3. Electronic Theses and Dissertations (ETDs) - All submissions

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    The changing roles of the state and transnational corporations in the development of mining in Zambia : an evaluation of influences on the transition from state to private ownership of the mining sector
    (2011-12-13) Ahmed, Rahima
    This dissertation principally analyses: (i) the privatisation of Zambia’s copper mines; (ii) the impact of state and private ownership and control of the mines on development; and (iii) the roles of mining TNCs in the Zambian economy. The research covers the period from independence in 1964 to 2006/7, but mainly focuses on the 1991 to 2006/7 period. The validity of several neo-classical theoretical views and counter-arguments pertaining to the social and economic benefits of privatisation and the private ownership and the activities of mining TNCs is tested in the mining sector study. The methodology is based on a case study comprising fieldwork and literature research, utilising a qualitative approach and an inductive method. The conclusions of the study could enhance knowledge from which other developing countries intent on privatising their SOEs could draw, as privatisation studies of sub-Saharan countries have mostly overlooked analyses of the social impact of the private ownership of enterprises. Key findings of the study are that the privatisation and private ownership of the mines by TNCs have failed to produce net positive socio-economic outcomes for Zambia. Furthermore, under private ownership of the mines, the political-economic benefits have shifted, mainly concentrating the surpluses from mining in favour of mining TNCs. The primary recommendations from the study are that certain measures, in particular a strong state capacity, are fundamental in enabling greater and more equitable redistribution of benefits for the country from privatisation, private ownership and the economic activities of mining TNCs.
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    Determinants of health workers' prescription patterns for patients at primary health care facilities in Zambia
    (2010-04-16T12:31:38Z) Ndhlovu, Micky
    Introduction The study aimed at determining health workers’ prescription patterns using selected WHO/INRUD core drug-use indicators and investigated determinants of appropriate antibiotic prescribing in public Zambian primary health care facilities. Methods The study was a secondary data analysis of a cross sectional survey of health facility data collected in four districts of Zambia. This study extracted patients’ diagnoses and treatments and linked them to the health worker demographics and health facility characteristics in order to determine prescription patterns and factors influencing appropriate antibiotic prescribing. Results A total of 2206 prescriptions were analysed. An average of 2.5 drugs per encounter was prescribed. Injections were prescribed in 4% of the encounters. While over 95% of drugs were from the essential drug list fewer drugs were prescribed by their generic names. Only 1.5% of encounters did not result in a prescription. Antimalarial drugs and antipyretics were prescribed in at least 70% of encounters while antibiotics were prescribed in close to 40% of encounters. Of all encounters in which a systemic antibiotic was prescribed, just above a quarter were of appropriate indication and dosage. Determinants of appropriate antibiotic prescribing included patient’s age, presence of clinical wall charts and treatment guidelines; and the health worker cadre. Under-5s were more likely to receive antibiotics when indicated, though at wrong dosages. Health workers with access to guidelines were more likely to prescribe antibiotics only when indicated. Health worker cadre iv without pre-service clinical training were more likely to prescribe antibiotics when not indicated and at wrong dosages. Discussion This study showed that health workers’ performance for most of the WHO drug-use core indicators was similar to findings in other developing countries. The study also revealed overuse of antibiotics for diseases that do not require antibiotics as treatment. Increasing access to guidelines and other clinical job aids, continuous medical education for all health workers and targeted training of health worker cadres without prior medical training will contribute to better prescribing of antibiotics.
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    Civil control of the military in Zambia
    (2009-07-29T07:09:58Z) Haantobolo, Godfrey Haamweela Nachitumbi
    This study of civil control of the military in Zambia was undertaken in order to ascertain why in contrast with many other former British colonies in Africa such as Ghana and Uganda the military in that country has consistently supported the ruling elite and not sought to obtain political power for itself. In answering the question why this was the case, this study used the qualitative methods and analytical concepts of coercive and consensual measures of control, although the two types of measures are often used in combination, as the main tools that determined civil control of the military in four periods, namely the colonial period, the immediate post-independence period, the period of one-party rule, and the period of reinstated multiparty democracy. Using either coercive or consensual measures as our tools of analysis, comparative profiles were constructed of the nature, character and degree of civil control of the military in each period, and how these were reconfigured by the different political transitions that ushered in the four periods. This assisted in ascertaining which elements of civil control of the military remained constant, and which changed. Data was collected from primary and secondary sources, and verified in in-depth interviews with 20 role players. The main findings are that Zambian governments used two main methods to exert civil control over the military. During the colonial period (1900–1963), the dominant method was coercive measures which was reflected in the policies of racial discrimination and implemented through racialised structures like parliament, the executive and the judiciary. Consequently, relations between the government, the military, and white settlers were harmonious, while those with Africans were antagonistic and explosive. Under the Independence Constitution of the First Republic (1964–1972), the use of consensual measures was manifested in the normative frameworks found in non-racial multiparty democracies and spelt out in the constitution and other specific legislation. In the Zambian case, this was supported by the new government’s motto of ‘One Zambia, One Nation’. Under the One-Party Constitution of the Second Republic (1973-1990), the dominant method was largely through the use of coercive measures characteristic of one party states in terms of which military and civil intelligence officers monitored the political activities of all military personnel as well as ordinary civilians. This helped to remove all anti-government elements from the military. Under the Multi-Party Constitution of the Third Republic (1991-2004), the dominant methods were a combination of all good practices inherited from the previous republics but largely through consensual measures which were manifested in the reintroduction of strong parliamentary and executive oversight over defence expenditure and activities. This study concludes that stable civil control of the military in Zambia in the 20th century was as a result of effective use of either coercive or consensual measures or the mixture of the two and this sets Zambia apart from many other African countries. Further more, it is important to emphasize one point on the relevance of this study’s findings for the study of civil-military relations. This is that despite that both these types of measures worked as a solution for Zambia, upon closer scrutiny, civil control of the military cannot be indefinitely secured by coercive means, and that the only sustainable way of securing civil control of the military is to maintain consensual relations between the core ‘triumvirate’ namely: the political authorities/government/ruling elite; the military and military elite; and the citizenry
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    Social involution? : The impact of economic restructuring on the working class in Zambia
    (2008-11-24T12:38:47Z) Chembe, Martin David
    Countries in southern Africa have been implementing economic liberalisation policies for over two decades, with the aim of reversing years of economic decline. This process of economic liberalisation has been largely been influenced by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank policy prescription. While the developed world has been piling pressure on countries in the Sub-Saharan region to integrate their national economies into the global economic, different countries have responded differently in opening up their economies. For some, the new economic policy regime has entailed a shift from a state-run economy and focusing more on a free market economy. While some countries have taken a cautious approaching to economic liberalisation, Zambia went for rapid liberalisation, which has led to negative social consequences on employment and the livelihoods of the working class. Through the adoption and implementation of labour market flexibility policies, Zambia and other countries in the region have seen an upswing in new forms of employment such as casual labour, subcontracting and temporary employment, which have no protection and have exposed workers to exploitation. Employment levels have also dropped as the capitalist investors shed off massive numbers of workers in order to reduce labour costs. Local manufacturing industries, in most cases, have been forced to close down and lay-off workers due to unfair competition with cheap imported goods. Liberalisation in developing countries in general and southern Africa in particular, has entailed weakening the role of the state in national economic management. Governments are increasingly succumbing to the dictates of multinationals and are failing to enforce regulatory measures needed to protect the welfare of workers and their working conditions.
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    The impact of the 2003 national cultural policy on the performing arts industry in Zambia with specific reference to working conditions
    (2008-03-20T07:30:33Z) Lamba, Prince F. M.
    ABSTRACT The purpose of the project research was to investigate the impact of the Zambian 2003 national cultural policy on the performing arts industry with specific reference to working conditions both in the public and private domains in Zambia. It is also an effort to assess the efficacy of the cultural policy within a broader policy environment. Generally, two categories of performing artists namely the publicly and privately sponsored exist in Zambia. Two sample groups representing the two categories of performing artists were consulted in the study. The publicly sponsored sample was drawn from the uniformed services and the national dance troupe while the privately sponsored performers were represented by a selection of performers who do not work in the civil service. The methodology included field and desk research in which social-scientific and humanistic methods involving structured and semi-structured interviews were used, coupled with the use of textual materials from employment and performance contracts, civil service terms of employment, the National Arts Council Act, national arts associations’ constitutions, cultural and labour policies among others. The results revealed mixed reactions from all the respondents with regard to the research question; however it became apparent that the policy had not positively impacted on the industry as the negative responses outweighed the positive feedback. Despite the policy theoretically addressing a number of issues in the arts industry, it was very difficult to practically implement the strategies therein successfully. A number of reasons can be advanced for the inefficiency such as lack of matching sectoral legislation to enforce the policy and the absence of a union to complement government’s efforts. It was further discovered that to some extent, the formulation of the policy was rushed and did not very well fit into the traditional perspectives of the people about the arts industry. This reinforces the question of whether is it necessary for all nations to have cultural policies when supporting institutional and legal frameworks are not in place. The Zambian case reveals the pitfalls in legislating culture. 1
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