Africana Library

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For information on accessing original analogue content in any of these collections please contact Margaret Atsango via email : Margaret Atsango

Alternatively, please contat Margareth Atsango by Tel: 011 717 1933/1977

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    Selling capitalism: The politics of white business in the 1980s
    (1989-03) Mann, Michael
    Modern societies are faced with the problem of how to feed, house and ensure the well-being of their populations. They also confront the necessity of educating their work forces and dealing with those who are excluded from employment by reason of a shortage of opportunities, ill-health or old age. The responses to these requirements, however, display a considerable variety. In many of the countries of Western Europe, with Sweden at the forefront, the primary responsibility for welfare is borne by the state. In Japan, by contrast, occupational benefits constitute the dominant form of welfare provision. They figure prominently in the United States too, and represent a mode of supplying social services that the government of Singapore is eager to encourage. In Israel the trade union federation, the Histadrut, is centrally involved in the fields of medical care and pensions, whilst the Catholic Church in the Republic of Ireland is active in the sphere of education. In addition to the efforts of the public sector, of employers and of voluntary organisations, there is the private market, consisting in the buying and selling of goods and services either through insurance schemes or through direct payments by the consumer. Even Sweden, which has traditionally insisted on the exclusion of profit from welfare, has been affected by the contemporary shift in the direction of "privatisation," although in no way as severely as Britainor as Chile, an extreme case.
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    Manufacturing capital and the apartheid state: The case of industrial decentralisation
    (1987-08) Glaser, Daryl
    The relationship between manufacturing capital and the policies of the post-war apartheid state has become a focal point of contention in debates between "conventional" and "revisionist" analyses. A growing corpus of literature from both camps now recognises that organised mining and agricultural capital collaborated, both before and after the war, in establishing many of the institutions of labour and political control today associated with apartheid. But accounts diverge widely when it comes to the role of manufacturing capital. Liberals have conventionally viewed the interests of manufacturing with its frequent demand for semi-skilled, settled, occupationally and geographically mobile labour, and for an expanded domestic market, as incompatible with the restrictive and coercive labour regime of apartheid. Marxist writers of the early 1970s challenged this orthodox view, arguing that apartheid played a functional and supportive role in South Africa's generally impressive record of post-war industrial growth. More recently, Greenberg and Lipton have argued that manufacturing capital has little vested interest in post-war structures of racial domination. Lipton, reasserting the old liberal orthodoxy, argues that secondary industry actively opposed apartheid; Greenberg portrays industry as passively conforming to its strictures. The following study of struggles between capital and the state over industrial decentralisation policy since World War II takes issue with these various accounts.