Africana Library
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Item Liberals, radicals and the politics of black consciousness, 1969-1976(1989-07-24) Rich, PaulThe period from the demise of the Liberal Party in 1968, following the introduction of the Prohibition of Political Interference Act, to the 1976 Soweto students revolt can be seen as an important transitional period in South African politics that requires re-evaluation by students of contemporary history. These years mark in particular the eclipse of a tradition of paternalistic welfare liberalism in South Africa stretching back to the inter-war years and the foundation of the South African Institute of Race Relations in 1929. At the same time they also pinpoint the re-emergence of a tradition of democratic radicalism anchored around the Freedom Charter after its initial suppression at the time of the State of Emergency in 1960 and the banning of the P.A.C. and A.N.C. These two traditions have often confused in the minds of some analysts and a recent volume of essays has effectively sought to claim most of the recent phase of liberalism in South Africa in terms of a programme of democratic participation, despite the refusal of the Liberal party to take part in the organisation behind the freedom Charter in 1955.Item Liberalism and ethnicity in South African politics, 1921-1948(1976-03) Rich, PaulOne of the main problems confronting liberal ideology in the South African context is the nature and role of group identities. This has been no small question because liberal theorists have tended to be hide-bound by a reliance on the inherent rationality of a free market that specifically excludes the role of group interests from its sphere of operations. Thus, while twentieth century liberalism has made a number of important revisions in the classical laissez-faire model of the nineteenth century, it still places a considerable emphasis on the free market sector even though, as Professor John Kenneth Galbraith has observed, this now typifies only a minority sector in western capitalist economies. It is this dependency on the free-market model, however, that restricts the liberal view of rationality to one of economics. The most rational figure in this view remains the classic homo economicus, the child of the Eighteenth Century Enlightenment, who buys in the cheapest market and sells in the dearest. The implications of this model are far-reaching in terms of social values. If the basis of society is seen to rest on free-floating individuals motivated by a high degree of psychological hedonism then the basis of society's values rests on individual ones to the neglect of the wider community. This is perhaps one reason why capitalist societies in the west have had such difficulty, for example, in regulating and controlling firms involved in spreading pollution: the traditional free-market model only assumes a relationship between buyer and seller and cannot account for a third party involved in the transaction in the form of the community. Moreover, in terms of its system of morality, liberalism relies on a general public good accruing from the actions of individuals: by some mysterious hidden hand, "public good" is assumed to emerge from "private vices". As Robert Paul Wolff has argued, liberalism is unable to make the jump, short of radical revision, from the notion of a private value to one of community. Utilitarianism, he argues, in its concern for the greatest happiness for the greatest number, rests only on private values and a development of liberalism towards the direction of interpersonal values is the only way of resolving this problem and developing a liberal morality that recognises the existence of a wider community.