3. Electronic Theses and Dissertations (ETDs) - All submissions
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Item Designing and developing a model for quality management and best practice for the Translation Unit of the Pan African Parliament(2017) Rahmtalla, Mohamed Mustafa AhmedUsing the Translation Unit of the Pan African Parliament (PAP-TU) as a case study, this research set out to find a comprehensive method for assuring the quality of the translation services of non-commercial organisations. This aim is fulfilled through achieving two objectives: firstly, assessing the current situation of the PAP-TU; secondly, building a model for quality management and best practice to assure the quality of the services of the PAP-TU. In addition to solving the problem at hand, this research is motivated by exploring new areas of translation studies, engaging in the ongoing debate around the topic and contributing to the body of knowledge in this lessexplored area. To achieve the objectives of the research, a qualitative empirical study was designed to examine the correlation between ‘adopting a quality management model’ and ‘assuring translation quality’. An action research method was used to inform the outcome of the study and to provide a framework for its design. For achieving the first objective, a case study research method was used to assess the current situation of the PAP-TU. The data was collected through interviews, fieldwork observation and archival research techniques; a grounded theory technique was used for analysing the data. A modelling research method was used for achieving the second objective: creating a quality model for the PAP-TU. The study finds that the current approaches to translation quality are unable to assure the quality of the translation services of non-commercial organisations and that there is a need for a more holistic model. The main outcome of the study is the creation of a quality model for the PAPTU. The study has reached many conclusions; the most important of which are: firstly, there is a shift in the translation field from considering translation as a craft or art to professionalization and industrialisation; secondly, the study confirms the gap between translation theory and practice. The study recommends conducting more research in the field of translation quality management as a growing branch of translation studies and in freelancing as an important type of employment for translators. The study also recommends designing translators’ training programmes after studying the market to address the latest needs and trends in the market.Item Global commerce and human rights: towards an African legal framework for corporate human rights responsibility and accountability(2016-01-29) Osuntogun, Abiodun JacobSince the 1970s, when third world countries challenged the market-dominated international trade regime, the United Nations (UN) has been engaging without relent on how to fill the gap in business and human rights governance. The gap exists in countries with relaxed domestic regulatory regimes, where multinational corporations commit human rights violations without regional and institutional mechanisms to hold them accountable. From the draft codes, to the Global Compacts and the UN Draft Norms, the search failed to yield the desired result. In 2005, another move was made that produced a compendium of UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGP) which was unanimously endorsed by the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in May 2011. Although it has been argued that the endorsement fills the gap that has been missing in the quest for global corporate accountability, the search continues unabated at the UN forum albeit without the support of some powerful nations for a ‘binding international legal instrument’ that will regulate the activities of corporations with regard to human rights. However, while awaiting the outcome of the recent interrogation on the issue, the UNHRC passed a resolution that the implementation of the UNGP should commence. Since Africa is one of the continents greatly affected by this problem, this thesis considers how the African Union (AU) can develop a framework for corporate human rights responsibility and accountability in line with the UNGP. To this end this thesis proposes a mechanism that will engender a proper implementation of the UNGP; it argues that a new treaty process and implementation of the UNGP are simply different sides of the same coin and that they serve the same purpose. The thesis also considers the adequacy of the existing regulatory framework for corporate human rights accountability in Africa and explores the creation of an appropriate forum for the implementation of the UNGP. Choosing the AU as the suitable forum, this thesis endeavours to examine how some legal and policy-making institutions in the AU can be rejuvenated, overhauled and re-positioned in order to perform effective corporate accountability oversight to support the domestic and sub-regional systems. Furthermore, it attempts to provide possible remedies to victims of corporate human rights violations in Africa.Item The African Union's response to the Libyan crisis of 2011(2014-01-02) Twinomugisha, Wilson KajwengyeThe African Union is legally mandated by its Constitutive Act to intervene in security situations like the Libyan crisis of 2011, namely, to protect populations from genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, collectively known as mass atrocity crimes. In this respect, Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act accords the right of AU “to intervene in a member State pursuant to a decision of Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely; war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.” When the Libyan crisis that had all the hallmarks of mass atrocity crimes broke out, African Union showed willingness to intervene and solve the crisis by passing resolutions, establishing fact finding missions, and, forming High Level Ad hoc committee comprising of 5 African Presidents and the AU Commission. However, when the time for reckoning came, AU was relegated to the periphery by NATO and other International actors in finding solutions to the Libyan crisis. This study therefore, examines and assesses the African Union’s response to the Libyan crisis of 2011 in light of the Article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act (intervention). The method of data collection majorly relied on what AU did in form of resolutions, Letters and other publications, and what has been written about AU’s actions in reference to the Libyan crisis of 2011. The study examined the measures AU took to respond to the crisis, the AU organs that were greatly engaged in looking for the solution to the crisis, and whether the measures undertaken were sufficient in resolving the crisis, and, in the hind sight what AU ought to have done. The study looked at the weaknesses that beset African Union in trying to look for a solution to the Libyan crisis, and concludes by proving recommendations for strengthening African Union Peace and Security Architecture to be able to confront head on, future African security crises like the Libyan one of 2011.Item Opportunities and constraints for Zimbabwean civil society participation in the African Union policy initiatives(2012-10-04) Moyo, QhubaniThis study set out to examine the opportunities and constraints for Zimbabwean civil society participation in African Union policy initiatives. The work came up after a realisation that there are serious challenges that inhibit participation of Zimbabwean civil society organisations (CSOs) in the policy-making initiatives of the continental body. The problem arises from the structure of the African Union (AU) in that it is an inter-state organ and, as such, any engagement with the African citizens has to be done through the various governments of members‘ states. This means that for Zimbabwean CSOs‘ voices to be heard in the AU policy-making, they have to go through their Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Zimbabwean situation is a very unique and problematic one in that the government and CSOs are sworn enemies. The animosity arises from the allegations by the government that the CSOs are part of a well-orchestrated plot led by the United States of America and Britain to effect illegal regime change in Zimbabwe. It is the argument of the ZANU PF government that the West is sponsoring the opposition as a response to the land redistribution exercise. Given this background, it has been difficult for CSOs to make their representations to the government. This work therefore sought to determine alternative avenues for engagement by CSOs. The research was done through interviews of 20 CSOs involved in issues of democracy and good governance. It also utilised a lot of secondary information from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as the AU. The research came to the conclusion that CSOs need to improve their working relations with the government and also try to utilise other avenues for engagement like the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC). The work further concluded that the ―cat and mouse‖ relationship between the government and civil society in Zimbabwe has created a situation where the latter has been demonised, if not totally criminalised to the extent of limiting its access into mainstream AU affairs. This, in brief, has presented a situation 5 where the feasibility of a democratic experience in Zimbabwe becomes increasingly remote and misty. Zimbabwe‗s contribution to African political and economic life has been disabled by the Zimbabwean government‘s next to single-handed approach to African and international affairs. The absence of the Zimbabwean civil society‗s voice in the African economic and political life reduces Zimbabwe‘s place in African affairs to a narrow and shallow location. The democratic doctrine of multiplicity of voices and diversity of opinions, which are important ingredients of democracy as it is globally perceived, are negated by the Zimbabwean government‘s enduring interest to collapse the civil society to dormant national shareholders whose role is theoretical at the expense of being real and meaningful. At a prima facie level, the Zimbabwean civil society is an isolated and hindered entity through legislation and economic and political conditions that the Zimbabwean government has caused. On the other hand, on a point of strategy and creative positive thought, this creates a window of opportunities and some interesting challenges to the actors and players in the Zimbabwean civil society to generate methods and approaches relating to the greater African economic and political reality without the co-operation, or the consent, of the Zimbabwean government. This presents a case study to the test of Africa and the globe that governance is not only a preserve of the governments, but is an all-inclusive process that must also involve non-state actors, lest it becomes a partisan and narrow meaningless affair. That, in the African context, can be summarised in a West African saying that ―no matter how big your hand is, it can not cover the sky‖. In this context, no matter how big the AU can be, it cannot adequately serve the interests of the whole of Africa without involving other key players like the civil society movement.Item E-governance in Africa: governing the continent through AU and Nepad websites(2008-04-21T07:16:31Z) Mukhudwana, Rofhiwa FeliciaAfrica’s way forward requires integration, democracy, good governance, participation and inclusive communication of all issues. Intergovernmental organizations are essential to facilitate the above mentioned goals. New thinking highlights the role of new media especially the Internet in democracy and governance in Africa. Therefore, the question solicited here is whether e-governance facilitates continental governance in Africa and under what circumstances would this be possible? This research introduced the internet (web) as a distinct medium of communications with distinct features and characteristics. A number of scholars argue that the Internet as a distinct medium of communication can better facilitate the democratizing role of the media in society, while others argues that the internet has not changed the nature of politics since ordinary politics in all its complexity and vitality has invaded and captured cyberspace. These arguments are divided respectively between Technological Determinism and the Social Shaping of Technology. This research investigates (AU, EU and Nepad) e-governance websites in order to understand practices, prospects and challenges of continental e-governance systems. It was found that the AU and Nepad use the websites for institutional information rather than interaction with citizens and online service delivery. However, significant steps are taken to enhance interaction in Nepad. It is therefore recommended that, the AU and Nepad need to invest time and commitment in enhancing interactivity and rising awareness for these e-governance systems. As projected, EU performs much better than the above two in terms of interactivity. This is because it has more experience and internet penetration and uses is widespread in Europe than it is here in Africa.Item South Africa’s Diplomatic Involvement as a Peace-broker In West Africa: The Case of Cote d’Ivoire(2007-03-01T11:20:45Z) Rametsi, ShadrackSouth Africa’s diplomatic involvement in the continent and particularly in Cote d’Ivoire is the main focus of this paper. Therefore, the rationale of this dissertation is to investigate the reasons of the African Union (AU) to choose South Africa as a peace broker rather than the Cote d’Ivoire crisis as such. South Africa’s diplomatic engagement in Cote d’Ivoire in 2004 was as a result of numerous attempts by AU, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and France to find a peaceful solution to what was once the most economic and political stable country in West Africa. The crust of this paper is to ascertain reasons why the AU designated South Africa the responsibility to mediate a peace process in Cote d’Ivoire. Furthermore, What difference can South Africa really make in Cote d’Ivoire search for peace, given the failure of other third parties as well as South Africa’s ability to export its model of power-sharing in the continent. Against this backdrop, it is also vital to examine reasons why South Africa accepted to broker a peace deal in Cote d’Ivoire in November 2004 rather that two years ago when the conflict was on its early stages. In fact, this is not the first time South Africa was requested to help solve conflicts in West Africa. Interestingly, at first, South Africa refused to offer mediation in West Africa in 2003 citing reasons that it was overburdened in other peacekeeping missions in Africa. Thus, this paper will attempt to find reasons why this time around South Africa accepted the job to mediate a peace process in Cote d’Ivoire in the backyard of Nigeria.