome variable of this study is the Special COVID-19 Social Relief of Distress Grant (SCSRDG) receipt status. To assess the uptake of the grant, descriptive statistics including tables and graphs were used. The predictor variables consist of demographic, socioeconomic and household characteristics, with age as the main predictor variable. To check for the association between the outcome and predictor variables, binary logistic regression was utilised. Where the odd ratio < 1.00, meant that the outcome was less likely in the index group when compared to the reference. Results: Using the weighted data, a total of 3 438 046 applicants who applied for the grants received it while 3 003 320 of them did not receive the grant. Among those who received the grant, the majority 1 223 192 of them are aged between 21- 25 years. Most of the applicants were male representing 63.58%. African/Black is the highest population group that applied for the grant accounting for 90.66% of the applicants while whites account for the least proportion of the applicants at 0.88%. For both that received and did not receive the grant, the African/black population group is the highest when compared to other population groups at 92.93% and 88.07% respectively, while whites are the lowest at 1.31% and 0.40% respectively. Most of the applicants 91.47% were unemployed. A total of 4 994 322 (77.54%) of the applicants reported their dwelling type as formal and 4 891 137 (75.93) reported that they had access to both water and electricity in their household. Most applicants 39.98% come from a household with between 4 – 6 family members. Out of the 14 independent variables included in this study only two variables, marital status, and multiple grants recipients, were statistically significant. Females have a lower likelihood of receiving the grant when compared to males with an odd ratio of 0.6431 and 0.55637 using the unadjusted and adjusted binary regression model, respectively. Conclusion: This study has found that marital status and multiple grants recipients are the two characteristics that are associated with the uptake of the Special COVID-19 Social Relief of Distress Grant among youth aged 18 – 35 years in South Africa. It found that males as compared to females are more likely to receive the SRD grant, this is because of the initial qualifying criteria that excluded a high number of females that were already receiving the Child Support Grant. This criterion was later changed to say that an applicant of the SCSRDG must not be entitled to a social grant for himself or herself.