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    The crisis of trade union representation in post-1973 unions and the role of the full-time shop steward (FTSS): A case study of NUMSA at BMW Rosslyn Plant Tshwane South Africa
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023) Malabela, Musawenkosi Hemelton; Mosoetsa, Sarah
    Full-time shop stewards (FTSSs) are elected trade union shop stewards paid by the employer to do full-time union work. This is a peculiar arrangement in the South African industrial landscape which draws from the German model of workers’ councils. These FTSSs were first negotiated in the early 1980s at Ford and Volkswagen (VW) in South Africa. The main reason for these FTSSs was, as noted by Gomomo (1985), to deal with production pressures and disruptions caused by ordinary shop stewards, who, from time to time, would be pulled from the production line to attend to trade union business. The employer offered these positions as a tool for addressing this dilemma. This benefitted the trade unions that were growing exponentially and did not have money to hire organisers to service every organised and non- organised workplace. The s served to augment the role of the organisers; they became a de facto organiser. This study, through in-depth interviews, document analysis, focus groups, ethnography and participant observation, explores the contradictory role of FTSSs through the case study method at BMW. The findings highlight the significance of the FTSSs in building the power of the trade union at the shopfloor level and the potential they have in building a strong, vibrant and militant trade union movement on the ground or branch level. The evidence shows that, if not properly managed, FTSSs’ positions can be used for upward social mobility by self-interested individuals. This is because of the benefits and resources attached to these positions, which accord incumbents some level of social status. Hence these positions are highly and fiercely contested. For these positions to yield positive outcomes, FTSSs ought to be accountable to the rank-and-file members through regular meetings for feedback and mandate takings, and regular 4 elections ought to be institutionalised. Notions of career pathing of FTSSs need not be entertained as they will open space for the institutionalisation of upward social mobility of FTSS. Although upward social mobility is one of the options for an FTSS, those who are not re-elected to office face social downgrading, which includes going back to the production line. This comes with a huge personal loss and has a psychological impact as they lose the benefits associated with these positions and the social status that comes with it. The thesis turns Michels’ (1958) notion of ‘iron law of oligarchy’ on its head as it shows that FTSSs should act as a countervailing force against the development of oligarchic tendencies in the workplace. Because accountable FTSSs suffocate the development of oligarchic tendencies in the trade union. The thesis argues that accountability is a pain of democracy—it should be embraced and promoted, and regular elections of FTSSs should be encouraged and institutionalised as a countervailing force to the development of oligarchic tendencies. This will promote the worker control principle, which is the cornerstone of these post-1973 trade unions. The thesis further argues that the FTSS falls into the trap of being a tool of management if not properly managed. They become a communication bridge of management or information brokers1 (see Malabela, 2012) by communicating production schedules. Borrowing from Tony Lane's (1974) thesis of shop stewards being the man with two masters, it argues that the FTSS is the man with three masters. The three masters are the workers who elected them, the second one is the employer who pays their salary, and finally, the trade union who they represent and on whose card they were elected. I posit that all these masters have different expectations: the 1 See Malabela, 2012 5 first is to represent them against the employer, the second is to maintain labour peace and avoid unnecessary strikes and stoppages, and the third is to build a strong workplace organisation. In the final analysis FTSSs are an important and integral part of South African industrial relations—and benefit both the employer and the trade union. The trade union needs to develop clear policies to manage FTSSs, so that the positions are not abused for upward social mobility and to hold them accountable. Accountability occurs through regular general meetings with workers to solicit mandates and report back, and FTSS elections should be institutionalised. Trade unions ought to benefit a great deal from FTSSs only if these positions serve the intentions of the trade unions and build a vibrant workplace organisation that serves the interest of the rank-and-file.
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    Understanding the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa’s Evolving Policies on the Role of Renewable Energy in South Africa’s Mineral Energy Complex
    (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2024-01-31) Monaisa, Chere; Pillay, Devan
    The concept of the just transition is widely regarded as organised labour’s response to the negative impact of climate change. It is used as a mechanism to reconcile the movement’s mandate to provide workers with decent jobs and the need to protect the environment. NUMSA is an example of a union that, during 2011-12, responded to the impact of climate change by developing its own policies and directly challenging government’s renewable energy policies. The union’s vision for South Africa is a socially owned renewable energy sector made up of a mix of energy parastatals, cooperatives, municipal-owned entities, and other forms of community energy enterprises. South Africa is heavily reliant on coal for its electricity generation. The government, the private sector, civil society, and organised labour mostly agree that there is a need to transition away from coal to renewable energy. Initially, the transition to renewable energy was framed as a choice between ‘jobs and environment’ and ‘jobs versus environment’. NUMSA’s vision of socially owned renewable energy displayed characteristics of active labour environmentalism that called for the transformative ‘jobs and environment with just transition’ despite its location in the fossil fuel sector. However, a series of events and decisions by a top leadership that is viewed as authoritarian and unenthusiastic about eco-socialism, has resulted in NUMSA adopting strategies in recent years that are, at best, seen as reactive and narrowly protecting workers – even though they purport to support a just transition to renewable energy. At worst, the union has been accused of anti-environmentalism and protecting coal and electricity workers regardless of the impact on the environment. It was this apparent shift and criticism of NUMSA that necessitated an analysis of its opposition to the closure of coal fired power stations to make way for renewable energy independent power producers. The findings point to a union that relies on its pioneering decarbonization policies to shield itself from legitimate criticism from labour climate activists and progressive environmental groups of its actual practice.