3. Electronic Theses and Dissertations (ETDs) - All submissions
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Item The competitiveness and performance of the Zimbabwe poultry industry(2015-02-04) Zengeni, TatendaThis dissertation analyzes the competitiveness and performance of the Zimbabwean poultry industry in the context of trade liberalization, given that both poultry output and the main inputs (animal feed and breeding stock) are tradable. Poultry is an important product as the main source of protein for consumers. It also has strong links to agriculture through the production of animal feed. Despite the rise in chicken demand over the years as a cheap source of protein, the poultry industry in Zimbabwe still faces a number of challenges which the government claims include stiff competition from cheap imports, rising input costs of maize and soya meal and illegal imports being sold at sub-economic prices. This study evaluates these factors and the impact of changing trade protection. The methodology used in this study is both qualitative and quantitative. An analysis is done on trade tariffs particularly focusing on their effect to the poultry industry. Disaggregated trade and tariff data was used to analyze the evolution of tariff regime in the industry and to calculate the effective rate of protection of the poultry sector. A value chain approach was used to understand the linkages and interests that exist in this industry. The poultry industry has been affected by imports starting 2007 and has not been exporting since then as the industry struggled to compete on the domestic market. The study showed that the effective rate of protection calculation is complicated by the different trade regimes which currently exist. If the main international competition is from South Africa then the existence of the bi-lateral agreement between Zimbabwe and South Africa means that the poultry sector has not been protected. The study has shown that the breeding subsector is characterized by a duopoly since there are only two breeding firms in Zimbabwe and the comparison carried out revealed that Zimbabwean prices of day old chicks are above those of comparable countries in the region such as South Africa. The study shows that prices for GMO maize used in South Africa are substantially cheaper than Zimbabwean prices, thereby making Zimbabwean producers uncompetitive. The study recommends policies that attract investment in the breeding sub-sector of the value chain to increase competition, a review of GMO maize policy and reducing tariffs of imported raw materials used in the poultry industry.Item Barriers to the provision of basic sanitation in two selected informal settlements in Harare, Zimbabwe(2014-07-11) Mukonoweshuro, Tonderai FadzaiHistorically, Zimbabwe’s urban population enjoyed high water supply and sanitation service levels and standards, having one of the highest coverage levels in Africa. However, over the last two decades, the quality of Zimbabwe’s urban water supply and sanitation services has slowly been eroded. The poor, displaced and disenfranchised Zimbabweans that occupy Harare’s informal urban settlements are vulnerable to challenges posed by unavailability of basic water and sanitation services. This qualitative research project, carried out between January and June 2013 in Harare’s Hopley and Retreat informal settlements, investigates factors that have been preventing delivery of basic sanitation services to residents in these two settlements. Presenting evidence from the two informal settlements of Hopley and Retreat, this research establishes that there is a complex relationship at play between policy processes, the prevailing political environment and the way in which institutions have responded to the problem of sanitation in these settlements. The study was undertaken towards the end of an era of a negotiated Government of National Unity between ZANU-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change, highlights the dominance of power and political contestation between the two parties that has spilled into policy decisions on basic service provision in the informal settlements. The deep rooted culture of political violence which characterised the political environment from 2000 onwards, with very little commitment to democratic processes, was instrumental in the development of Hopley settlement after the 2005 elections. At face value, ZANU-PF was providing displaced people with alternative accommodation. However, as Muzondidya notes, this along with other ZANU-PF strategies is ‘(c)onsistent with its hegemonic political culture… to engage in cosmetic political and economic reforms that will not result in further democracy or result in a loss of its historic monopoly over power…’ (Muzondidya in Raftopolous, 2013, p.50). Informal settlements are a relatively new phenomenon in Zimbabwe. However, since their inception, they have continued to grow, fuelled by ZANU-PF’s strategy to allocate unserviced residential stands in exchange for residents’ allegiance to the party, with the most recent illegal residential stand allocations taking place in Chitungwiza town in 2013. A close examination of Hopley and Retreat revealed that water and sanitation services provided in Zimbabwe’s informal settlements are typically inadequate or non-existent – a situation that has the potential for severe public health impacts. The emergency actions taken by Non-Governmental Organisations during the height of the 2008 cholera outbreak only provided short-term sanitation solutions. The research concludes that water and sanitation services in Zimbabwe’s informal urban settlements have come to this point, mainly due to the interacting forces of politics. These have influenced policy processes on decision-making, formulation and implementation of sanitation policies for informal settlements. Despite the political origins of several informal settlements, there is a notable absence of practical policies to tackle the issues posed by this development and a lack of institutions capable of instigating the plans needed for change.Item Exploring perceptions about community dialogues on multiple and concurrent partership in Zimbabwe.(2014-04-23) Majonga, CarolineSince it was first discovered in the early 80s, HIV and AIDS has been a major cause of death the world over, most especially in Africa. Southern African, in particular, has the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world (UNAIDS, 2010) . The practice of multiple and concurrent partnerships (MCP) was identified as a key driver of HIV infection in this Region (SADC, 2006). It is against this backdrop that in 2009, a Zimbabwean organisation, Action Institute for Environment Health and Development Communication (Action), embarked on an HIV prevention campaign to encourage safer sexual behaviours by promoting the reduction in MCP. The social mobilisation component of the campaign was rolled out in partnership with five community-based organisations (CBOs), through which Action identified and trained community based peer educators on how to use its multimedia products as tools to facilitate dialogues around MCP. The dialogues were introduced in order to enable communities to discuss why they engage in MCPs and to determine for themselves the best ways to reduce their vulnerability to HIV.Item A review of the policy and regulatory environment of mobile banking in Zimbabwe(2014-03-04) Tahwa, Felistas Sophie.The dynamics in technology have ushered in innovative products such as mobile banking. It has been taken up by other economies such as Kenya, Philippines and others, each coming up with different results. The purpose of this qualitative research is to analyse and evaluate the impact of policy and regulation on the propagation of mobile banking generally but particularly in the Zimbabwe context. Findings of the research reveal a lack of articulate policy and regulation on m-banking, which has posed a challenge to the propagation of m-banking. While m-banking spans multiple domains, the research found that the respective stakeholders are currently working in isolation hence there is a need to work on co-jurisdiction. The outcome of the research shows there is currently no synergy in the awareness campaign drive and stakeholders are not willing to champion the drive. Other factors believed to contribute to the proliferation of m-banking have been identified as the restoration of customer confidence in the banking sector, a reduction of the cost of banking, a culture shift from a cash-centric economy to a non-cash culture and the addressing of intermittent electricity supply among others. The research also takes into consideration socio-economic factors that aid or hinder the rollout and effective uptake of the mobile banking service.Item A study of the perceptions and adoption of Mobile Payment Platforms by entrepreneurs in Zimbabwe's informal economy(2014-02-17) Mbele-Sibotshiwe, ThandoWith the growth of developing nations there has also been a growth in the need to recognize entrepreneurship and market-driven solutions as tools that can be used to bring the people in these developing nations out of poverty. If technology is widely adopted and accepted in a society, the long-term impact on that society can be more effective than any other social force. A great example of this phenomenon is the explosive growth of mobile devices technology that has infiltrated every part of the world and in all levels of the economic pyramid as they can play a large and critical role in social transformations in developed and developing economies (Lee et al 2010). Since the introduction of the mobile phone in Zimbabwe in 1996, there are 9,527,520 users of mobile phones. .A mobile banking platform, Eco-Cash, was launched by Econet Wireless, a cellular phone network provider at the end of 2011. This platform was launched in order to take advantage of a large identified gap in the Zimbabwean economy (Makunike 2013). At the end of 2012 there were 270 000 active users and 1.5 million registered users of the Eco-Cash MPP (Kabweza 2012). This study is of the perceptions and adoption of Mobile Payment Platforms (MPP) by informal entrepreneurs in Zimbabwe and employs the use of an adapted version of the Technology Acceptance Model, developed by F. Davis in his doctoral thesis in 1985, as the research framework. The model has been modified by different researchers over the years. Data collection for this study was administered telephonically to the informal entrepreneurs in Zimbabwe and this study only used primary data sources. This data was extracted from the respondents answering the telephonic surveys. This research found that although informal entrepreneurs, who are either personal or business users or non-users of the MPP are positively disposed, in terms of perceived usefulness, perceived cost, perceived support, perceived social influence, overall trust and perceived overall risk, this disposition may not necessarily lead to the increased usage of the MPP by informal entrepreneurs iv in Zimbabwe. However, perceived ease of use proved to be the exception, as the research study showed that the more informal entrepreneurs perceived the MPP to be simple and easy to use, this perception may lead to the increase in the perceptions and adoption of MPP. As this is one of few studies that to look into the adoption of MPP in Zimbabwe, this study serves as the foundation for future research in Zimbabwe that pertains to the adoption of MPP by entrepreneurs in Zimbabwe‟s formal and informal economy.Item Opportunities and constraints for Zimbabwean civil society participation in the African Union policy initiatives(2012-10-04) Moyo, QhubaniThis study set out to examine the opportunities and constraints for Zimbabwean civil society participation in African Union policy initiatives. The work came up after a realisation that there are serious challenges that inhibit participation of Zimbabwean civil society organisations (CSOs) in the policy-making initiatives of the continental body. The problem arises from the structure of the African Union (AU) in that it is an inter-state organ and, as such, any engagement with the African citizens has to be done through the various governments of members‘ states. This means that for Zimbabwean CSOs‘ voices to be heard in the AU policy-making, they have to go through their Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Zimbabwean situation is a very unique and problematic one in that the government and CSOs are sworn enemies. The animosity arises from the allegations by the government that the CSOs are part of a well-orchestrated plot led by the United States of America and Britain to effect illegal regime change in Zimbabwe. It is the argument of the ZANU PF government that the West is sponsoring the opposition as a response to the land redistribution exercise. Given this background, it has been difficult for CSOs to make their representations to the government. This work therefore sought to determine alternative avenues for engagement by CSOs. The research was done through interviews of 20 CSOs involved in issues of democracy and good governance. It also utilised a lot of secondary information from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as the AU. The research came to the conclusion that CSOs need to improve their working relations with the government and also try to utilise other avenues for engagement like the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC). The work further concluded that the ―cat and mouse‖ relationship between the government and civil society in Zimbabwe has created a situation where the latter has been demonised, if not totally criminalised to the extent of limiting its access into mainstream AU affairs. This, in brief, has presented a situation 5 where the feasibility of a democratic experience in Zimbabwe becomes increasingly remote and misty. Zimbabwe‗s contribution to African political and economic life has been disabled by the Zimbabwean government‘s next to single-handed approach to African and international affairs. The absence of the Zimbabwean civil society‗s voice in the African economic and political life reduces Zimbabwe‘s place in African affairs to a narrow and shallow location. The democratic doctrine of multiplicity of voices and diversity of opinions, which are important ingredients of democracy as it is globally perceived, are negated by the Zimbabwean government‘s enduring interest to collapse the civil society to dormant national shareholders whose role is theoretical at the expense of being real and meaningful. At a prima facie level, the Zimbabwean civil society is an isolated and hindered entity through legislation and economic and political conditions that the Zimbabwean government has caused. On the other hand, on a point of strategy and creative positive thought, this creates a window of opportunities and some interesting challenges to the actors and players in the Zimbabwean civil society to generate methods and approaches relating to the greater African economic and political reality without the co-operation, or the consent, of the Zimbabwean government. This presents a case study to the test of Africa and the globe that governance is not only a preserve of the governments, but is an all-inclusive process that must also involve non-state actors, lest it becomes a partisan and narrow meaningless affair. That, in the African context, can be summarised in a West African saying that ―no matter how big your hand is, it can not cover the sky‖. In this context, no matter how big the AU can be, it cannot adequately serve the interests of the whole of Africa without involving other key players like the civil society movement.Item Public participation in the constitution making process in Zimbabwe (2009-2010)(2012-10-04) Shonhe, ToendepiThe purpose of this study was to examine the extent to which participatory deliberative democracy is being practised in the constitution making process in Zimbabwe. The nature of public participation determines the character, quality and extent of consultations and democratic deliberation in policy formulation Constitution making has inescapably remained an ‘unfinished business’ in Zimbabwe as a consequence of the Lancaster House settlement of 1979. Yet, a national constitution is a biography of the nation, whose crafting must embody legitimacy and credibility. This research sought to examine the processes available for public participation for constitution making in Zimbabwe. The research focused on the constitution making process as a case study against the background of a partocratic policy making system that existed since 1980, and the advent of the Inclusive Government consummated on 13 February 2009 whose policy making architecture is premised on the GPA. The central question of this study was: “What processes are being used to secure deliberative democratic participation in the constitution design process in Zimbabwe? The research relied on documentary evidence, the researcher’s experience and observations as well as targeted semistructured interviews on public participation in the constitution making process in Zimbabwe for data collection, as a case study. The researcher relied on secondary data from published and unpublished literature and tracked newspaper publications to gather data related to the constitution making process. The researcher also visited and observed some of the Constitution Select Committee (COPAC) outreach meetings to gather information relating to the quality of deliberation at the meetings. The main findings were that the COPAC structure did not adequately provide a framework for delivering deliberative democracy as political parties retained decision making at stages of the process. The research concluded that political parties, the Executive and Parliament, dominated the process. Participation was cosmetic and “Executo-partocratic driven” rather than a “people-driven” process. The prevalence of citizen harassment and intimidation as well as the occurrence of violence during the consultative process hampered meaningful participation in deliberative processes by citizens. Similarly the inauspicious operating environment discouraged the free flow of information and debate, alienating citizen views and limiting deliberative participatory democracy. In the main, the policy making approach adopted was ‘Executo-partocratic’ and as such limited the citizens participation in equal, open and free deliberation resulting in a process that lacked legitimacy and credibility.Item A marriage of inconvenience: comparing the implementation of the Kenyan and Zimbabwean power sharing agreements(2012-07-20) Beardsworth, Nicole AnneThe past two decades have seen the rise of power sharing agreements as a means to end protracted civil wars. Following from the perceived success of these agreements, power sharing has become an important tool in the mediator’s arsenal and has increasingly been advocated in periods of democratic deadlock and civil strife following highly-contested elections. The viability of this model has rarely been questioned. This study will undertake a deep analysis of the success or failure of the power sharing agreements undertaken in Kenya and Zimbabwe in 2008 following the outbreak of violence in both countries. It will explain the different results seen in these two cases through an examination of the agreements, the roles played by regional and international actors as well as through an analysis of the influence of local political culture and inter-elite relations. The relative success of the Kenyan agreement can be attributed to a culture of cooperation amongst the elite alongside consistent and concerted pressure exerted by the mediation team and international actors. In contrast, the Zimbabwean government of national unity has hobbled along and little progress has been made to implement the agreement. This can largely be attributed to a badly drafted document which allowed for an inequitable distribution of power, the obduracy of the ZANU-PF elite and the unwillingness of the agreement guarantors to place sufficient pressure on the parties for reform. In a context where inter-elite relations are characterised by opposition and intransigence, the framing of the document and the actions of enforcer parties become particularly important. Due to the political cultures in both countries, it is unlikely that the power sharing agreements will have produced significant gains for democracy or have reformed the prevailing culture of impunity. This report concludes that in spite of the problems with the power sharing model, there are currently few alternatives to help mend torn societies. In order to overcome the problems that have been highlighted within this report, it is necessary for mediators to undertake innovative and reflexive strategies to ensure the full implementation of future agreements.Item The relationship between mothers' maternal age and infant mortality in Zimbabwe.(2012-06-29) Dube, Ziphozonke BridgetBackground: This study examined the relationship between mothers’ age at first birth and infant mortality in Zimbabwe. Childbearing at a significantly young age has been noted to be a predictor of infant mortality, as children born to young mothers are at a greater risk of early death. Methods: This is a cross-sectional, secondary study which uses the data from the Zimbabwe Demographic and Health Survey 2005-2006. The population of interest in this study are women of reproductive ages in Zimbabwe, who have had children within the last five years prior to the survey. A total of 4074 women are used as the sample in this study. The dependent variable is infant mortality, which is understood as the deaths of infants between the period of birth and their first birthday. The independent variables include demographic, socio-economic and reproductive characteristics of the women. The analysis of data was undertaken at three levels. Univariate analysis, binary logistic regression and multivariate logistic regression were conducted. In addition, stepwise logistic regression was applied to the multivariate analysis to analyse the relationship between the significant variables found in the study in relation to infant mortality. Results: This study confirmed an association between mothers’ age at first birth and infant mortality as infants born to mothers of 18 years and younger suffer higher risk of infant mortality, as they have a 33% increased risk in comparison to infants born to older women. This indicates the need for policy development focused on the issue adolescent childbearing and how childbearing can be delayed in Zimbabwe in order to reduce infant mortality. Furthermore the reproductive characteristics of the mother prove to have great impact on infant mortality within the country. Thus the importance of policies focused on women’s reproductive health care. Conclusions: This study confirms that mothers’ age at first birth is a central influential factor in infant mortality in Zimbabwe. Infant mortality cannot be isolated from the characteristics of mothers, in particular her age at first birth, as they are more often the primary care-givers thus have immense influence on whether the infants survive or not.Item Ubuntu, Zimbabwe and the ethics of intervention(2010-12-14) De Jager, PetaABSTRACT The profound and extensive nature of difficulties in Zimbabwean current affairs raises a moral dilemma for South Africa: should it intervene in some way, or respect Zimbabwean sovereignty? Is there a plausible ‘middle ground’ theory to resolves this dilemma? This paper argues that there may well be. It further argues that such a ‘middle ground’ account is consistent with at least one version of ubuntu, an indigenous sub-Saharan African philosophy. What does ubuntu have to say about the right (or perhaps even the obligation) of the South African government to have intervened in Zimbabwean affairs? Does it vindicate South Africa for its failure to intervene? This project, whilst not providing a decisive answer to the question of whether intervention in Zimbabwe by South Africa is legitimate on this African world-view, provides one possible approach to evaluating the dilemma from an ubuntu-informed perspective.