Preserving peace and civilization: The Sofasonke Civic Union

Date
1994-05-09
Authors
Ritchken, Edwin
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Abstract
This paper is taken from the last chapter of my thesis entitled: Leadership and Conflict in Bushbuckridge (1972-1990) - Struggles to Define Moral Economies within die Context of a Rapidly Transforming Political Economy. This paper should be read in relation to three themes that are introduced in earlier chapters. The first theme is that of the patrimonial state, which in Weberian terms is defined as a compromise between ''rational'' forms of domination and ''traditional'' forms of domination. In the Bantustans the compromise consisted of the cooption of the chieftainship into the bureaucracy, without giving the institution a clear administrative ambit. The presence of the chieftainship (as an institution that pre-existed the central state) in the bureaucracy resulted in an ambiguous political space: Were actions taken against the bureaucracy by residents motivated by the desire to replace the chief, to destroy the chieftainship (as an institution both within and outside of the bureaucracy), or to challenge the central state. The second theme is that of the ambiguity of (Pulana) ethnic and african nationalism. Pulana nationalist based their opposition to Apartheid on principles associated with their ethnic identity. These principles asserted that ownership of land came only through the shedding of blood in conquest, and the chief, as living representative of the most powerful lineage, owned the land on behalf of his subjects. In these terms, Pulana land was ''stolen'' by the "Shangaans" and the Apartheid state, when the state (following Apartheid principles of Separate Development) allocated land to "Shangaan" chiefs. Hence Pulana nationalists needed a "chief" to represent their ethnic claim to land, but recognised chiefs had "sold out" by accepting the terms of reference of Tribal Authorities. Matsiketsane Mashile, an unrecognised ''chief'' (involved in a secession dispute), jailed in the early sixties for sabotage, and then deported for fifteen years for opposing Tribal Authorities, became this ''chief''. However, Matsiketsane also formed an alliance with african nationalists, who opposed Apartheid because they were excluded from the central state because of their race. This alliance created a second ambiguous space: Were actions taken by people involved in the national liberation movement (who were invariably associated with Matsiketsane) aimed at furthering Matsiketsane's claim to the chieftainship, at furthering Pulana ethnic interests, or at overthrowing the central state. Thirdly, youth organisation was located in a similarly ambiguous space. On the one hand, their claim to be the "vanguard of the struggle" and "guardian of the nation" meant that they based their authority on their position with the national liberation movement. On the other hand, the moral economy of the war against Apartheid gave youth organisation the space to (implicitly) redefine chiefly, gender and generational relations through organising boycotts of the Tribal Authority, attacking alleged witches and abortionists, and through (asserting the right to) impregnate any woman. Furthermore, youth organisation was associated with Matsiketsane Mashile. Hence, the ambiguity: Was youth organisation acting to further their own sectarian interests, or to assist Matsiketsane Mashile in his chieftainship dispute, or to challenge the central state. The above three ambiguities (partially) played themselves out in the conflict surrounding the activities of the Sofasonke Civic Union.
Description
African Studies Seminar series. Paper presented 9 May 1994
Keywords
Brooklyn Youth Congress (South Africa), Sofasonko Civic Union (South Africa), Youth. South Africa. Societies and clubs
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