Lived Experiences of the internally displaced Human Rights Defenders in Zimbabwe By Brenda Madisha A Research Report submitted to the faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Migration and Displacement Supervisor: Dr Jean-Pierre Misago 15 March 2022 1805636 i Declarations I declare that this Research Report is my own unaided work. It is submitted to the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg for a Master of Arts Degree. It has not been submitted to any other university or institution as a requirement for a degree or any other qualification Signature: Protocol number: ACMS2020-07-01 Date: 15 March 2022 1805636 ii Acknowledgements First and foremost, my gratitude goes to Dr Jean-Pierre Misago, my supervisor. Thank you for your guidance. I am indebted to the brave internally displaced Human Rights Defenders who took part in my research. You made this research report possible, thank you. Thank you to my contacts who got me in touch with participants who were willing to be part of this study, without you I would not have done it. I am singling out the late Dewa Mavhinga. I am so grateful to him, may his soul rest in peace. I would like to thank my editor Shireen Mukadam. Thank you for your patience, quick turnaround, and great editorial contribution. Your encouragement even when I doubted that I will finish this report has been incredible, shukran jazilan. To my mother Sheila Madisha, you are an incredible and supportive mother, thank you Mologadi. To my friend Malose Matlala, thank you for your support, friend. To my siblings and nephews, thank you my people. 1805636 iii Dedications In memory of my late father, Joseph Maesela Morris Madisha 1805636 iv Table of contents Declarations………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…….i Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………………………………….….…ii Dedications…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...….iii List of Abbreviations……………………………………………………………………………………………………......vii Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…...ix Chapter 1: Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………..…..1 1.1. Background………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…….1 1.2. Problem statement/Rationale…………………………………………………………………………….….....3 1.3. Research objective and questions……………………………………………………………………….……..4 1.3.1. Research objectives…………………………………………………………………………………………....…4 1.3.2. Main Research question………………………………………………………………………………………..4 1.3.3. Research sub-questions………………………………………………………………………………………...5 1.4. Operational definitions of terms…………………………………………………………………….…….…...5 1.4.1. Internally Displaced People…………………………………………………………………………………...5 1.4.2. Human Rights Defenders………………………………………………………………………………….......5 1.4.3. Lived Experiences…………………………………………………………………………………………….…....5 1.5. Overview of the study…………………………………………………………………………………………........5 Chapter 2: Literature Review……………………………………………………………………………………….......6 2.1. Displaced Human Rights Defenders…………………………………………………………………………...6 2.1.1. Displaced Human Rights Defenders across the globe……………………………………………...6 2.1.2. Displaced Human Rights Defenders in the African Continent…………………….…………...7 2.1.3. Displaced Human Rights Defenders in Zimbabwe………………………………………………..…8 2.2. Lived experiences of internally displaced Human Rights Defenders………………………..…9 2.2.1. Socio-economic and political challenges of internally displaced Human Rights Defenders………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…….9 1805636 v 2.2.2. Lived experiences of internally displaced vulnerable groups (IDVGs) in Zimbabwe………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..11 2.2.2.1. Return to community of origin……………………………………………………………….……….11 2. 2.2.2. Socio-economic and political challenges of internally displaced Farmers and farmworkers…………………………………………………………………………………………….12 2.2.2.3. Socio-economic and political challenges of internally displaced former slum dwellers…………………………………………………………………………………………………..13 2.3.4. Socio-economic and political challenges of internally displaced children…………….14 2.3. Conceptual frameworks………………………………………………………………………………..……….15 2.3.1. The Impoverished Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) model………………………….………..15 2.3.2. Push-Pull theory……………………………………………………………………………………..………….17 2.3.3. Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC) framework on durable solutions………………………………………………………………………………………………………….17 Chapter 3: Methodology………………………………………………………………………………………………19 3.1. Phenomenological approach…………………………………………………………………………………19 3.2. Research methodology and design…………………………………………………………….………….20 3.2.1. Participants of the study…………………………………………………………………………..…………20 3.2.2. Sample……………………………………………………………………………………………………..…………20 3.2.3. Challenges in the sampling process…………………………………………………………….……….21 3.2.4. Sampling procedure…………………………………………………………………………………………….22 3.2.5. Data collection…………………………………………………………………………………………………….23 3.3. Data Analysis………………………………………………………………………………………………………….24 3.4. Ethical issues………………………………………….………………………………………………………………25 1805636 vi 3.6. Limitations of the study……………………………………………………………………………………………26 3.7. Reflexivity…………………………………………………………………………………………………….………….26 Chapter 4: Presentation and discussion of findings…………………………………………………………27 4.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………27 4.2. Socio-economic and political challenges……………………………………………………………….…27 4.2.1. Inadequate social protection mechanisms and precarious livelihoods……………….…27 4.2.2. Low- and disempowering-income opportunities………………………………………………….32 4.2.3. Social integration difficulties………………………………………………………………………………..35 4.2.4. Family separation and fragile support structure in communities of origin……………38 4.2.5. Psychosocial health challenges………………………………………………………………………….…41 4.2.6. Repressive regime at the root of HRDs challenges………………………………………….……43 4.3. Intention to return to community of origin……………………………………………………….……46 Chapter 5: Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………………..50 References…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….55 List of Appendices…………………………………………………………………………………………………………63 1805636 vii List of Abbreviations AI Amnesty International AKP Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi FLTRP Fast Track Land Reform Programme HRDs Human Rights Defenders IASC Inter-Agency Standing Committee IDHRDs Internally Displaced Human Rights Defenders IDMC Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre IDPs Internally Displaced Persons IDVGs Internally Displaced Vulnerable Groups IRPT Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan ISIS Islamic State of Iraq and Syria MDC Movement for Democratic Change NFSL National Front for Salvation of Libya RNC Rwanda National Congress SAHRDN Southern African Human Rights Defenders Network UK United Kingdom USA United States of America ZANU-PF Zimbabwean African National Union-Patriotic Front ZLHR Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights AIPPA Access to Information and Protection of Privacy IRR Impoverished Risks and Reconstruction CSOs Civil Society Organisations 1805636 viii CBOs Community Based Organisations NGOs Non-Governmental Organisations FIDH International Federation for Human Rights INGOs International Non-Governmental Organisations 1805636 ix Abstract This qualitative study explores the lived experiences of internally displaced Human Rights Defenders (IDHRDs) in Zimbabwe. Participants in this study were selected using purposeful sampling technique. The experiences of six IDHRDs were gathered using semi-structured in- depth interviews. The study analysed data using thematic analysis. Data analysis revealed that IDHRDs experienced socio-economic and political challenges. Regarding their socio-economic and political challenges, the participants revealed that their displacement led to precarious livelihoods. They earned income from their different professions, but displacement resulted in not only loss of jobs but also loss of income. The coping mechanisms in place were not adequate for them. They received support from civil society organisations by means of grant support, but the mechanisms were inadequate. The grant support was not enough, and it did not last for as long as they were internally displaced. For those who could find employment, the employment opportunities were of low standard and disempowering. They engaged in activities such as illegal mining and manual labour. Those activities provided them with low and disempowering income. The money they received was less than the income they earned before being internally displaced. Furthermore, an activity like illegal mining could get the participant arrested. The findings reveal that participants had difficulties in integrating with members of the host community because of trust issues and safety concerns. The findings reveal that even when the host community members welcomed IDHRDs in the host community, participants felt that intentionally or unintentionally, the host community members could reveal their whereabouts. Another challenge the study reveals is that being internally displaced had an impact on IDHRDs’ psychosocial wellbeing. Not having their families with them and lack of support from their families negatively impacted them. They blamed the government saying had the ruling party not been repressive, they would not have experienced those challenges. Despite the repressive regime being at the root of their challenges, the findings reveal that IDHRDs have intentions to return to community of origin. The intentions to return were in an attempt to receive their pre-displacement economic opportunities, to be reunited with their families and to rebuild their lives by finding new employment. Key words: lived experiences, internal displacement, Human Rights Defenders 1805636 1 Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1. Background This study seeks to explore the lived experiences of Internally Displaced Human Rights Defenders (IDHRDs) in Zimbabwe. It is not about the Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) who are working with internally displaced persons (IDPs). It is about the lived experiences of the HRDs in Zimbabwe who are displaced themselves. Mapp (2008) describes lived experiences as providing details of the circumstances in the manner that the person who has gone through those experiences understand them. This implies that when a person narrates the encounters they had from their own perspectives, it is their lived experiences. Vandenbuscche (2019) describes lived experiences as the experience of living through everyday events and the meanings that the person attaches to those experiences. Vandenbuscche points out that the main purpose of research on lived experiences is to acquire an understanding of how people feel, interpret and experience certain events in their everyday lives. Howard-Hassman (2010) argues that human rights violations are rife in Zimbabwe. Chitimira (2017) states that the 2013 enactment of the Zimbabwean constitution brought some hope to citizens that the country would respect the rule of law, democracy, and human rights. The Constitution of the Republic of Zimbabwe (2013) brought significant changes such as: a) declaration that recognises socio-economic rights; b) institutions that are independent and support democracy; c) rule of law; d) the constitution that is supreme and independent; e) guarantee of people’s freedom of expression; and f) media freedom including the protection and confidentiality of sources that provides information to HRDs. The Universal Periodic Review Working Group (UPR Working Group, 2013) found that despite the protections that are offered in the Zimbabwean constitution, HRDs are continuously being intimidated with the use of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) to undermine their constitutionally enshrined liberties. The UPR Working Group discovered that even though the Zimbabwean constitution repealed some AIPPA sections and the offence of criminal defamation, law enforcement agencies still invoke them. For example, the UPR Working Group states that the prosecuting authorities are continuing to harass journalists using those sections. A Frontline Defenders report (2019) claims that the state 1805636 2 charges HRDs using Article 22(2) (a) (iii) of the Criminal Law Act and detains HRDs to the Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison.1 The Frontline Defenders report points out that due to these laws, HRDs face arrests and detention. Consequently, HRDs decide to flee because of concerns over their safety. The reviewed literature in chapter two provides information on the displacement of HRDs. The information is about HRDs from around the world as well as African countries including Zimbabwe which is the country of focus in this study. The reviewed literature on displacement reveals that HRDs are displaced mainly due to the repressive regimes presiding over their governments. For example, in Iraq, the reviewed literature highlights that HRDs are internally displaced by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)2 supporters who are unleashing a crackdown on HRDs, particularly the Yazidi3 activists. In Rwanda, the literature review reveals that the longevity of President Paul Kagame is attributed to his suppression of dissidents and opponents of his repressive regime. The reviewed literature on displacement indicates that IDHRDs seems to be a forgotten group. There is little or no available scholarship on their lived experiences while they are internally displaced. As a result, this study explores the lived experiences of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe and attempts to contribute to the scholarship on the topic. There are two reasons why I embarked on this study. The first reason is because the Zimbabwean government denied access to experts who would have been able to document the experiences of the HRDs. As Forst (2018) notes, the Zimbabwean government refused to extend an invitation to him as the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Situation of HRDs, to visit the country and conduct research on the situation of HRDs in the country.4 The second reason was because the displacement of HRDs is a reality. In my professional capacity, I happen to work with organisations that work closely with HRDs. These organisations assist HRDs with accommodation in ‘safe hubs’ and that sparked my interest about their lived experiences while internally displaced to those safe hubs. This study on the lived experiences 1 Article 22(2) (a) (iii) coercing or trying to coerce the government 2 ISIS is a militant ultra-conservative caliphate that enforces Sharia or Islamic law 3 Yazidis are monotheistic minority group who are indigenous to Kurdistan, a geographical region in western Asia that includes Iraq 4 One of the mandates of the Special Rapporteur on Situation of HRDs is to study developments and challenges on the right to promote and protect human rights and seek, receive and respond to information on the situation of human rights defenders 1805636 3 of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe contributes not only to the general literature on internal displacement but also and more specifically to the displacement of HRDs. It has done so by highlighting aspects of their daily lives and what it means to be internally displaced thus humanising their experiences beyond just their physical safety. Due to there being little or no available information on the lived experiences of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe, the literature review focused on lived experiences of internally displaced vulnerable groups (IDVGs). The reviewed literature in chapter two looks at the lived experiences of IDVGs such as farmers and farmworkers, children, and former slum-dwellers. As the literature review highlights, IDVGs face several socio-economic challenges including loss of livelihood, homelessness, and loss of economic opportunities. The IDVGs also indicated their desire to return to their communities of origin. An example is that of the Porta Farm community members who fought for 15 years and when they were internally displaced, still took steps to attempt to return to Porta Farm.5 My assumption was that the Zimbabwean HRDs who are themselves displaced, albeit internally, were having similar experiences. As chapter four indicates, indeed IDHRDs are having similar experiences. For example, the findings reveal that the internally displaced HRDs are facing the following socio-economic and political challenges: a) inadequate social protection mechanisms and precarious livelihoods; b) low- and disempowering-income opportunities; c) social integration difficulties; d) family separation and fragile support structure in communities of origin; and e) psychosocial health challenges. This study also reveals that IDHRDs have intentions to return to their communities of origin. With these findings, the study attempts to contribute to scholarship on the lived experiences of IDHRDs. Furthermore, this research may also benefit those who work with HRDs to think about assisting them beyond just providing a physical refuge. 1.2. Problem Statement/Rationale In 2019, the Zimbabwean government authorities initiated a crackdown on HRDs ahead of the protest that was organised by the opposition party (Amnesty International, 2019). The protest was against fuel hikes. The Amnesty International (AI) report states that the Zimbabwean government’s crackdown led to the internal displacement of the country’s 5 Porta Farm was an informal settlement on the outskirts of Harare where people were internally displaced as a result of Zimbabwe’s operation restore order or as known in the Shona language, Murambatsvina, to make way for development. 1805636 4 HRDs. HRDs in the country are applying to the Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (SAHRDN), an organisation that works with HRDs, to assist them with alternative accommodation, away from their homes due to concerns about their safety (Africa Defenders, 2019). This study sought to explore IDHRDs’ lived experiences beyond the safe hubs that organisations such as the SAHRDN provide. The Zimbabwean government was putting measures in place to ensure that the lived experiences of the HRDs were not documented. This was evident in the country’s refusal to allow the UN Special Rapporteur on HRDs in the country in 2018 (Forst, 2018). Forst expressed concerns that the government was trying to keep him from interacting with and interviewing HRDs in the country. It was because of that reason that I identified a need to invite IDHRDs to share their own lived experiences, to enable an understanding of their experiences. This study brought attention to the lived experiences of HRDs by interviewing HRDs in Zimbabwe that are themselves internally displaced. From the literature reviewed, the internally displaced HRDs seem to have been a ‘forgotten’ group with regard to scholarship on internal displacement. Indeed, while literature was readily available on experiences of other IDVGs such as farmers and farmworkers, former slum-dwellers and children, there was very little that was known if at all, about internally displaced HRDs’ lived experiences. This study attempts to bridge that identified knowledge gap. 1.3. Research objective and questions 1.3.1. Research objectives The objective of this research is to document and analyse the lived experiences of the internally displaced HRDs in Zimbabwe. By doing so and by specifically focusing on the displacement of a group (HRDs) that does not seem to have attracted much scholarly attention, this study aims to contribute to broad literature and knowledge on internal displacement. 1.3.2. Main Research Question  What are the lived experiences of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe? 1805636 5 1.3.3. Research sub-questions  How are HRDs’ socio-economic and political conditions while internally displaced?  What factors shape these conditions/experiences?  How is the relationship of IDHRDs with members of their origin and host communities? 1.4. Operational Definitions of Terms The operational definitions for this study are as follows: 1.4.1. Internally displaced people – people who have been forced to flee their homes to avoid impacts of armed conflict, political violence and situations violating their human rights. Those people must have not crossed an internationally recognised border. 1.4.2. Human Rights Defenders- they include the following: whistle-blowers and journalists providing access to information to the public, political activists, and opponents critical of oppressive regimes and human rights and civil society activists fighting for the promotion and protection of people’s human rights. 1.4.3. Lived Experiences – lived experiences are those everyday experiences of a person and the knowledge that the person obtained from those experiences (Mapp, 2008). It is the provision of an understanding of an experience from the one who lived it. For the purpose of my study, lived experiences are socio-economic and political conditions of the internally displaced HRDs. 1.5. Overview of the report chapters Following this introduction, this report proceeds in four chapters. Chapter two is the literature review which outlines the existing empirical and theoretical scholarship on the topic and identifies the knowledge gap that this study attempts to fill. Chapter three is the methodology chapter which provides a detailed description of the research methodological approaches and choices. Chapter four presents and discusses this study’s findings. Finally, chapter five is a conclusion which summarises the main findings of the study and the study’s significance. 1805636 6 Chapter 2: Literature review This study’s literature review focused on two concepts which are important to this research: displacement of HRDs and lived experiences of IDHRDs. The following is how the review process unfolded: firstly, the review sought to explore the displacement of HRDs. The aim was to establish if the displacement of HRDs is a significant phenomenon and whether the phenomenon was rife. Secondly, when the magnitude of the phenomenon was established, the review explored literature on lived experiences of IDHRDs. The literature review chapter ends with the discussion of the conceptual frameworks informing this research. 2.1. Displaced Human Rights Defenders HRDs in many countries continue to suffer from human rights violations and abuse (Neto, 2016). The culprits of the violations include states using their organs such as members of the judiciary, the police and state security agents to forcibly displace HRDs. The literature review indicates that repressive regimes were the main cause of displaced HRDs. Below is the presentation of the literature from across the globe that supports Neto’s argument. 2.1.1. Displaced Human Rights Defenders across the globe In Tajikistan, Furstenbenberg (2021) argues that the president of the country, Emomali Rahmon, presided over the government that has displaced political activists and opponents. To support the argument, the author referred to the Freedom in the World6 report that was released in 2021 which rates nations according to civil liberties and political rights. In that report, Tajikistan was listed as among the twenty most oppressive regimes in the world. Furstenberg reveals that President Rahmon unleashed a crackdown on opposition party activists from the Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (IRPT) and Group 24.7 The author points out that the crackdown drove activists into forced displacement. In Iraq, Thibos (2014) conducted a study on 35 years of forced displacement in Iraq: contextualising the ISIS threat, unpacking the movements. Among the study’s findings is that Iraq has seen civil society and political activists being violently displaced since the Saddam Hussein era. Thibos points out that activists continue being displaced even after the fall of 6 https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/2021-02/FIW2021_World_02252021_FINAL-web-upload.pdf 7 It is a political opposition movement that opposes the government of the Tajikistan president 1805636 7 Hussein. The study reveals that during Hussein’s regime, forced displacement was a significant tool used against political activists who were critical of his government. Thibos provides an account of the Shi’a uprising that took place in Iraq in 1991. According to Thibos the state used the uprising to victimise and purge political activists. Furthermore, the state unleashed security forces on those political activists, used chemical weapons and burned their villages leading to their forced displacement. According to Thibos, the post-Saddam regime is not different. Thibos’ study details the account provided by a Yazidi activist.8 The activist mentioned that violations were committed against them by the groups that support ISIS. The activist claims that the groups expropriated their properties and drove them into displacement. In Syria, Moss (2016) conducted a study on transnational repression, diaspora mobilisation and the case of the Arab spring. The study reveals that President Al-Assad’s repressive regime unleashed a crackdown on Syrian activists who opposed the government’s authoritarian ways. The study reveals that the crackdown led to the displacement of activists. Ozturk & Tas (2020) argue that while Turkey’s extraterritorial autocratic government did not start under the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP) rule, it is justified to mention that the country has increased its fight against the Gulen Movement9 activists. The authors argue that the Turkish authorities have conducted a large-scale international purge to root out all displaced Gulen activists. 2.1.2. Displaced Human Rights Defenders in the African Continent Al-Anani (2022) conducted a study in Egypt on Sisi's Transnational Repression: Silencing Political Dissidents in Exile. The author states that in Egypt, dissidents, activists, bloggers, journalists, and human rights activists have fled the country in fear of Sisi’s repressive regime. The author states that the regime used security and intelligence agencies to silence HRDs and they are also using strategies such as made-up charges. Al-Anani reveals that the other method of silencing activists was portraying HRDs as conspiring against the state. The author 8 A Yazidi fighting against forced conversion campaign carried by Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) 9 A movement that advocates for the universal access to education, civil society, tolerance and peace 1805636 8 indicates that many HRDs fled to countries such as the United Kingdom (UK), Canada, France and the United States of America (USA). According to Schenkken & Linzer (2021), the regime longevity of Rwandan president Paul Kagame is made possible by the continuous suppression of his regime’s political opponents. The authors state that the president uses the tactic of suppression against those who are vocal against his regime whether inside or outside the country. Schenkken & Linzer argue that the targets are political activists that are affiliated with opposition activists from groups such as the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), among others. The authors claim that the opposition party activists are targeted because they can give insights and challenge narratives about the country’s politics. Additionally, the authors argue that activists are targeted because they have enough influence to persuade citizens or international partners to turn against Kagame’s government. Schenkken & Linzer state that activists are forced to flee Rwanda to escape being targeted. Moss (2016) argues that during Muammar Gaddaffi’s authoritarian regime, several activists who opposed his regime were displaced in Libya. The author states that the activists fled to countries such as the UK and the USA. Moss mentions that some of the displaced activists were from the National Front for the Salvation of Libya (NFSL). According to Moss, the reason for the activists’ displacement was due to their anti-regime activities. The reviewed literature presented above indicates that the displacement of HRDs is a reality and a significant phenomenon globally and on the African continent. As this study is focusing on the lived experiences of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe, It was important to establish whether the phenomenon existed in Zimbabwe. The section below presents the literature review on the displacement of HRDs in Zimbabwe. 2.1.3. Displaced Human Rights Defenders in Zimbabwe According to Baptist (2010) the repressive regime of President Mugabe forced many journalists and activists to flee Zimbabwe. The author points out that the Mugabe regime clamped down on those journalists and activists who were critical or speaking out against the regime. Baptist indicates that some of the affected journalists and activists were displaced to countries such as the UK. 1805636 9 According to Alexander & Chitifori (2010), political activists especially from opposition parties like the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in Zimbabwe face harassment, victimisation and torture at the hands of the ruling regime, the Zimbabwean African National Union- Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party. To support their argument, the authors cite that in 2008, the ZANU-PF government unleashed an onslaught on MDC activists. Alexander & Chitifori argue that a senior ZANU-PF leader organised bases for the MDC activists to be gathered so that they could be beaten. In addition, Alexander & Chitofiri advocate that ZANU-PF saw those activists who refused to be brought to the bases they set up, as criminals and worthy of punishment. In fearing the actions that the ZANU-PF officials would take against them for their defiance, many activists fled the town of Norton to other communities in Zimbabwe. The reviewed literature on the displacement of HRDs revealed two things. Firstly, indeed HRDs are displaced. Secondly, the phenomenon was rife across the globe including not only in the African continent but also in Zimbabwe. Now that the displacement of HRDs has been established to be a significant phenomenon, the section below looks at their lived experiences while internally displaced. 2.2. Lived Experiences of internally displaced Human Rights Defenders The reviewed literature indicates that IDHRDs faced challenges that were common across different countries. Their experiences were socio-economic and political in nature. The following provides a brief discussion of these experiences. 2.2.1. Socio-economic and political challenges of Internally Displaced Human Rights Defenders (IDHRDs) Furstenberg (2021) reveals that Tajikistan president Rahmon’s clampdown on activists led to the internal displacement of some IRPT and Group 24 activists. The study reveals the activists’ socio-economic challenges as follows: a) their associates in the communities of origin were threatened with violence or coercion by the state and b) the authorities exerted pressure through measures against their relatives in the communities of origin. The author mentions that the aim of the state was to force the displaced activists to cease their activism. One participant from Group 24 in Furstenberg’s study said his relatives and family were subjected to harassment from government authorities. The participant mentioned that there was a time 1805636 10 when his brother was beaten by the security services. The participant also said that in addition to physical tortures, their families endured psychological torture. The accounts provided by this Group 24 activist were like the ones that were provided by another Group 24 activist in a study by Kluczewska (2019). The activist interviewed mentioned that his parents were forced to speak out against his activities. According to him, the security services also beat up his brother and father and forced them to make a video directed to him. In that video, the authorities asked the activist to be a good son, to stop talking badly about the government and to also end his political activities and return home. According to Moss (2016) the threats against the displaced Syrian activists and their families led to the activists being guarded on how they conducted their advocacy. For example, the author said that the activists would cover their faces during protests, post anonymously online and refuse invitations to speak to their families. These efforts were measures to try to keep their families in their communities of origin safe. The author’s findings reveal that one participant even had to seek permission from his family who were left behind at the community of origin when he had to organise or be involved in demonstrations while he was displaced. Thibos’ (2014) study reveals that the Yazidi activists who were internally displaced by ISIS supporters encountered the following socio-economic and political challenges: a) loss of land b) loss of title-deeds forcing them to not have access to government loans and c) inability to farm. Thibos’ study reveals that the current land on which they were living was not good for farming compared to their previous land. For example, one activist said that the land he had prior to his displacement enabled him to drill a water well. He could not do the same in the land he was displaced to because he did not have a title-deed. According to Thibos, the participant mentioned that if the government offered loans, it was not going to benefit him either due to having no title-deed. Al-Anani’s (2022) study reveals that the activists internally displaced by the Egyptian repressive regime of President Al-Sisi faced numerous challenges. These challenges included: a) threats to kill them and b) they were prevented from returning to their homes until they stop their criticism of the government c) arrest and torture of their family members. 1805636 11 The above literature on the lived experiences of IDHRDs reveals that they face socio-economic challenges. However, the scholarly contribution on IDHRDs in Zimbabwe is not highlighted. This may indicate that there was little or no available information on the lived experiences of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe. This is what this study seeks to do in order contribute to the scholarly knowledge about the lived experiences of this vulnerable group in Zimbabwe. While the reviewed literature indicates there was little or no information, there was literature available on the lived experiences of IDVGs like farmers and farmworkers, former slum-dwellers, and children. This section below covers the lived experiences of those IDVGs. 2.2.2. Lived experiences of Internally Displaced Vulnerable Groups (IDVGs) in Zimbabwe The literature review on lived experiences of IDHRDs indicated that there seems to be little or no available information on lived experiences of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe. That is the knowledge gap this study attempts to fill. There was, however, literature available on the lived experiences of other IDVGs like farmers and farmworkers, children, and former slum- dwellers. The hypothesis was that IDHRDs in Zimbabwe might share similar experiences of those IDVGs. The reviewed literature revealed commonalities in IDVGs’ lived experiences. The first commonality was that they wanted to return to their communities of origin. The second commonality was that they faced socio-economic and political challenges. The literature review resulted in two themes emerging which are: return to communities of origin and socio- economic and political challenges. The literature review on the lived experiences of the IDVGs is presented below according to these two themes. 2.2.2.1. Return to community of origin Amnesty International and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (AI & ZLHR, 2006) conducted a study at Porta Farm in Zimbabwe. The study reveals that the residents of Porta Farm had faced a 15-year-old settlement dispute with the government. According to the study, the Porta Farm residents experienced victories and disappointments during the 15-year legal battle with government. The study reveals that at one point, the residents were internally displaced and returned to the farm when the Zimbabwean courts ruled in their favour. It also reveals that at one point the government abided by the court order and identified land where the residents could farm. However, at the end of the 15-year battle, the study reveals that the Porta Farm residents became internally displaced, and the government informed them to 1805636 12 return to the rural areas where they originated. According to the study, the government claimed that the affected people did not belong to the Porta Farm and that they have their communities of origin, in the rural areas where they needed to return. The report states that the intention of the government in internally displacing the Porta Farm residents was so that they could transform the land into a commercial entity. Kreykes (2010) conducted a Study towards a model of humanitarian intervention: the legality of armed intervention to address operation Murambatsvina10 in Zimbabwe. In the study, the author reveals that Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) came out to address the unlawfulness that was Operation Murambatsvina that resulted in people being internally displaced. The operation violated national and international frameworks and was seen as a crime against humanity (P.338). The study reveals that there was an understanding from CSOs that the internally displaced people needed to return to their ommunities of origin. Kreykes highlights that in response, the government instructed that IDPs needed to return to rural areas because Zimbabweans have homes in rural areas. 2.2.2.2. Socio-economic and political challenges of Internally Displaced Farmers and Farmworkers According to Mapiko & Chinyoka (2013) farmworkers who were internally displaced during Zimbabwe’s Fast Track Land Reform Programme11 (FTLRP) believe that they were forcibly displaced because the ruling ZANU-PF party accused them of being supporters of opposition parties. The authors argue that the participants believed their displacements were serving as retaliatory punishment for the accusations. While internally displaced, the farmers and farmworkers encountered the following socio-economic challenges: a) loss of homes b) loss of livelihood and c) poverty. According to Hammar (2008), the period that followed the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe provides a picture of the politically driven violence and displacement. Large numbers of Zimbabweans including farmworkers were internally displaced. Senior army officers and ZANU-PF political figures accompanied ruling party militias on a violent spree (ibid). Hammar 10 The operation was also known as operation restore order, a large-scale Zimbabwean government campaign to forcibly clear slums across the country 11 Part of Zimbabwe’s ongoing land reform and resettlement that sought to address racially skewed land distribution pattern inherited when the country got its independence 1805636 13 indicates that among those who were affected were farmers and farmworkers. About 40 000 farmworkers were internally displaced because of the FTLRP programme. According to Hammar’s study their experiences were as follows: a) they faced assaults b) their belongings were stolen and c) encountered mass psychological torture. According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC, 2008), the Zimbabwean government embarked on fast-tracking land that was privately owned and deemed to be in the hands of the minority to the many black Zimbabweans. The report states that by doing that, the government claimed it was addressing the distribution of the land that was skewed. The report mentions that due to the land reform not having the interest of farmworkers, many farmworkers were forced to leave the farms when land was taken from the farmers. According to the report, the internally displaced farmworkers encountered the following challenges: a) loss of land and homes; b) lack of social integration in host communities due to not being welcomed; c) loss of livelihood and d) victimisation. 2.2.2.3. Socio-economic and political challenges of internally displaced former slum dwellers Hammar (2008) states that Operation Murambatsvina was a national militarised operation that led to mass displacement affecting urban areas. The author points out that the operation left millions of people internally displaced. According to the author, the urban-dwellers experienced massive challenges while in displacement. Among the challenges that the internally displaced dwellers experienced were a) loss of homes b) loss of livelihood c) homelessness d) poverty e) lack of access to clean water and food f) loss of economic opportunities. Many of the former slum-dwellers were displaced to rural communities where they had no networks. In addition, for those who were staying in camps, they were guarded by security ‘authorities’ who were loyal to the ruling party (P.31). Madebwe et al. (2005) conducted a study on the impact of Operation Murambatsvina. The aim of the study was to assess the impact that Operation Murambatsvina had on the internally displaced slum-dwellers’ lives and livelihoods. The study’s findings reveal that internally displaced former slum-dwellers lost their livelihoods. For example, a participant mentioned that raising chickens was a viable source of income. Due to the lack of proper warning, the participant in the study mentioned that they did not have enough time to 1805636 14 dispose of their stock at market prices. Also, their chickens had not yet matured sufficiently to be sold, at that time. As a result, the participant in Madebwe’s study said they sold chickens at a loss which led to economic losses that negatively impacted their livelihoods. 2.2.2.4. Socio-economic and political challenges of internally displaced children According to Benyera & Nyere (2015) most people who were affected by Operation Murambatsvina included children. The authors state that being internally displaced led to several socio-economic and political challenges for the children. For example, young women resorted to prostitution in order to make a living. Engaging in prostitution led to several health-related challenges such as: a) transmission of HIV/AIDS; b) lack of access to anti- retroviral medications; c) lack of access to food security. According to the authors, some children got their meals from Orphans and Vulnerable Centres12 (OVCs) that were run by donor-funded NGOs. Mapiko & Chinyoka (2013) conducted a study which sought to critically assess the educational opportunities that were available to internally displaced children in Zimbabwe. The children were those who were affected by the invasions on farms during Operation Murambatsvina. The study also sought to evaluate the psychosocial assistance that was afforded to the children. Mapiko & Chinyoka’s study reveals several socio-economic and political challenges that were faced by internally displaced children. Among the challenges they faced were a) lack of educational opportunities b) economic responsibilities c) providing livelihoods c) lack of protection d) cultural and language differences and e) discrimination/ostracism. According to the study, they were children and should have been in school instead of having the responsibilities of seeking economic opportunities. Conclusion The aim of this literature review was to provide an overview of the studies that have been conducted on the displacement of HRDs to explore how rife this phenomenon was across the globe. The literature review highlights that the displacement of HRDs was indeed a reality and a significant phenomenon. Once that was established, the review of literature focused on HRDs’ lived experiences while they were internally displaced. Based on the lived 12 Centres that provide care and support to orphans and vulnerable children 1805636 15 experiences of IDHRDs in the literature review, they share common socio-economic challenges across the different countries. However, there was little or no available scholarly contribution on the lived experiences of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe. That is the gap this study attempts to fill and by doing so, contributes to scholarship about this neglected IDP group. Different scholars have contributed knowledge to the scholarship on the lived experiences of IDVGs such as farmers and farmworkers given the history of land redistribution that President Robert Mugabe’s regime embarked upon. Besides farmers and farmworkers, there was literature on the lived experiences of internally displaced children due to the history of land invasions. There was also literature on former slum-dwellers as a result of Operation Murambatsvina. Literature was reviewed and there were commonalities that emerged. The first was that the IDVGs would like to return to communities of origin. The second was that they experienced socio-economic and political challenges while internally displaced. The hypothesis was that IDHRDs had similar experiences. That was the reason for looking at the scholarship on the lived experiences of IDVGs that are as vulnerable as IDHRDs. 3. Conceptual Frameworks There are three conceptual frameworks that inform this research. The first conceptual framework is the Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) model. The second conceptual framework is the Push-Pull theory and the third one is the Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC) framework on durable solution for IDPs. These conceptual frameworks were selected because they are a fit to the lived experiences of IDVGs as outlined in the literature review. This study is on lived experiences of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe and it is anchored around these three conceptual frameworks. The three conceptual frameworks are discussed in detail below. 3.1. The Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) model Professor Michael Cernea, a Romanian sociologist and anthropologist proposed a model which focuses on the social and economic content of involuntary displacement in the late 1990s, the Impoverishment Risks, Risk management and Reconstruction (IRR) model. Gizachew (2017) explains that the IRR model has been widely accepted and used to assess the magnitude of the impact of forced displacement. According to Gizachew the model is used to analyse the impact of forced displacement on those who are involuntarily displaced. The 1805636 16 author states that to explain the model, Cernea breaks down the impoverishment process into eight different but interconnected risk ‘continuums’ (P.69). According to the author, the impoverishment risks as a result of displacements are as follows: a) landlessness, b) joblessness, c) homelessness, d) marginalization, e) increased morbidity and mortality, f) food insecurity f) loss of access to common resources and services, and h) social (community) disarticulation. Qunying (2018) states that the IRR model provides a conceptual ‘apparatus’ that helps in explaining, predicting and reversing impoverishment during displacement (P. 4). Qunying points out that the model has been widely adopted in research on involuntary displacement and applied to many resettlement projects by organisations such as the World Bank. Indeed, based on the literature that seems to be the case. For example, Amithalingam & Laksham (2014) used the model as a conceptual framework when they conducted a study on the impact of internal displacement on livelihoods. Adam et al. (2015) used the model as a framework when they conducted a study on households’ livelihoods and project-induced displacement. As the review of literature indicates, the impoverishment risks identified by Cernea apply to the lived experiences of IDVGs. The literature on the lived experiences of IDVGs in Zimbabwe was reviewed and presented due to little or no available scholarly contribution on the lived experiences of IDHRDs in the country. The literature review on the lived experiences of IDVGs revealed that their lived experiences while internally displaced includes the following: a) loss of food security, b) loss of livelihood, c) poverty, e) psychological torture, and f) loss of property. These are the impoverishment risks that Cernea’s IRR model identified. The IDHRDs which are the focus group of this study may be facing similar challenges. This then makes the IRR model a suitable framework to test the lived experiences of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe. As Gizachew (2017) states, Cernea impoverished risks are used to assess the impact of involuntary displacement. However, this model is short of explaining the causes of internal displacement. From the literature review, a repressive regime is a causal factor of IDVGs. That is why it was important to have another conceptual framework to complement Cernea’s impoverishment risks. The section below discusses that conceptual framework. 1805636 17 3.2. Push-Pull theory Lee (1966) theorises that there are certain factors that either push people away from their community of origin or pull them towards a host community and vice versa, the pull-push theory. The author refers to push factors as those factors that may force people to leave their community of origin. According to Lee, one of the determinants of people fleeing is for political reasons. The political reasons that the author provided are repressive regimes and bad governance based on how governments exercise power. As the literature review indicates the repressive Zimbabwe regime is the cause of IDVGs like farmers and farmworkers, children, and former slum-dwellers. It highlights that IDVGs were evicted from their farms and houses through political operations like FTLRD and Operation Murambatsvina. The literature review also reveals that while internally displaced, IDVGs, experienced several challenges namely: a) forceful evictions, b) being accused of being an opposition supporter c) threats d) assaults by ZANU-PF officials. This study focuses on lived experiences of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe. IDHRDs in Zimbabwe had similar experiences at the hands of repressive regime as will be outlined in chapter four of this study. The push-pull theory is applied to the lived experiences of IDVGs and was tested in chapter four on the findings of this study on lived experiences of IDHRDs. While the push-pull theory assesses the drivers of migration and identifies political factors of migration like repressive regime as determinants, it does not go further in explaining future plans of the displaced persons. The literature review of IDVGs highlights that they would like to return to communities of origin. The framework that fits the desire to return was identified and is presented in the section below. 3.3. Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC) framework on durable solutions The IASC framework on durable solutions (2010) was developed with the intention of providing guidance for achieving durable solutions following, among others, displacement caused by human rights violations. One of the durable solutions principles according to the framework is returning to communities of origin. The framework states that even when IDPs return to their community of origin, they still require support until a solution of what caused their displacement is found. It states that only when IDPs no longer need protection or assistance, can a durable solution be achieved. 1805636 18 Nguya & Siddiqui (2020) state that it is important that IDPs’ needs are addressed and the reason for their displacement also addressed to ensure that there is no recurrence. The authors argue that it is the responsibility of the state to ensure that they take steps to reduce the vulnerabilities of IDPs and to reduce the risk of future displacement. Nguya & Siddiqui point out that IDPs must be involved in determining how they want to resolve their displacement. The IASC can be applied to IDVGs in the literature review. One of the three durable solutions is IDPs returning to their communities of origin. As the literature on lived experiences of IDVGs indicates returning was seen as a durable solution for IDVGs. An example is the Porta Farm community. The community fought a legal battle for 15 years to be returned to their land. The framework mentions that the responsible state needs to lead on finding durable solutions for IDPs. In addition, according to the framework, IDPs need to be part of the solutions for the durable solution to be achieved. The literature on returning to communities of origin highlight that the state was violating the rights of the Porta Farm community. It highlights that the CSOs viewed Operation Murambatsvina as unlawful. That may mean that if the state is the aggressor, a durable solution may not be realised. The framework has been used by scholars such as Davis et al. (2018). The authors conducted a Study of Return as A Durable Solution in Iraq and used the framework. The framework is appropriate for my study because the internally displaced HRDs may have similar experiences to the IDVGs and have the desire to return to their communities of origin. 1805636 19 Chapter 3: Methodology 3.1. Phenomenological approach According to Qutoshi (2018), phenomenology is a method of inquiry that is used as ‘intellectual engagement in interpreting and making meanings to understand the lived world of human beings at a conscious level’ (P.215). According to Qutoshi, it is a concept formulated by German philosopher Edmund Gustav Albrecht Husserl as a science that gives wider meaning to the lived experiences under the study (ibid). The author states that by using this method, the researcher gains insights into the lived experiences and interpret meaning making. This method is relevant for my study on the lived experiences of IDHRDs in Zimbabwe. Through using this method, I attempted to gain insights into the lived experiences of the internally displaced HRDs from their perspectives. The purpose of the phenomenological approach is to identify phenomena through how they are perceived by the actors in a situation (ibid). The actors in a situation as mentioned by Qutoshi’s study, are IDHRDs in Zimbabwe. I wanted them to be the ones providing me insights into their experiences. According to Lester (1999), in the human sphere, identifying phenomena through how they are perceived by the actors translates to gathering accurate information and perceptions. The author mentions that information is gathered through inductive qualitative methods such as interviews, from the perspective of the research participants. That is what I attempted to do with this study. Data for this study was gathered from the interviews with IDHRDs to allow them to give meaning to their lived experiences while internally displaced. Lester argues that the phenomenological approach is based on a paradigm of personal knowledge and subjectivity and as such, it is ‘concerned with the study of experience from the perspective of the individual’ (1999, P.2). Lester argues that the approach recognises the importance of personal perspective and interpretation. Additionally, the author advocates that personal perspective and interpretation are powerful for understanding the experience of the participants that the researcher is studying. Lester further mentions that only the affected people can give meaning to their lived experiences, and no one can provide insight into their lives on their behalf. To understand the lived experiences of IDHRDs using the 1805636 20 approach, it was important to get that information specifically from the subjects being studied, in this study’s case, IDHRDs. That is what the study aimed to do. 3.2. Research methodology and design 3.2.1. Participants of the study The participants to this study were Zimbabwean HRDs who were at the time of the interviews internally displaced in Zimbabwe. In order to establish their lived experiences while they were displaced, I interviewed six participants in total. I secured four participants from an organisation that works with HRDs. I wrote a letter to the organisation explaining to them the purpose of my research. I requested them to find IDHRDs who were willing to be part of this study. I requested that the organisation give those participants my contact number, for the participants to contact me if they were willing and available to take part in my study. Four participants contacted me, and I interviewed them. I recruited two participants through a prominent deceased Zimbabwean Human Rights Activist who was based in South Africa. The deceased passed away in December. I wrote to him about the intention of the study and requested that he finds me IDHRDs who were also willing and available to be part of this study. Additionally, I asked that he gives my contact number to those HRDs for them to get in touch with me if they were willing and available to be part of this study. Two participants contacted me, and I interviewed them. 3.2.2. Sample The six participants in this study were identified using purposeful sampling. Purposeful sampling was best suited for this study, as a technique mostly used in qualitative research. Creswell et al. (2011) argues that the advantage of purposeful sampling is identifying and selecting participants that have the knowledge or have experience of the subject of study. The participants that I needed for this study were Zimbabwean HRDs who were internally displaced. When I reached out to my Zimbabwean contacts at the different organisations working with HRDs, I made a request that the HRDs needed to be internally displaced in Zimbabwe at the time of conducting the interviews. I do not work directly with HRDs. As a result, it was going to be difficult for me to be able to identify HRDs that are internally displaced. As already mentioned, I had to rely on my 1805636 21 Zimbabwean contacts to secure the participants of this study on my behalf. There were two reasons for that decision. The first reason was that I was not staying in Zimbabwe and could not travel to the country due to insufficient financial resources. Patton (2002) argues that purposeful sampling is widely used in qualitative research because it allows the researcher to identify and select cases that are rich in information with limited resources. The IDHRDs were the right people to share valuable insights into their experiences while internally displaced. The second reason was that since HRDs are a vulnerable group in Zimbabwe, it was important for me to go through contacts that work directly with them because of the established relationships and trust between them. The contacts who work with IDHRDs explained to them clearly that the research is for the purpose of my studies. They also informed potential participants that information such as their real names will be kept confidential. Once this was made clear to the participants and they agreed to take part in the study, my contacts put me in touch with them. My contacts provided them with my mobile number to contact me if they we were willing to be interviewed. Bernard (2002) argues that participants must be available and be willing to participate in the study and be able to articulate themselves clearly. 3.2.3. Challenges in the sampling process The intention was to interview at least ten IDHRDs. During the time I was still conceptualising this study, I engaged three human rights organisations working with HRDs in Zimbabwe. One was a regional organisation that was working in Zimbabwe. The organisation provides safe hubs both internally and externally to HRDs under threat. The other two organisations were local organisations. That means they are working within the boundaries of Zimbabwe. The latter two organisations assist HRDs with legal representation. At the time, the possibility of securing ten participants and more remained high. When the time came for me to secure participants, I reached out to the same organisations. However, the process did not go as planned. I encountered numerous challenges. The first challenge was that the two Zimbabwean organisations that assist HRDs with legal representation informed me that the HRDs that they work with, were no longer internally displaced. When I reached out to the regional organisation that provides safe hubs to HRDs, the regional contact person directed me to the country focal person as the best person to help me with the contacts of IDHRDs. I made numerous email follow-ups with no feedback. 1805636 22 The second challenge I had was participants changing their minds about taking part in the study. I used my contacts to reach out to another organisation that advocates for the improvement of working conditions of rural teachers in Zimbabwe. I also explained the purpose of my study to them, and they put me in touch with six participants. Out of the six potential participants, I managed to confirm and interview four participants. The other two did not avail themselves to the interviews. There could be different reasons why they did not avail themselves. The Southern African Human Rights Defenders Network (SAHRDN) released a report on the assets and need assessment of Zimbabwean Human Rights Defenders (SAHRDN, 2021). Among the study’s findings is that ‘HRDs believe that state and non-state actors have the ability to get to them regardless of any physical security measures like security guards’ (P.23). The report further states that the HRDs believe that safe houses are no longer providing them with protection. The reason they stated that was because there had been raids in those safe houses previously, according to the study. As a result, the HRDs doubt the reliability of those facilities. The third challenge I encountered was with the untimely passing of my contact who was a prominent human rights activist. The activist helped me with securing interviews with two participants. He was still to provide me with more participants. He passed away not long after returning from Zimbabwe in December 2021. His death sparked a lot of debate with a Zimbabwe opposition party leader saying he warned the activist to not visit Zimbabwe. Due to limited time, I had to carry on and use the data from the six participants that was at my disposal to complete this study. The six participants were all HRDs who were, at the time of the interviews, internally displaced. They could share their lived experiences while displaced. 3.2.4. Sampling procedure My contact that works with the organisation that advocates for the improvement of conditions of rural teachers assisted me by identifying the four IDHRDs who agreed to be interviewed for the purpose of this study. The participants were selected based on their availability and willingness to be part of the study. They were also selected based on their ability to articulate themselves about their lived experiences. The prominent Zimbabwean human rights activist had already assisted me with two participants by the time of his untimely death. The two participants were also selected based on their willingness to take part in this study. In total there were six participants. Dworkin (2012) argues that while there 1805636 23 has been a debate about how many interview participants are enough, few scholars ‘suggests anywhere between 5 and 50’ (P.1320). The author further states that it depends on several factors such as quality of information obtained and the usefulness of the information that the researcher has obtained. 3.2.5. Data collection In trying to understand the meaning that IDHRDs in Zimbabwe attach to their lived experiences, I conducted in-depth qualitative interviews (Interview Guide in Appendix 1). Boyce & Neale (2006) state that in-depth interviewing involves conducting intense interviews with a small number of individuals. The author states that the purpose is to explore the perspectives of the participants on a particular issue or situation. Dworkin (2012) mentions the advantages of in-depth interview as ‘more inductive and emergent in its process’ (P. 1319). The author implies that compared to quantitative methods, qualitative methods are not concerned with producing generalisation to a big population of interest. Ritchie et al. (2003) argues that there may not be value where a large sample is monotonous and no longer contributing to adding new evidence. The six participants provided me with rich and valuable in-depth information that enabled the completion of this study. The data collection was done using semi-structured interviews guided with open-ended questions. The interviews lasted between forty to sixty minutes. The open-ended questions that I used enabled me to understand the lived experiences of internally displaced HRDs without establishing their point of view in advance. The open-ended questions were advantageous in this study because they provided in-depth responses from the participants. The participants in this study spoke English which meant there was no language barrier between me and them. The interviews were conducted telephonically as well as on Zoom with their video disabled to protect their identity. There were challenges with this methodology, some of the interviews were planned to take place via Zoom but we encountered connectivity issues and as a result, I had to call the participants on their mobile phones shifting from Zoom to doing interviews telephonically. Even when we shifted from Zoom to using mobile phones, there were instances where participants informed me that the network reception was poor, and the calls got disconnected. That proved interruptive to the interviews. 1805636 24 However, the participants seemed patient during the challenges that we encountered and availed themselves whenever I called back after the interruptions. The participants also sounded comfortable during the interviews, and some even brought up my contacts who put us in touch. This conveyed to me that the participants had level of trust in me which put both me and them at ease. 3.3. Data Analysis Data analysis of this study was done using thematic analyses. According to Braun & Clarke (2012), thematic analyses is a method of identifying, organising, and getting insight of patterns of themes across a dataset (P.297). The authors state that by focusing on meanings across the dataset, the researcher can make sense of shared meanings and experiences. In doing that, the researcher can identify commonalities in the way the subject is spoken about and can then make sense of those commonalities. The author mentions that what is ‘common is not necessarily in and of itself important or meaningful’ (P.298). The authors argue that the purpose of the thematic analysis is to identify those patterns that are relevant in answering the research question. The commonalities in the case of this study refers to meanings, themes and ideas that have been relayed by participants in this study to explain their lived experiences while internally displaced. Developing the coding system was important in order to examine the data that emerged from themes. In the case of this study, the interviews from the participants were analysed per paragraph in order to identify and write down the codes. The codes were then compared and then a list of main codes emerged. Afterwards, an analysis was conducted on the codes that were identified. Different categories were developed from the topics coded to reduce the codes. Braun & Clarke further state that the earmark of thematic analysis is providing flexibility, in terms of the sample size of the study, the research question and method of data collection. It also provides flexibility in the way the researcher generates meanings. The thematic analysis of this study involved themes and patterns that were identified, categorised and classified to determine important information relevant to the lived experiences of IDHRDs. 1805636 25 3.4. Ethical issues Approval for the research was sought from the human research ethics committee and granted before the data collection (ACMS2020-07-01). I first communicated with my contacts who work closely with HRDs including IDHRDs. I explained to them what my research was about and the purpose of my research. They then communicated with the potential participants and explained to the participants what my research was about and the purpose of it. They asked them if they consented to participate in my study and willing to talk to me. My contacts provided the potential participants with my contact details. The potential participants then contacted me and articulated their availability and willingness to take part in this study. Afterwards, I called the participants and set up the individual online meetings with them. I asked them which method between Zoom, WhatsApp and mobile telephone they would be comfortable using. At the start of the meeting, I provided background to the study and asked the participants if they consented to be interviewed as well as recording the online interview. The advantage of recording the interview was that I could focus on the participants instead of being distracted with taking notes. Allmark et al. (2009) state that among the advice to be given to the interviewees is advising the participants on the types of questions likely to be asked. I informed the participants on the kind of questions that were going to be asked in the study. This was to enable them to be fully aware of the nature of the study and consent to it. Allmark et al. recommends the use of pseudonyms or initials and where necessary, the researcher must change other details in the report which could be used to identify the participants (P.51). This is to safeguard the privacy of the participants. The participants’ real names were not used in this study to protect their identities. There were participants who signed the consent forms using their real names, but I used my discretion in this study to protect the participants’ identities by not using their real names. Attention was given to information in the study which could be used to identify the participants and those details were changed. The participants were also informed that their information will be kept confidential. After the interviews, the recorded interviews were transcribed to safeguard information and other valuable meanings provided by the participants which proved crucial when doing the data analysis. 1805636 26 3.5. Limitations of the study During the process of conducting interviews there were challenges in terms of the connectivity issues. Poor connectivity resulted in our Zoom meetings being interrupted. Also, during the interviews via mobile telephone calls there were interruptions due to mobile phones network issues. Sometimes the participants were not audible due to connection challenges. Information that could have been important might have gotten lost during that process. The sample of this study was small and according to Faber & Fonseca (2014), a small sample may reduce the power of the study. Despite these limitations, the study was able to achieve its objectives. 3.6. Reflexivity My interest in conducting this study is because of the interest I have about IDHRDs. That interest is sparked by my professional capacity. The organisation I work for provides funding to organisations which work closely with HRDs including IDHRDs. I wanted to know more about them beyond just being provided with shelter and security. I knew my contacts in my professional capacity and that is the information they shared with participants as well. As a result, the participants felt free to share their experiences with me and they considered me someone who understood the role of HRDs. The position would however change between someone who understood them and someone who did not understand what they were going through. According to Merriam et al. (2001) during interviews process, participants have the decision of whether to regard or disregard a researcher as one of them. During the interviews, some participants would share experiences with me in a manner that suggested they think I understood their situations while internally displaced. The participants would also say that if I knew about their situations, the organisation I work for would make available financial resources to organisations that work directly with them. I did not feel that the participants were making requests, just making statements. It was important for me to be mindful of my position as a researcher. This came up when they were sharing their socio-economic and political challenges which are outlined in chapter four of this study. 1805636 27 Chapter 4: Presentation and discussion of findings 4.1 Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to present and discuss the findings of the study. The study’s findings are presented and discussed under the following main themes: socio-economic and political challenges and intentions to return to the community of origin. 4.2. Socio-economic and political challenges The study finds that internally displaced HRDs in Zimbabwe face socio-economic and political challenges including a) inadequate social protection mechanisms, b) low- and disempowering-income opportunities and precarious livelihoods, c) social integration difficulties d) family separation and fragile support structure in communities of origin, e) psychosocial health challenges, and f) repressive regime at the root of HRDs challenges. The following section provides a detailed presentation and discussion of these findings. 4.2.1. Inadequate social protection mechanisms and precarious livelihoods Inadequate social protection mechanisms were one of the socio-economic and political challenges that participants in this study identified. Studies have been done on what constitutes social protection mechanisms and which actors can provide those social protection mechanisms. For example, Devereux & Sabates-Wheeler (2004) mention that social protection mechanisms come in the form of accommodation, food and cash provided by donors, Community Based Organisations (CBOs), Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), relatives and or individuals (P. 14). Other studies on social protection mechanisms highlight how crucial social protection mechanisms are in alleviating economic vulnerabilities on those that are marginalised (Devereux & Cuesta, 2021), (Kakuru et al., 2019) and (Long & Sabates-Wheeler, 2017). For example, Long & Sabates-Wheeler (2017) mention that a failure to provide adequate social protection mechanisms may lead to socio-economic challenges. Those socio-economic challenges may then lead to secondary displacement or onward movement, among other things. This finding is evident with the participants in this study. Before their internal displacement, participants were able to attend to their jobs and receive remuneration in their different professions. Their displacement led to the loss of employment resulting in the loss of income 1805636 28 and exposing them to socio-economic challenges while internally displaced. Internal displacement might have provided physical safety for the HRDs. They moved away from places where they suffered physical harm but they were economically vulnerable and experiencing precarious livelihoods. Precarious livelihoods have also been highlighted in other studies. For example, Scoones et al. (2019), conducted a study which sought to explore the different livelihoods of former farmworkers in northern Zimbabwe where tobacco production was central to the post-reform agrarian landscape. Participants in the study provided experiences of life before and after displacement. The participants in Scones et al.’s study spoke of the freedom that they achieved from the strict former farm-owner, but that displacement has led to their precarious livelihood. For example, a participant mentioned that prior to the land invasion he had a farm-owner who was strict to them and did not provide them with their own plot in the farm to grow their own crops. The participant however, said that under that farm-owner, life was tough but that he had a salary and ‘you knew it would come’ (P. 822). The participants said that after displacement, they had freedom from the previous farm-owner who was strict. The challenge, however, was that post-displacement, they had freedom, but their livelihoods were precarious. The participant in the Scones et al.’s study said, ‘now you don’t know where money will come from’ (ibid). In order to cope with economic vulnerabilities, participants in this study requested and received social protection mechanisms in the form of grant support from NGOs as well as cash support from individuals. The social protection mechanisms came from CSOs like the SAHRDN, though their ‘Ubuntu hub cities’ initiatives. Other support protection mechanisms came from International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)13, Freedom House14 and individuals. While participants shared that the social protection mechanisms contributed to cushioning them against harsh economic impacts, they also shared that the social protection mechanisms were inadequate. Below are the interview excerpts that reflect this sentiment: I have been displaced for four months…There is no money in Zimbabwe and we don’t have savings…I applied for the grant from the Southern African Human Rights Defenders and they 13 One of mission of FIDH is to protect victims of human rights violations 14 Freedom House defend human rights and promote democratic change, with a focus on political rights and civil liberties 1805636 29 only helped me for one week. It was not enough as I needed their support for more than a week…When Southern African Human Rights Defenders Network grant came to an end, I applied for another grant from Freedom House…the grant from Freedom House is helping me a lot in terms of taking care of the necessary stuff that I need. It is not enough but at least I am still receiving it. Unfortunately, it is not a lot to extend it to my family…Fellow comrades helped me out with food and accommodation when I was still waiting for the Freedom House to help me… (CR, HRD) …The Southern African Human Rights Defenders assisted me for about two weeks and afterwards the assistance stopped. They said that it was because of funding constraints…I am no longer receiving the grant…There is a video where I was being tortured by the police and that video went viral…people here recognise me from that video. They have been kind to me and are assisting me with some of the things that I need…I have applied for another grant from the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) but it has not been approved…I cannot rely on the kindness of people forever as they have their own responsibilities... (SM, HRD). I reached out to Southern African Human Rights Defenders which is where I found out that there is an Ubuntu hub cities initiative which assist Human Rights Defenders who are under threat and are in need of relocation….Ubuntu hub cities initiative is a good programme that has been helpful to the Human Rights Defenders who are in need like myself…at least I am able to send money to my family even if it is not much so that they don’t go hungry and that makes me feel better…The money I send to them from the grant is not enough but it’s better than nothing…( BA, HRD). …Mr Dewa Mavhinga supports me with money from his pocket…A couple of weeks ago when I got into trouble, I called him and spoke with him that I was running away from the police…even though I was able to buy food it was not enough. You can understand that he has his own family and the people he has to take care of…I think I am a burden to him. He is helping me whenever he is able to…I am not sure if I should mention names but there are other people who also help me as well besides Dewa. They also help me when they can…I opened a tuckshop sometime back and my brother is the one running it. He sends me some money if it’s possible, I use the money to buy food and pay for accommodation…the shop is in rural areas and you 1805636 30 know the economic situation in Zimbabwe is not sustainable. Sometimes it makes just a dollar a day… (Civil society activist). From the above experiences, the social protection mechanisms are helpful. However, it is also clear that they are not adequate. The support coming from civil society organisations is clearly not adequate. For participants such as BA, the social protection mechanism is not even enough for themselves, let alone to the families that they wished to support from the grants. Sabates-Wheeler (2019) states that the foundation of protecting IDPs is through recognising their rights even when they are in displacement. The author states that IDPs should be treated like any citizens and should be entitled to social protection mechanisms. The author however notes that it may not be possible where the state is a hostile actor. If that is the case, the author mentions that NGOs should be the actors responsible for providing social protection mechanisms. While Sabates-Wheeler provides solutions that non-state actors like NGOs can step in when the state fails, it begs the question as to which actors then needs to step in when the state is also hostile to those non-state actors. That is the case with the participants in this study. The participants highlighted that the government was hostile to them as HRDs and to the NGOs that are helping them. They stated that the Zimbabwean government is impeding NGOs from providing adequate social protection mechanisms to them as HRDs, by stifling those NGOs. Such a situation does not only have an impact on the NGOs being stifled but also the internally displaced HRDs benefiting from the support of the NGOs. The participants drew on their experiences before they were displaced as well as the lack of human rights encountered in Zimbabwe to explain why their socio-economic challenges exist. The excerpts below support their experiences: …The government does not like being challenged…I was responsible for organising a march for fair wages of colleagues who work in the rural areas of Zimbabwe…Upon my release and out of fear, I fled…Life would be easier if I was free to attend to my job. It’s not like we earn a lot of money in Zimbabwe but at least I would not be worrying about what to eat and I would not be worrying about my family… (advocacy activist). …I am a Civil Society Activist and chairperson of an NGO. I have been vocal through my organisation on the government’s illegalities like corruption, illegitimacy of the ruling party and human rights violation…I was harassed and tortured and only released after writing a 1805636 31 letter apologising to ZANU-PF leadership… I fled after being released because I knew they were going to come back…I could not carry on with my work and with no money I rely on other people and organisations like SAHRDN…What would make things easier would be more financial support for HRDs…The problem with SAHRDN is that it only provides support for emergency…the government is not helping. They take activists and NGOs as enemies of the state. We do not have freedom’ (SM, HRD). The above experiences indicates that the challenges facing HRDs are multiple. The HRDs are internally displaced due to the hostile nature of the Zimbabwean government. Due to the government being the hostile actor, the NGOs may be the appropriate actor responsible to providing that support. The challenge with that, however, is that the state is not providing an enabling environment for the internally displaced HRDs to be adequately provided with social protection mechanisms through the NGOs. This brings about a gap of the impact of social protection mechanisms, when the state is hostile to not only the HRDs but also the NGOs. The marginalisation risk highlighted by Cernea (2005) fits well with the experiences of the participants in this study. The author points out that marginalisation occurs when displaced people lose the economic power that they had before displacement and slide down towards lesser economic positions. The participants in this study lost their incomes that they earned from the different professions they held such as in government and civil society organisations. The jobs they held prior to their displacement provided them with better income. The HRDs understood they will receive that income as long as they were able to do their jobs. The jobs they had prior to their displacement provided them with higher economic power in society. While in displacement, HRDs depended on social protection mechanisms from CSOs which they clearly indicated were not adequate. Participants in this study experienced precarious livelihoods as a result of their internal displacement. Also, displacement put them in a lesser economic position than they held prior to their displacement. The experiences of the internally displaced HRDs with regard to the inadequate social protection mechanisms and precarious livelihoods laid bare a number of findings. Firstly, social protection mechanisms are important for the economic or financial wellbeing of the HRDs. Without the social protection mechanisms, the participants risked even further and possibly severe impoverishment. Secondly, while the social protection mechanisms cushioned the HRDs against harsh economic conditions, they are not adequate. Actors such 1805636 32 as NGOs face financial constraints and are further operating in an environment that is challenging for them due to the state’s hostility. The NGOs themselves are not adequately funded as the grant support they extended to the internally displaced HRDs were for a short period of time. One participant mentioned that he was informed by an NGO that they were having financial constraints as a reason for not extending the grant support. Also, the grant support to HRDs lapsed while the HRDs were still displaced. The findings reveal that the HRDs get displaced longer than they get the social protection mechanisms. This then implies that the economic vulnerabilities they experience may only be alleviated for a short period of time. This in turn indicates that the internally displaced HRDs may further be victimised by the uncertainties they experience. 4.2.2. Low- and disempowering-income opportunities Participants in this study highlighted the challenge of low-income opportunities. Scholars such as Oyefara & Alabi (2016) and Randell (2016) have done studies highlighting how IDPs are faced with the option of settling for economic opportunities that provide them with low income. One of the findings made in the studies by the authors, was that displacement brought about loss of higher income opportunities. That in turn led to the internally displaced people settling for lower economic opportunities. For example, one of the participants in Oyefara & Alabi’s study on the internally displaced women in Badia, Lagos, was a businesswoman who owned a kiosk which generated a higher income prior to her displacement. She was no longer able to continue running the kiosk after being displaced. Without that consistent income she was earning, displacement led to her making a living out of sex work. In Randell’s study on the displaced Brazilian-Amazon community, participants highlighted being displaced from land that was good for raising chickens which brought them higher income. In the host community, the land was not conducive to raise chickens and the displaced people had to find other means of earning income like getting work which brought in low income. Brand and Burgard (2008) point out that displaced people may find that when they get new jobs, those jobs are of lower income including lower occupational status. The authors argue that compared to the jobs that the displaced people had prior to their displacement, the jobs in the host community are lower, both in income and authority. The findings of Oyefara & Alabi, Randell and Brand & Bugard are also evident with the participants in this study. The 1805636 33 participants highlighted that for them to financially look after themselves, they were compelled to look for employment opportunities in their host communities. While the IDHRDs managed to secure employment, the income they earned was low. The standard of the work they performed was not high either. A participant said, ‘I do some gold trading jobs in order to buy food and pay for my accommodation’. In trying to get clarity on what he meant by gold trading, he clarified that he was involved in illegal mining. Asked how he felt about being involved in illegal activities, his response was that it does not make him happy, but it was common for people in the community to make a living that way. He said ‘I have no choice. I need to survive, that is the only way I am able to survive. That is how most people around here earn money and that is how things are done’. When probed if he is at least making a good income, he replied that he did not make good money. Similarly, that was the experience of another participant. The participant mentioned that he was doing odd jobs to buy food and pay for his accommodation. He stated that: … Now I do general work. I ask people if they don’t have anything, any job for me. Things such as painting other people’s houses when they ask me to. I also do work like building if such work is available, basically any work that someone might have for me, I am prepared to do’… (TG, HRD). When asked if he ever sought any financial assistance from NGOs, he replied that he was not aware of any organisation that could help him. He said that he will find out if there are such organisations and if possible, make an application for support. The impoverishment risk that participants in this study were exposed to is joblessness. According to Cernea (2004) joblessness as a risk refers to the risk of losing or having lost employment due to displacement. The author highlights that displacement brings about the risk of being jobless. Participants in this study had employment prior to their displacement. The employment from services in teaching and local government, among others, provided them with decent salaries. Cernea’s Impoverished Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) model is not only predictive but assists in planning. The author states that as people settle in the host communities, one of the positive developments that they experience is finding employment opportunities. The experiences of the participants in this study reinforce Cernea’s theory. 1805636 34 Albeit of low income and status, participants found employment doing manual work and gold trading work. Cernea argues that one of the positive coping and rebuilding strategies for the IDPs is finding employment. He, however, does not go further to identify the kind of jobs the displaced people do, to indicate if those jobs have a positive impact in their lives. Interrogating that may provide insight as to whether the displaced deem the jobs they secured while displaced as a positive development. For example, being employed as a teacher may be deemed to be a positive development but earning an income from doing illegal mining could be argued to not be a positive development due to the consequences from engaging in those activities. Doing the latter means one is employed and gets compensated but could get one into trouble with authorities like the police. The participants in this study transformed from engaging in legal professional jobs to doing unskilled work due to the limited available options. The participants did not seem to think that the employment activities they engaged in highlighted positive developments for them. For example, as noted above, one participant made a living from illegal mining activities. Such activities could lead to his arrest. His potential arrest may then further add to the challenges that he is already experiencing while displaced. Also, the participant sounded like he was not happy to be engaged in illegal mining but felt helpless. He said that is how things were done in that community and that he had no choice. Finding employment while displaced is not a bad thing but not any kind of employment is good. Having an income is better than not having an income at all. This study’s findings, however, reveal that the kind of employment being done by internally displaced HRDs may not be seen as a positive development. HRDs in this study had skilled, professional jobs that provided them with a steady income and provided them with higher authority in the communities of origin. In their displacement, they resorted to engaging in unskilled activities to make money. Some activities they engaged in, could create legal problems for them. They may end up in jail which might further add to their challenges. That could further complicate their lives. What led to their displacement was torture and detention at the hands of the police and security agents whom they highlighted as the drivers of their displacement. Therefore, the jobs that they were doing could put them in a situation whereby the state claims a legitimate reason to detain them as compared to the made-up charges they felt the state used when they detained them prior to being displaced. 1805636 35 4.2.3. Social integration difficulties Participants in this study highlighted the challenges in socially integrating with members of their host community. Jacobs et al. (2020) points to local integration being a complex process that may unfold smoothly for some people while being a bumpy process for others. The authors attribute that to the different dimensions of integration. Firstly, they say that displaced people may not feel that they fit into the community. Secondly, the displaced people may face discrimination in their host communities. They further add that integration in the host community does not depend only on the individual displaced. They mention that it also depends on the availability and the willingness of the host communities to accept the displaced people. Scholars such as Batson & Powell (2003), De Waal (2008) and Hartman et al. (2021) have contributed to literature on the determinants of support for IDPs in the host community. One of the determinants the authors highlighted was empathetic altruism. For example, Hartman et al. state that empathetic altruism refers to the fact that shared experiences of violence create transecting identities that provide an explanation as to why some individuals are more likely to support displaced people (P.6). This implies that if local people feel that they share similar experiences or have something in common with those who are displaced, they are inclined to be empathetic. The opposite is also true, that if local people feel that that the displaced people do not share their experiences, they may not possess empathy for them. Empathetic altruism does not apply only regarding the relationship of local people towards the displaced but also the displaced people towards the host community members. That is also the case with the participants in this study. Participants shared that the community members were sceptical when they arrived, implying mistrust. Participants also feared freely integrating with the host community members as a precaution against their identities being possibly revealed. The excerpts below are in support of these views: …initially, the conversations about politics created problems because some of the people started questioning my motives and thinking that I am part of the undercover police who were trying to find out about people who were trying to revive ZAPU in the community and report them to the police’… (MT, HRD). 1805636 36 My pictures are all over social media and everyone knows who I am because of those pictures and videos that circulate…The people have been welcoming and encouraging me to not give up on the struggle. They see my struggle as not only for myself but for themselves as well…I am happy that they have been supportive, but I also worry that they will talk about me and the news will spread. That could lead to the authorities discovering where I am staying… (BA, HRD). Some people have been curious about my life, about where I am from, If I have a family and where my family is. I am happy that they are welcoming me, but I try to not reveal much about myself because I don’t know what they will do with the information. Maybe they will tell other people who in turn may tell others. Then the gover