School of Social Sciences (ETDs)
Permanent URI for this communityhttps://hdl.handle.net/10539/37995
Browse
148 results
Search Results
Item Women and emancipatory politics in the former Lebowa bantustan of South Africa, 1940s to present(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Bruchhausen, Sarah Lynn; Nieftagodien, NoorThis thesis provides a gendered and subaltern historical perspective of women’s emancipatory politics in the former Lebowa bantustan of South Africa from the late-colonial period of segregation (1940s) to the post-apartheid present (2022). It begins with an examination of the popular uprisings during the period of the 1940s to the early-1960s in which black women championed radical insurgent struggles against colonial-cum-apartheid processes of land dispossession, enclosure of the commons, excessive taxation, and the criminalisation of women’s subsistence lifestyles. Attention then shifts to the intensely repressive period in the aftermath of these rural uprisings and the making of the Lebowa bantustan during the 1960s and 1970s. In this period, women’s emancipatory praxes were drastically constrained and their political resistance took on more diffused and less organised forms. A popular expression of emancipatory politics during this period was the creation of different local women-made grassroots organisations engaged in collective praxes of care- giving, mutual aid, and community development, aimed at creating life-affirming projects and dignified ways of living, under harsh socio-spatial and political constraints. These rural women’s grassroots organisations developed in response to the growing crisis of social reproduction in Lebowa’s villages during the 1970s and were eclipsed by more militant modes of resistance in the insurrectionary climate of the 1980s. A younger generation of women, involved as comrades in the youth and labour movements, came to the fore as protagonists of the popular struggle for freedom in Lebowa, and engaged in certain aspects of the longer history of black women’s struggles for self-determination and rights to the commons in rural South Africa. Lastly, this thesis considers the 1994 transition to democracy and the subsequent post-apartheid era in today’s Limpopo Province. Using the Makotse Women’s Club as a case study, it argues that grassroots women’s organisations presently engaged in the praxis of a radical politics of care in villages of the former Lebowa bantustan are the most recent expression of an emancipatory mode of politics in rural South Africa with a long and rich history that stretches back to the radical uprisings of the mid-twentieth century. Overall, the history presented in this thesis suggests that the creation of autonomous spaces of the common and the defence of subsistence lifestyles has been, and continues to be, a defining characteristic of rural women’s emancipatory politics in the former bantustans of South Africa.Item To What Extent Have Cyber Sabotage and Cyber Espionage Undermined the National Security of South Africa, Kenya and Ethiopia, 2016- 22(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Kinnes, Shaun; Mpofu-Walsh, SizweThe state of cyber security in Africa presents a diverse and evolving landscape, with the continent possessing pockets of resilience, instead of a common agreed upon and ratified framework. This research report aims to highlight the state of cyber security in Africa, delving into legislative frameworks, cyber protocols, and responses. The world is changing, and with this change comes disruption, and disruption ultimately needs planning, you’re either at the table or on the menu. The report utilises South Africa, Kenya, and Ethiopia as case study countries to drive analysis into the disruptions and threats posed to the cyber landscape. The sophistication of cyber threats, which include ransomware and fraud coupled with disparities in cyber security capabilities across sectors and countries persist across the continent. Cybercrimes and cyber sabotage in the case of South Africa draw upon the close correlation between macroeconomic stability and cyber security, while geo-political tensions such as in the case studies of Kenya and Ethiopia show how states have begun a flirtation with cyber tools with the objective of pursuing foreign policy objectives.Item Politically-Coordinated Social Movements or Hashtag Campaigns? A Discourse Analysis of Online Anti-Immigrant Tweets in South Africa(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Lindie, Sivuyile Zenani; Scully, BenThe recent emergence of online anti-immigrant sentiment on Twitter in South Africa has been interrogated by a few research organizations to determine the extent to which digitally-mediated spaces are being increasingly leveraged by various social and political actors to further stimulate widespread anti-immigrant propaganda about African migrants and refugees residing in South Africa. This research study determines and analyzes whether online anti-immigrant contestations on Twitter in South Africa are a new model of collective protest action either building on or superseding the orthodox characteristics of social movements. In doing so, it conducts a discourse analysis to understand how social media-driven forms of collective action, contestation, and/or protests are coordinated and mobilized through the powerful discursive use of language on Twitter. The study’s primary theoretical framework, the ‘Social Constructivist Paradigm’ and ‘Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)’, forms a crucial aspect of understanding how widespread feelings of frustration and disillusionment among the majority of marginalized South Africans are channelled through various Twitter posts and interactions to continue legitimizing a growing anti-immigrant populist discourse. The methodology of the study followed a mixed-methods research approach using the filtering and querying features of a free cloud-based research software tool called COSMOS (Collaborative Online Social Media Observatory Software), to collect and analyze data on Twitter. The findings of this study were analyzed using content and statistical analyses. The study found that the hashtags used to spread online anti-immigrant discourse in South Africa, particularly, #PutSouthAfricansFirst, #OperationDudula, and #ForeignersMustGo, can be conceptualized as ‘hashtag campaigns’ that are a microcosm of larger politically-coordinated offline anti-immigrant social movements in South Africa. These findings demonstrate how the discursive coordination of language into the virulent anti-immigrant discourse on Twitter draws on various conventional attributes of ‘social movements’ to constitute a novel model of online collective action. Indeed, an emerging model of online collective formations mobilized by various politically-connected groups of people with shared anti-immigrant beliefs and identities that further seek to deepen already fractured relations between South African citizens and African foreigners.Item Assessing the Interface between Natural Resources, Salafi–Jihādi, and Extremist Groups in Africa since 2009: The Case of Chad and Mozambique(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Zicina, Siyakudumisa; Small, MichelleThe catastrophic Salafi–Jihādi attacks of September 11th, 2001, marked the beginning of a vicious cycle of violent extremism across Africa. Since then, Salafi–Jihādi movements in the continent have proliferated in ways unimaginable: from the Sahel, Horn of Africa to Southern Africa. Qualitatively designed, this study examines causal variables that allowed resource-rich African countries to be incubators of Salafi–Jihādi extremism. This inquest is guided by the following research question: what role does Salafi–Jihādi play in starting, perpetuating, and sustaining armed conflict in resource rich states? Thus it explores how Salafi–Jihādi, local extremist groups and the presence/absence of natural resources motivates violent extremism. This investigation theoretically isolates the ‘greed-vs-grievance theory’, instead it aligns itself with the social movement theory to examine conflict in southern Chad and northern Mozambique. This means that other than leaning on a theory that explains the causes of intrastate conflict through the greed-grievance narrative, this study reconsiders the approach in light of insights gleaned from behavioural theories, in particular, the social movement theory (SMT). Thus, the study embraces a theory that seeks to explain why social mobilization manifests (Salafi–Jihādi extremism) maintaining that the SMT provides an interdisciplinary understanding of the causes, dynamics, and nature of intrastate conflict. Other than offering similar but different causal variables, this study finds that the outcome variable – Salafi–Jihādi extremism in Africa materialises from different paths. Variables of ideology, natural resources (scarcity/abundance), illicit activities, foreign actors (colonial powers/private military actors/transnational Salafi–Jihādi groups) and domestic socio-histographies (past-in-the present) were significant factors that resulted into glocal conflicts (expansionism/ separatism) in Chad and Mozambique. In spite of the findings, the study infers that Salafi–Jihādi extremisms within the African continent are movements that occur on the basis of equifinality. The study recommends for dismantling colonial continuities, promotion of good governance, religious coexistence, and youth empowerment.Item Intersecting Epidemics: The implications of COVID-19 in the utilisation of HIV treatment services among people living with HIV on antiretroviral treatment (ART) in Zimbabwe(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Tapera, Talent; Odimegwu, CliffordZimbabwe has been working towards the last mile of controlling the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) epidemic where keeping people that are living with HIV on antiretroviral therapy (ART) is primarily important. Ensuring they are virally suppressed and can thwart opportunistic infections is key. The advent of COVID-19 potentially posed a threat of derailing or reversing the gains attained in the fight against HIV. Zimbabwe has more than one million people living with HIV (United Nations Programme on HIV and AIDS [UNAIDS], 2020). The question of whether the COVID-19 pandemic intensified barriers and redefined the utilisation of HIV treatment services by people who are living with HIV on ART in Zimbabwe has remained largely unanswered in the literature currently available. Thus, the main purpose of this research was to examine the implications of COVID-19 in the utilisation of HIV care treatment services among people who are living with HIV on ART in Zimbabwe and the factors associated with it. This study defined, the utilisation of HIV treatment services as accessing and taking up a package of services expected to be received by people who are living with HIV on ART such as scheduled ART drug refill collections, viral load monitoring, Tuberculosis (TB) preventative therapy and TB screening. In addition, the study investigated the predisposition of people who are living with HIV in using the COVID-19 vaccine and the reasons behind not getting vaccinated. The study was anchored in the fifth revision of the Andersen behavioural model of healthcare utilisation. This model argues that the use of health services is a based on of three factors classified as (1) predisposing, (2) enabling and (3) need factors. The fifth model version of the model allowed the addition of environmental factors. The dependent variable was the utilisation of HIV treatment services and also COVID-19 vaccination among people living with HIV. As such, it was critical to anchor the study in this framework as it sought to identify the critical factors of utilisation of HIV treatment services and COVID-19 vaccination among people living with HIV. Therefore, following the Anderson model, the predisposing factors for this study were age, sex, marriage, religion, education and COVID-19 vaccination. The enabling factors were COVID-19 lockdown restrictions, COVID- 19 transport stoppages, distance to a health facility, transport cost to a health facility, fear of contracting COVID-19, non-availability of community healthcare services, and COVID-19 related stigma among healthcare workers. The need factors were opportunistic infection during the COVID- 19 period, COVID-19 infection, and contact with a COVID-19 case, while environmental factors were residence and type of health facility.Item An evaluation of genetic editing in terms of its impact on free will, genetic determinism and reason-responsiveness(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Lendrum, Tristan; Leon, Mark; Coates, AshleyGenetic editing has advanced at an ever-increasing speed over the past five decades and has sparked curiosity from all corners of academia. This paper discusses genetic editing in terms of its interaction with philosophical topics relating to the freedom of will. A vast collection of literature has already been published regarding the ethical considerations of genetic editing, however, in this paper I put those concerns to the side and seriously analyse the impact a complete practice of genetic engineering would have on our free will in the context of a moderately reasons responsive framework. Theoretically, the discussion occurs under the theoretical position of compatibilism. The main claim of the argument which develops in this paper is that genetic editing is uniquely positioned to expand our scope of free will in line with a moderately reasons responsive understanding of free will.Item Has the CRRF helped host countries to adequately address the needs of refugees? A case study on Uganda and Kenya(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Tshuma, TruthThe prevalence of war, famine and political instability on the African continent has resulted in large scale migration into neighbouring countries. The long-lasting effects of these conditions have resulted in protracted refugee situations and host countries have reached the stage of being overburdened by hosting refugees. The New York Declaration on Refugees and Migrants (2016) seeks to address this challenge by encouraging host states to integrate refugees into their national development goals through the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF). By so doing, host countries stand to conjointly address the needs of refugees while also addressing the needs of the host community. This is made possible through co-joined efforts of the international community in supporting host countries with funding. Additionally, through this process, the vision of the CRRF is that refugees will eventually become self-reliant through the opportunities provided by the host countries. This paper investigates whether the CRRF has managed to assist host countries to adequately address the needs of refugees. Having used Uganda and Kenya as the main case studies, the results suggest that the CRRF has partially addressed the needs of refugees. The identified shortfall being that there is inadequate funding, as such, the impact of the CRRF is seen only in a select few situations. The main purpose of this study is to encourage policy development. Future research should consider looking into the reasons behind the lack of international commitment. This will be helpful towards finding means to address the root causes for policy developers.Item Rhetoric Versus Reality: Examining South Africa’s Commitment to UNSCR 1820, 1888 and 1889 on Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict(2024) Green, Tshidi Marvina; Small, MichelleThe use of brute force and sexually motivated attacks on civilians has been a feature within armed conflicts for millennia. With the rise and popularity of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda in the early 2000s, greater attention has been demanded to address issues of conflict- related sexual violence. Various robust and groundbreaking resolutions have been adopted and ratified by the UN Security Council to combat the use of rape as a weapon of war. These include but are not limited to UNSCR 1820 (2008), 1888 (2009) and 1889 (2009). Through these resolutions the international community has called for individual nation states to action the mandates outlined within the broader WPS Agenda in relation to conflict-related sexual violence. South Africa, having occupied a leading role in the peace process of various states within the African continent, has been one such nation tasked with fulfilling this mandate through its peace diplomacy and foreign policy. This study examines the degree to which South Africa has adopted and implemented the normative obligations contained within UNSCR 1820 (2008), 1888 (2009), and 1889 (2009), within its peace diplomacy on the African continent. The study employs a case-study analysis of South Africa’s peace deployments in two African states, namely, the DRC and South Sudan. Process-tracing is used to analyse and ascertain the key junctures within its peace diplomacy to determine how the norms underpinning the WPS agenda, in relation to CRSV, have emerged, been adopted, and implemented within South Africa’s peace diplomacy. The study examines these developments through the theoretical framework of norm evolution and norm life cycle theory.Item The gendered barriers women face in politics: The case study of South Africa(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Olivier, Ursulene; De Matos Ala, JacquelineWomen politicians face nefarious and diverse obstacles. Their voices are both needed and lacking in the halls of national decision-making. According to the 2022 Global Gender Gap Report (GGGR) the gap in global female Political Empowerment has consistently remained the largest since the first report was published in 2006. Globally women only have 22% of the Political Empowerment that men have. This research conducts a discourse and content analyses of female political representation in South Africa and whether this translates into better outcomes for gender equality in broader society. It investigates the social constructs of political hegemonic masculinity and political patronage and the role it plays in the political careers of women to reach executive level positions such as becoming a cabinet minister and president. Key findings are gender stereotypes and gender roles found in both social constructs keep women out of political power. Many women politicians also do not champion the gender equality cause in South Africa in support of political hegemonic masculinity and political patronage.Item The State’s Responses to Urban Marginality in Natalspruit(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024) Gqoboza, Zandile Samantha; Katsaura,ObviousThis research argues that dimensions of ‘urban marginality’ are reflected in South African cities, in informal trading in poor urban peripheries; specifically, in ‘townships’ and ‘informal settlements’. One finds in post-apartheid South Africa, poor urban margins, where individuals are forced to create alternative forms of employment as a means to survive. These alternative forms of employment are part of the waiting experience of the urban poor (Auyero, 2012). The findings of this paper dispute a claim made by Yamada (1996) stating that informal self-employment is by choice and that it is economically sufficient. Contrary to the above claims the research illustrates that this form of employment is forced and is unprofitable and is therefore economically insufficient. This study therefore suggest that the post-apartheid state should formulate policies with the understanding that this sector is forced and is economically insufficient. To illustrate the above, the research focuses on the experiences of informal traders in the trading area of Natalspruit and analyze their relationship with the municipal state in Ekurhuleni.