3. Electronic Theses and Dissertations (ETDs) - All submissions
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Item The portrayal of politics and christianity by the Zimbabwean print media during the socio-economic and political crisis (2008–2013)(2018) Beauty, MuromoThe use of Christian biblical discourses by the African ruling elite to negotiate hegemony remains a site of contention in African politics and the academic space. This study examines how the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) government and politicians especially former president Robert Mugabe appropriated and deployed Christianity Biblical discourses to negotiate and renew a waning hegemony against a backdrop of rising political opposition, mainly from the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), in the post-2000 epoch. While significant studies have examined intersections of religion and politics in post-colonial Africa at large, studies employing a media studies approach in contemporary Zimbabwe are few and far between. This study employs an eclectic approach, drawing insights from Gramscian hegemony, Althusserian Ideology and Bateson’s framing theory to examine the nexus of ZANU PF political discourse and Christianity religion as reflected in selected media. The study is qualitative employing an interpretive approach. A total of 79 purposively selected newspaper articles from both state controlled and privately owned media organisations published from 2008-2013, were subjected to Discourse Analysis in an attempt to gain insights on the relationship between Christianity and ZANU PF politics in Zimbabwe. The study shows that to save a dwindling hegemony, former president Robert Mugabe and ZANU PF government at large turned to the pulpit for political ‘salvation’ and legitimacy. In essence, the state controlled media portrayed Mugabe as a ‘God-ordained’ leader and a Messiah to Zimbabwe’s economic, social and political problems.Item The moral dilemma of amnesty: the dialectic of ubuntu justice in Zimbabwe(2010) Bouma, Kathlema M. WaltherThis research report answers the question, "would ubuntu obligate the people of Zimbabwe to agree to amnesty for Mr. Roberts Mugabe as a means to restore community harmony?" Seen as an ideal social ethic and foundation of African philosophy, ubuntu values community harmony and commands respect for dignity of humanity: [Abbreviated Abstract. Open document to view full version]Item Let me tell my own story: a qualitative exploration how and why 'victims' remember Gukurahundi in Johannesburg today(2017) Ndlovu, Duduzile SakheleneThis study is about the ways Gukurahundi memory is invoked by Zimbabwean migrants living in Johannesburg, South Africa. The research focused on inner city Johannesburg residents who are actively speaking about the Gukurahundi. Participants were drawn from three main migrant groups; Zimbabwe Action Movement, Mthwakazi Liberation Front and Ithemba leSizwe. Two artworks produced to document the atrocities; a film, The Tunnel, written and produced by an ‘outsider’ white South African filmmaker and music, Inkulu lendaba, written and performed by victims of the violence, were used as case studies; to answer questions about the meaning, role and appropriate form for remembering Gukurahundi in Johannesburg today. The Tunnel has enjoyed a global audience whereas Inkulu lendaba, remains within the victims’ locality. Findings of this study are drawn from participant observation of victims’ community events, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and, an analysis and comparison of the artworks and their reception by victims. One of the key findings of this study focusing on contestation over how a history is narrated is that translation plays a significant role in maintaining global inequality and continuing forms of colonialism. The memory of Gukurahundi is invoked, partially translated, in the music to critique continuing forms of colonial inequality in the ways narratives of victimhood are received by the global audience highlighting a shortcoming in the film, which translates the story of Gukurahundi for a global audience yet causing it to lose its authenticity for the victims. The music by victims narrates the experience of being a victim of Gukurahundi, a migrant in xenophobic South Africa and black in a racist global community. In this way it postures the socio-economic location of the victims in the global community as the reason for their victimhood and its lack of acknowledgement. This socio-economic location is therefore pivotal to their healing. The study contributes to literature on post conflict transition mechanisms and foregrounds the role of acknowledgement in healing however; specific forms of narration are required for healing. Furthermore the study shows the role of music in the transmission of trauma across generations, facilitating the domestication of politics into the everyday and fostering ‘safe’ political participation in repressive contexts. The thesis also presents the potential of creative methodologies in disrupting the researcher-participant relationship power dynamics by presenting research in poetic form and facilitating participant engagement with research output; Poetic transcription similarly does this by creating transparency in the meaning making process of research analysis.Item The governance of natural resources in Zimbabwe: the case study of the Marange diamonds(2016) Taruvinga, Gwinyai RegisThe governance of natural resources plays an important role in the distribution of resources in any state. The failure of a government to effectively administer natural resources will result in a country failing to benefit from the resources economically. This research paper explores how from 2006 to 2013 the Zimbabwean government handled the discovery of diamonds in the Marange area which is situated just outside Zimbabwe’s third largest city, Mutare. Zimbabwe has had a tumultuous millennium which has seen farm invasions, controversial elections and a crippled economy. The discovery of the diamonds was expected to aid the country’s faltering economy, but instead the diamonds only benefitted a close knit group of individuals who were aligned to the ruling party, ZANU PF. The ruling party in Zimbabwe has enjoyed a stranglehold on the Zimbabwean political landscape and the discovery of the Marange diamonds solidified this stranglehold. The diamonds helped ZANU PF revive its waning political fortunes after the party had joined a coalition government with MDC T after the controversial elections in 2008. The diamonds in Marange are an example of how ZANU PF has been able to use the country’s resources to prop up its waning influence on the Zimbabwean political landscape. The discovery of the diamonds in Zimbabwe mirrors other African countries where rather than being a blessing to local communities natural resources become a curse.Item Land reform in Zimbabwe: the narrative and counter-narrative of traditional leaders' role on land tenure and governance in rural and A1 model settlements- period 1980 to 2014(2016) Karanda, Crispen ZindogaThis project employs a narrative and counter narrative lens to seek an understanding of the changing roles of traditional leaders in an independent Zimbabwe. A historical context was necessary in order to highlight changes in traditional leadership roles prior to the independence era. This process of using the historical context facilitated a discussion that was divorced from biases associated with colonialism and independence. To achieve this, a study was undertaken of the period prior to the colonial era, within the colonial era and post colonial period. This resulted in a rich discussion of the changing roles within each period together with implications to traditional leadership in an independent Zimbabwe. The study undertook a detailed review that provided the basis for the placement into the historical context that was supported by academic literature. The use of theory further consolidated the placement of the study in an academic context. Data collection and analysis were placed in narrative and counter narrative contexts using a thematic approach to find meaning to the study while addressing assertions that were raised in the study. The findings proved that traditional leaders in Zimbabwe have lost their powers and are partaking of new modern roles slowly divorced from the traditional context of both the pre and colonial era. It also proved that traditional leaders are aware of the changing roles and might be enjoying the benefits of the modern system at the expense of both tradition and culture. The other argument however is that traditional role conflicts with democratic processes and may not really be representative of a democratic government as these leaders are not elected. The findings of this study should highlight to the traditional leaders of the irreversible changing roles which only stand to maintain what could be an oppressive system similar to the colonial era unless it is checked and controlled. The study may also help academics and other interested parties that may be advocating for a separation of African systems in place of Western influenced governance despite the globalised nature of the world that maybe considered a disadvantage to poor countries.Item Zimbabwe’s predatory state: party, military and business complex(2016) Shumba, Jabusile MadyazvimbishiThe predatory state has received considerably less attention than the developmental state in the development literature. In this thesis I probe three understudied questions on the characteristics of the predatory state and its construction. First, what are the underlying class forces and power dynamics of a predatory state and how does it function? Second, what are the modes of accumulation that characterise the predatory state? Finally, what are the implications for development outcomes? This thesis answers these questions by examining Zimbabwe’s power elite (state, military and business) anti-developmental accumulation patterns across key economic sectors: land and agriculture, mining, transport and energy, and banking and finance. I adopt an historical approach beginning in the colonial period to understand the key choices made to explain the changing role of the state in mediating accumulation patterns and implications for development in both pre- and post-independence periods. Based on my empirical research, I suggest that the predatory state is a ruling class anti-developmental accumulation and reproduction project characterised by: (1) party and military dominance in the state; (2) state-business relations shaped by domination and capture; and (3) state-society relations shaped by violence and patronage. I differentiate the notion of predation from most political economy approaches on post-colonial Africa that emphasise the absence of central authority. I challenge the developmental state concept that views the predatory state as simply the opposite of a developmental state. Finally, I also show that contrary to suggestions that the predatory state is autonomous from society, the predatory state is also in fact deeply embedded with business albeit in a different way.Item Conflict and the resolution process in Zimbabwe from 2000 to 2013(2016) Mutambudzi, AnywhereThe timing of conflict resolution efforts is important in identifying when an intervention is likely to succeed according to ripeness of conflicts theory (Zartman, 1985). Although the ripeness theory appears to be a great contribution to the conflict resolution doctrine, there is no scholarly consensus on its plausibility with criticisms that are centred on: a contest on the variables that should help in its identification; low predictability; lack of cross-case generalisations; and, methodological weaknesses inherited from rational and public choice theories. The study took the position that conditions creating ripeness should be expanded beyond what is currently obtaining in literature, can help in determining the formula for resolution and indicate what to do in the implementation of the agreement so reached. To interrogate the theory’s plausibility, interpretivism was used to gather evidence from the case - the conflict that prevailed in Zimbabwe from 2000 to 2013 - to extrapolate implications for the ripeness theory and suggest improvements through paradigm complementarity. Although the external dimension of the conflict in Zimbabwe remained unaffected, ripeness was found in its domestic setting deriving from the indecisive/disputed elections of 2008 and the threat of a failed economy that triggered a Southern African Development Community intervention and offered a cue to the formula for resolution - the Global Political Agreement. Shared political legitimacy in the Global Political Agreement however saw that ripeness diminishing and it had vanished by 2013, although the conflict which by 2013 was yet to realise complete resolution, was to a large extent transformed to lower levels of hostilities with dysfunctionality temporarily arrested. Ripeness proved to be a product of both perceptual and structural variables that change in intensity over time, thus affecting the implementation of agreements that arise from ripeness. The study proved that ripeness theory in its expanded form is a viable strategic tool in conflict resolution, though success as in military doctrine depends on the accurate identification of the variables creating ripeness, timely intervention and a fitting operational plan to effectively exploit the opportunities so created.Item Rethinking news values and newsroom practices in postcolonial contexts and the construction of subaltern identities(2016-07-29) Mugari, Zvenyika EcksonThis study blends critical discourse analysis with ethnographic inquiry into the nature of discursive constructions of subaltern identities in postcolonial contexts of news production by mainstream news organisations in colonial and post-independence Zimbabwe. The main thrust of the study was to establish continuities and disjunctures in newsroom cultures of production in colonial and in post-independence situations in which marginalized former colonial subject populations are caught up. It employs a multidimensional synchronic and diachronic case study approach where one newspaper organization specifically The Herald’s coverage of episodic forced removals of subject populations is studied across different historical moments. The paper’s coverage is then critically compared and contrasted with that of other newspapers then in existence and contemporaneously operating at that time. The selected historical moments of forced removals were only heuristically chosen to the extent that they demonstrated the greatest potential for drawing media attention and thus present an opportunity for the ordinary subaltern populations to appear in the news. The content analysis generally tended to demonstrate that the same canibalesque evident in the newsification of subjects of colonial domination was pretty much evident in the way news in the post-independence period constructed the subalternity of marginalized groups. The institutionalization of the so called universal news values tend towards symbolic annihilation of subaltern ways of knowing. The newspaper as a cultural form, this study established, remains ill-suited and instrumentalised to serve the ends of emancipation and empowerment. The press in Zimbabwe retain many traces of its colonial parentage with serious negative ramifications for their claim to a democratic function