3. Electronic Theses and Dissertations (ETDs) - All submissions
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Item Impact of political institutions on electricity generation outcomes in Sub-Saharan Africa(2015-09-02) Ngwane, Zamangwane BerylAfrica’s wave of democratisation since 1990 has transformed political institutions in the region. But while democracy is a desirable end in itself, considerable doubts remain about whether it is contributing to better development outcomes. This study investigates the impact of political constraints on electricity generating capacity, using cross-national data for 46 sub-Saharan African countries. It tests the hypothesis that institutions that restrain arbitrary executive authority result in higher levels of electricity generating capacity. The hypothesis is informed by the theory of credible commitment. This theory holds that political constraints provide a stable political and policy environment that reduces temptations for governments to renege on their commitments. Credible commitments are especially important in attracting investment with a long gestation period, such as investment in electricity generating capacity. In my method I use a combination of statistical analysis and nested case studies to probe the congruence of these outcomes with my hypothesis. For the nested analysis I use the statistically chosen countries of Rwanda and Kenya, which in themselves conform to the pattern of the hypothesis. My central finding is that the presence of democratic political institutions has led to improved electricity generating outcomes in African states. In this way the study contributes to the understanding of the developmental consequences of democratisation in Africa.Item What is the relationship between democracy and development according to policies of aid conditionality as implemented in Africa?(2015-08-27) George, Emma LaviniaThis research project looks at the relationship between democracy and development according to policies of aid conditionality in Africa. This involves an analysis of major donors, mainly international financial institutions such as the IMF and World Bank as well as bilateral donors, and the evolution of aid conditionality through the theoretical framework of liberal internationalism. This research focuses on both economic and political conditionality but reveals that economic interests are at the heart of conditionality and are always prioritized over political development. This has important implications for democracy and development because development discourse has identified key correlations between the principles of good governance promoted by a democratic system and development. Through an examination of two African case studies, this research shows that aid conditionality, with its emphasis on neoliberal, free-market economic adjustment, has not fostered adequate development with many recipients of such aid qualifying for the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative that provides debt relief in the interest of poverty reduction. Looking forward, sustainable development can only be achieved with equal dedication to all its spheres; political, economic, and social, thereby providing an adequate foundation for increased international cooperation.Item The United States of America: an imperial manifestation? a study of the strengths and weaknesses of empire theory(2015-08-25) Bonvalot-Noirot, EmmaThis research sets to understand the intricacies of modern Empire and in particular the United States of America as the central agent of neoliberal imperialism. This is done with the objective of assessing the accuracy of Empire theory as an international relations tool of analysis. Empire theory has gained rising academic attention since the early 2000s, this research sought to assess its place and use when analysing the United States as Empire. In particular, the study focused on Leo Panitch and Sam Gindin’s version of informal Empire and Empire by invitation. These notions were understood in the relations existing between the United States and its client states, Mexico and South Korea, via the medium of international financial institutions and trade agreements, namely the International Monetary Fund and the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement. Mexico and South Korea were clearly described as neoliberal states operating within Empire. Yet, this study sought to challenge the concept and the theory of Empire by investigating these client states’ political voices. Their agenda-setting abilities were analysed within the G20 context, thanks to its rotational presidency within the forum. The researcher sought to uncover whether Mexico and South Korea had the ability to shape discussions and break away from the neoliberal discourse, and therefore Empire. The findings were of mixed results as it was established that while Mexico steps further away than South Korea from neoliberal perspectives, both client states still formulate their policies within a neoliberal framework, as the United States does not oppose or contest their agendas. While a fundamental conclusion was not reached, it was settled that Empire theory is still accurate in describing inter-capitalist state relations however it does not analytically grasp the rising opportunities existing for states, internal or external to the neoliberal context, to confront Empire.Item Policing gender dissidence: a study on the increase of institutionalized gender repression- the 2014 anti-homosexuality bills of Uganda and Nigeria(2015-08-21) Morobane, FaraiIn the first two months of 2014, LGBTI rights were dealt heavy blows in two African countries. On 7 January, Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan signed into law a bill that criminalises same-sex unions, with prison sentences of up to fourteen years. This same law sentences any person or organisation that funds in any way the registration and operation of gay organisations, clubs, or societies to a prison sentence of ten years. A month later, the president of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, officially assented to a more draconian bill which imposes penalties as high as life imprisonment for people engaging in consensual same-sex sexual activity. There has been a stark increase in the passing of repressive gender laws on the continent in the last decade. This is a qualitative inductive study that sets out to research the factors causing the increase of gender repressive law making in African states between 2009 and 2014. The study sets out to dissect the 2014 Anti-homosexuality bills of 2014 in Uganda and Nigeria as case studies. Using a multi-layered analysis approach the study tests out the influences leading to the increase of LGBTI intolerant laws categorised into national, regional and international impacts. I argue that strategic national interests are central in explaining the frequency, urgency and intensity of anti-homosexuality vitriol in some African states.Item The conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the persistance of the crisis in the Kivus(2014-02-18) Mumwi, Simon MarcoThis study sets out to examine the causes for the continued conflicts in the Kivu particularly after the establishment of a transitional government in the DRC in 2004 and the elections in 2006. Three factors appear to account for the continued conflicts. First is the ethnic divide between the local population and the Kinyarwanda speakers that have settled in the region overtime. This conflict is mostly centered on the land issues which were not addressed in the final agreements for the establishment of the transitional government in Kinshasa, at Sun City in 2002. It should not be surprising that this sparked new fighting in 2006 after the elections. Second is the continued existence of a central power vacuum. This is mainly because the national army is neither strong nor disciplined enough to establish its hegemony in the area. Its task was made more difficult by the continued Rwandan interests in the area, which went beyond security concerns. Thus the Nkunda rebellion was only successful because of Rwandan support. Third is the continuation of the war economy centered on the exploitation of natural resources that are abundant in the area. This has helped to fund the war in the Kivus, and as long as there are profits to be made from natural resources exploitation, conflicts and violence in the area will continue. The conclusion from this study is that peace in the Kivus needs the establishment of a central administration with both military power to secure the area, in particular the mining areas and judicial authority to prosecute the warlords and armed groups that continue to benefit from the continuation of conflicts and violence in the area.Item The African Union's response to the Libyan crisis of 2011(2014-01-02) Twinomugisha, Wilson KajwengyeThe African Union is legally mandated by its Constitutive Act to intervene in security situations like the Libyan crisis of 2011, namely, to protect populations from genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, collectively known as mass atrocity crimes. In this respect, Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act accords the right of AU “to intervene in a member State pursuant to a decision of Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely; war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.” When the Libyan crisis that had all the hallmarks of mass atrocity crimes broke out, African Union showed willingness to intervene and solve the crisis by passing resolutions, establishing fact finding missions, and, forming High Level Ad hoc committee comprising of 5 African Presidents and the AU Commission. However, when the time for reckoning came, AU was relegated to the periphery by NATO and other International actors in finding solutions to the Libyan crisis. This study therefore, examines and assesses the African Union’s response to the Libyan crisis of 2011 in light of the Article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act (intervention). The method of data collection majorly relied on what AU did in form of resolutions, Letters and other publications, and what has been written about AU’s actions in reference to the Libyan crisis of 2011. The study examined the measures AU took to respond to the crisis, the AU organs that were greatly engaged in looking for the solution to the crisis, and whether the measures undertaken were sufficient in resolving the crisis, and, in the hind sight what AU ought to have done. The study looked at the weaknesses that beset African Union in trying to look for a solution to the Libyan crisis, and concludes by proving recommendations for strengthening African Union Peace and Security Architecture to be able to confront head on, future African security crises like the Libyan one of 2011.