1 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Experiences of Gender Roles in Young Adults Living in 

Soweto 

 

 

 

 

 

Fundiswa Mdunge 

 

 

 

Supervised by Ruby Patel 

 

 

 

 

This report is submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in 

Counselling and Community Psychology in the faculty of Humanities in the University of 

Witwatersrand. 

 

 

Student Number: 2325920 

 

 

 

Johannesburg, November 2023 



 2 

University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg 

 

School of  Human and Community Development 

SENATE PLAGIARISM POLICY 

Declaration by Student of Originality 

  

I, Fundiswa Mdunge  (Student number: 2325920) am a student registered for Masters of 

Community-Based Counselling Psychology in the year 2023 at the University of the 

Witwatersrand.  I hereby declare the following: 

• I am aware that plagiarism (the use of someone else’s work without their permission 

and/or without acknowledging the original source) is wrong. 

• I confirm that ALL the work submitted for assessment for the above course is my own 

unaided work except where I have explicitly indicated otherwise. 

• I have followed the required conventions in referencing the thoughts and ideas of 

others. 

• I understand that the University of the Witwatersrand may take disciplinary action 

against me if there is a belief that this in not my own unaided work or that I have 

failed to acknowledge the source of the ideas or words in my writing. 

• I hereby declare that this is my own original work and that all fieldwork was 

undertaken by me. 

• Any part of this study that does not reflect my own ideas has been fully acknowledged 

in the form of citations.  

• No part of this thesis has been submitted in the past, or is being submitted, or is to be 

submitted for a degree at any other university. 

 

  

Signature:        Date: 9 November 2023 

  Fundiswa Mdunge 



 3 

 

Acknowledgements 

 

 

I am truly grateful to all those who played a role in contributing to this research paper. I would 

like to make a special mention to the following people: 

 

I would firstly like to thank all my participants who opened up their world to me. I cannot 

express my gratitude enough for each of you taking the time during a very new and scary 

normal, during a pandemic, to share vulnerable parts of your life story with me. Thank you for 

being brave enough to tap into some painful experiences which you have had to endure, your 

strength and resilience was so clear in being able to come out hopeful despite these experiences. 

You have truly inspired me to keep my faith and hopeful spirit for Soweto high.  

 

To Ruby Patel, my warm, encouraging and supportive supervisor, I am so very grateful to you. 

Thank you for sitting me down during my most vulnerable moments of this research journey 

and offering profound advice which allowed me to truly immerse myself and my story into the 

research. Thank you for your patience, for providing clarity to my sometimes-entangled 

thoughts, and mostly thank you for making me fall in love with my research again. You pushed 

me to be the voice of mine, and so many others’ stories, and for that I cannot express in words 

how grateful I am to you. Thank you to my colleagues and friends as well, for holding me 

accountable and pushing me to finish what I started. Thank you for the laughs and the shoulders 

to cry on when times were tough, I truly appreciate you all.  

 

To my loving and supportive husband Rukudzo, thank you for motivating me during the 

toughest moments of this research journey. Your amazing belief in me was so overwhelmingly 

beautiful and I appreciate your presence throughout this journey with me my love. I thank you 

Murimirwa for your wisdom and thank you for your encouragement when I could not see an 

end in sight. Lastly, I am so grateful to my parents Joyce and Foni, little brother Mongi and my 

gogo Kate Ndlovu. Thank you for your unwavering support which allowed me to pursue my 

passion and follow my namesake from day one. As someone who was destined to be taught 

based on my namesake, I not only learned so much from the rich stories of my participants but 

I also took the opportunity to learn more about myself, my people and my history which was 

so empowering. Thank you for your encouraging words and for your support family. 

Ngiyanibonga boMdunge, Chiliza, Sodladla, nani boNdlovu, Gatsheni, Boyabenyathi. 



 4 

TABLE OF CONTENTS 

 

 

 DECLARATION BY STUDENT OF ORIGINALITY     2 

 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS         3 

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS         4 

 

OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS        7 

 

ABSTRACT           10 

 

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND RATIONALE    11 

 

1.1 Introduction          11 

1.2 Background of Study         13 

1.3 Rationale            14 

1.4 Research Aims and Objectives        16 

1.5 Chapter Outline          17 

 

 

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW      18 

 

2.1 Introduction          18 

2.2 A Gendered Evolution of a South Western Township     18 

2.2.1 Contextualising the Apartheid City        18 

2.2.2 Locating Soweto within the Apartheid City      20 

2.2.3 Soweto After 1994: Liberation and a ‘Better Life For All’               22 

2.3 Unpacking Gender Role Ideology        23 

2.3.1 Sex, Gender and Gender Roles                   23                                                             

2.3.2 The Ecology of Masculinities and Femininities     25 

2.3.3 Defining Masculinities         26 

2.3.4 Defining Femininities         29 

2.4 Being Male vs. Female: A Process of Socialisation     31 

2.4.1 Gendered Expectations Around the Globe       33 

2.4.2 The Racialised Masculinities and Femininities of the South African Sowetan  36 

2.5 Inevitably Unequal?: Gender Role Socialisation and Power Dynamics   41 

2.6 Gender Roles in the Private vs. Public Space      45 

2.6.1 Gender Roles in the Private Family Institution      46 

2.6.2 Maternal Gatekeeping in the Family Home      47 

2.6.3 The Impact of the Patriarch in the Private Family Home     50 

2.6.4 Adultification in the Private Family Home      51 

2.6.5 Gender Roles in the Public Space       53 

2.7 Conclusion          58 

 

 

CHAPTER THREE: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK     59 

 

3.1 Introduction          59 



 5 

3.2 Social Theories of Gender Role Development: A Conceptual Grounding  59 

3.3 A Gendered Ecological Framework       61 

3.4 The Systems of the Ecological Framework      64 

3.5 The Relevance of an Ecological Framework in a Gendered Soweto   67 

 

CHAPTER FOUR: METHODS AND METHODOLOGY    70 

 

4.1 Introduction          70 

4.2 Research Questions         70 

4.3 Research Methodology         70 

4.4 Research Participants         71 

4.4.1 Table of Participants         73 

4.5 Research Procedure         74 

4.6 Data Collection          75 

4.7 Data analysis          76 

4.8 Trustworthiness of Study         78 

4.9 Ethical Considerations          79 

4.10 Limitations of Study         82 

4.11 Reflexivity                     84 

4.12 Conclusion          91 

 

 

CHAPTER FIVE: RESEARCH FINDINGS      93 

 

5.1 Introduction          93 

5.2 Defining Masculinities and Femininities: Soweto, the Gendered Experience  93 

5.2.1 The Conflation of Sex, Gender and Gender Roles      94 

5.2.2 A Process of Socialisation: Society’s Gender Role Expectations   96 

5.2.3 Gender Roles and Social Acceptability       99 

5.3 The Ecological Influences of Gender Role Development within Soweto                        102 

5.3.1 The Microsystem of Gender Role Development      102 

5.3.2 Arising Conflicts within the Meso-, Macro- and Chronosystems   111 

5.4 A Very Gendered Soweto: Past and Present Gender Role Experiences   114 

5.4.1 The Traditional Gender Role Experience of Soweto     115 

5.4.2 A Generationally Influenced Gendered Experience      119 

5.4.3 A Gender Role Resistance        126 

5.4.4 A Move Towards Non-Traditional Gender Roles: Yearning for Empowerment 127 

5.5 Emerging Implications of Gender Roles in Contemporary Soweto   131 

5.5.1 The Erasure of Childhood Through Adultification      132 

5.5.2 The Effects of Gender Role Stereotyping      136 

  5.5.3 The Gender Shift: Negotiating Conflicting Gender Roles in Contemporary Soweto 141 

5.6 Conclusion           145 

 

 

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION        147 

 

6.1 Introduction          147 

6.2 Concluding Thoughts         147 



 6 

6.3 Recommendations of Study        152 

Reference List           156 

 

 

APPENDICES  

 

Appendix A: Participant Information Sheet       178 

 

Appendix B: Interview Consent Form       180 

 

Appendix C: Semi-Structured Interview Schedule      182 

 

Appendix D: Ethical Clearance Form        184 

 

Appendix E: Turnitin Report         185 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  



 7 

Operational Definitions 

 

Sex 

According to the Medical Law Review, sex can be described as the biological classification 

that distinguishes between males and females’ sexual reproductive systems based on their 

physical and physiological features (Hodson et al., 2019). This biological category is based on 

features such as chromosomes, gene expression, hormone levels and function and reproductive 

anatomy. The biological category makes a distinction between species that produce eggs and 

refer to them as ‘females’, and species that produce sperms and refer to them as ‘males’ 

(Hodson et al., 2019). The female’s reproduction system is one that typically includes sex 

characteristics which produce eggs such as a vagina, vulva, ovaries, uterus and fallopian tubes. 

The male’s reproduction system include the primary sex characteristics of testes and a penis 

which produce sperm and testosterone (Hodson et al., 2019). This distinction between these 

species highlights that the participants identified themselves as members of a species who can 

be considered as either male or female based on the abovementioned characteristics. There are 

therefore 3 male participants and 3 female participants. 

 

Gender 

Gender refers to the societal meanings that are assigned to the male and female sexes for the 

construction of masculine and feminine gender identities (Roshchynskaya, 2010). Gender is 

determined socially, as societies emphasise specific behaviours, expressions and identities that 

are considered as being socially acceptable for each sex (Roshchynskaya, 2010). According to 

Perry (2016), gender is rooted in assumptions, beliefs and norms that society attributes to men 

and women, which are grounded in the concepts of masculinity and femininity.  

 

Gender roles 

Gender roles refer to the behaviours men and women exhibit in the private and public sphere 

based on their biological sex and social gender distinctions (Tong, 2012). Gender roles are 

based on the societal expectations of how men and women should act, speak, dress, and interact 

in the context of society (Smyth, 2008). Based on the society, individuals can ascribe to 

traditional or non-traditional gender roles. Traditional gender roles emphasise roles for the 

gender distinctions of masculinity and femininity. Non-traditional gender roles on the other 

hand, refer to the roles individuals wish to occupy which are not associated with their sex 



 8 

(Perrone, 2009). Different societies, groups and cultures have different gender role 

expectations, and these gender roles can change over time (Smyth, 2008). 

 

Masculinities and Femininities 

Masculinities and femininities refer to the social roles, behaviours, and meanings prescribed 

for men and women in any society at any time. These normative gender ideologies are 

distinguished from biological sex and must be understood to be plural as there is no single 

definition for all men and women (Kimmel, 2001). Stereotypes used by society in the 

construction of masculinities and femininities are composed of characteristics generally 

believed to be typical either of men or of women. There is widespread agreement in societies 

about what are considered to be typically feminine and typically masculine characteristics, and 

people of both genders are generally encouraged to adhere to stereotypic beliefs and behaviours 

and commonly conform to and adopt the dominant norms of femininity and masculinity present 

in their culture (Partin, 2021). Typical feminine gender roles include a homemaker role, being 

nurturing, polite, and accommodating, while typical masculine roles include providing for and 

protecting the family home, and being emotionally and physically resilient (Perrone, 2009). 

 

Adultification 

 

The term adultification has been used to describe children who take on various adult roles in 

the family home. There is a suggested vacuum in the family that is filled by the child as the 

“parental child” whose parents, caregivers and/or siblings have either implicitly or explicitly 

expected them to engage in child-rearing and other executive functions in the family system 

(Jurkovic, 1997). Adultification is a construct that describes behaviours in children which are 

transmitted across generations and involve assumptions of what they are obliged to do in the 

family home (Chase, 1999). It is a social construct which is associated with gender and broader 

cultural and ethnic considerations. 

 

Black  

 

In acknowledging that there are no fixed rules in the classification of race, the South African 

classification of “black people” is one that can be taken from the Broad-Based Black Economic 

Empowerment Act 53 of 2003 which includes African, Coloured, and Indian South African 

citizens (Department of Trade and Industry, 2004). The Act describes black people in post-

apartheid South Africa as individuals who were previously disadvantaged and oppressed by 



 9 

the apartheid government, and were subjected to racism, economic deprivation and social 

exclusion during the regime. With the study’s focus on the township of Soweto, the term 

“black” in the study therefore refers to African South African citizens and the community of 

Soweto in which they reside which was subjected to the forced relocation of black South 

Africans into areas that would keep them separate from white suburbs under the apartheid 

regime’s Urban Areas Act of 1923 (Clark & Worger, 2016),  

 

Youth and Young Adults 

Definitions of the term “youth” vary when exploring South African law, public policy and 

social perception. The law, public policy and social definitions often overlap in their 

stipulations of age, which causes confusion as to what truly denotes “youth”, which seems to 

include adolescence and/or adulthood. For instance, contradictions exist between the White 

Paper on Social Welfare of 1997 which defines a “young person” as being between the ages of 

16 and 30 years, while the Child Care Act of 1991’s definition of a “child” includes the ages 

of 0 to 18 years, and lastly the National Youth Commission Act of 1996 defines “youth” as 

including the ages of 14 and 35 years (Department of Welfare, 1997; Department of Justice, 

1991; Department of Welfare, 1996). With consideration of these definitions, the definition of 

young adulthood was included in the study to provide clarification for the definition of “youth”. 

Young adulthood is defined as the developmental period between the ages of 18 and 25 and 

this definition informed the reference to as well as recruitment of “youth” and “young adults” 

in the study (Higley, 2019).   

 

Township 

A “township” is defined as an area near a suburb or a city which is predominantly occupied by 

black Africans, Coloureds and Indians. These areas were selected by the apartheid government 

to keep black South Africans separate from white South Africans, and the government 

officially designated these areas for black occupation through enforced apartheid legislation 

(Donaldson, 2014). Townships have unique histories which have influenced the socio-

economic status and lived experiences of the individuals who reside in them (Donaldson, 

2014). Townships predominantly consist of low-income housing estates and informal 

settlements, in small fully functional neighbourhoods influencing a small-lived experience 

within them (Pernegger & Godehart, 2007).  



 10 

Abstract 

 

The study explores the more contemporary meanings and experiences of gender roles which 

have been developed by young adults over the years in their small-lived, contemporary 

experiences within Soweto. The study draws on in-depth interviews conducted with six young 

adult men and women and is carried out using a qualitative design. In exploring the topic of 

gender roles, normative patterns of change were identified which can contribute to the future 

discourse of gender role development. These normative patterns of change were attributed to 

ecological influences from the individual, their family, and their local and international 

communities, as well as intersectional influences which were identified as also playing a role 

in the participants’ experiences of gender. The study reveals participants’ experiences which 

are related to themes of gendered social pressures and socialisation, generational experiences 

of traditional and non-traditional gender roles, gendered divides and harmful gender 

stereotypes, gender identity conflicts in the ecological system, social ostracisation, issues of 

adultification, and views on patriarchal gendered ideologies and the maternal gatekeepers of 

these ideologies. The participants’ stories reveal fractures in their contemporary gender role 

ideology and their gender role development during their upbringing. Despite these fractures, 

they express hopes to develop gender role experiences which incorporate both traditionally 

socialised gender roles and non-traditionally developed understandings of gender and gender 

roles in their future adult years, as a means to create their own personal gendered experiences 

based on their exposure to different ecological environments.  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Key words: Gender role experiences, ecological development, racialised gender, 

adultification, maternal gatekeeping, father absence, patriarchy, Soweto  



 11 

Chapter One 

 

Introduction and Rationale 

 

 

1.1 Introduction 

 

“Gender is a shell game. What is a man? Whatever a woman isn't. What is a woman? 

Whatever a man is not. Tap on it and it's hollow. Look under the shells: it's not there.” 

-Alderman, 2016 

 

There is a rising challenge to explore contemporary gender role experiences in youth, who are 

raised in traditionally heteropatriarchal communities with exposure to contexts which accept 

less traditional gendered means of living within South Africa (Chan, 2009; Langa, 2012; 

Shefer, 2013; Helman & Ratele, 2016; Gottert et al., 2018; Zawaira et al., 2022). This challenge 

comes as a result of the growing prevalence of conflict in gender role identity development 

which is experienced by young individuals in the different contemporary spaces they interact 

with, which has mostly been extensively explored from the male perspective in academia and 

action research (Langa, 2020). This gender role conflict comes as a result of significant socio-

political changes targeted towards the largely traditional gender roles that people ascribe to in 

South Africa, as well as changes in the assumed gender role needs for the household’s survival, 

which are increasingly being experienced by both males and females being raised in 

patriarchal, traditional households in a modernising society (Shefer, 2013; Helman & Ratele, 

2016). As a result, these changes have brought an interest to explore the contemporary gender 

role experiences within this academic enquiry as these experiences have significant 

implications on young individuals’ quality of life and functioning. The paper thus provides a 

qualitative means of deeply understanding contemporary youth’s experiences of gender roles 

from the heteropatriarchal township of Soweto, as well as the relevant issues that are associated 

with their gender role experiences.  

 

In order to create a background understanding of this topic, we can look into Alderman’s (2016) 

abovementioned quote which portrays gender as a game, which contains everchanging 

concepts in an ever-evolving society. Patriarchal societies have an idea of what roles males and 

females should adopt, but the moment you take a peek behind contemporary society’s curtain, 

these patriarchal beliefs no longer appear relevant or beneficial to some individuals (Nash, 

2009). As society evolves the idea of gender roles is challenged and in light of globalisation, 



 12 

the contemporary world is experiencing shifts between traditional and non-traditional gender 

roles in order to accommodate contemporary lived experiences. The quote therefore lays the 

groundwork for the theme of this paper, which is to explore whether there are contemporary 

shifts in experiences of gender roles in young adults living in Soweto.  

 

The preservation and reinforcement of gender roles within society is based on the gendered 

ways that people organise their lives as well as the social expectations that assign roles to men 

and women (Blackstone, 2003). Men are expected to take on socially assumed characteristics, 

beliefs, attitudes and practices, that are considered as masculine gender roles, and these are 

associated with manhood or manliness. Feminine gender roles are taken on by women on the 

other hand, as these roles are associated with womanhood. Gender roles are considered as a 

major power structure, and it is important to study the topic of gender roles as they significantly 

define people’s identities alongside other social factors such as race, nationality, age, ethnicity 

and class (Varmaghani et. al, 2015). Within the diverse cultural context of South Africa, this 

study on gender role experiences of young adults in Soweto can contribute to the understanding 

of normative patterns of change, and allow for an opportunity to gain an understanding of the 

contemporary characterisations, meanings and experiences that young males and females in 

Soweto have in terms of gender roles.  

 

Research on gender roles in South Africa often draws on intersectional and historical 

experiences as an influence on these roles, it also draws on research on the experiences of 

patriarchy and masculinity and the impact of these on contemporary social justice issues 

(Christofides et. al, 2019; Greig et. al, 2017; Helman & Ratele, 2016; Shefer, 2013; Stets & 

Burke, 2005). More emphasis can be afforded to the contemporary experiences of gender roles 

in young adults navigating through small-lived experiences in specific South African contexts, 

outside of health and crime-related implications (Ngubane, 2010; Segalo, 2015). This would 

help to emphasise on the meanings and implications of young adults’ subjective gendered 

experiences within small-lived heteropatriarchal South African contexts. This research intends 

to explore the meanings developed by young adults in Soweto in terms of the concept of gender 

roles, as well as exploring their experiences and implications of gender roles in the small-lived 

experience of contemporary Soweto.  

 

Controversy over gender roles is a major issue in contemporary society (Ayres, 2013). The 

debates surrounding gender and sexuality have extended to arenas far beyond the individual, 



 13 

into the home, the community, the political platforms and religious views, governmental 

organisations, and the globe as a whole (Burman, 2005; Hyde et al., 2019; Mikkola, 2022). 

These arenas have inherited the torch in the discussion surrounding gender roles which has 

been extensively explored in the past, continuing the argument into the 21st century by 

exploring the contemporary meanings and experiences of gender and gender roles. This study 

will show how traditional gender roles arose in the context of Soweto to the potential blurring 

and maintenance of these roles in the contemporary township of Soweto. By following the 

historical progression of these gendered arguments and tracing the establishment of gender 

roles back to their roots, this study intends to better the understanding of both the origins of 

traditional and non-traditional gender roles, as well as the application of gender roles today in 

young adults in the township of Soweto. 

 

 

1.2 Background of Study 

 

Apartheid was a patriarchal system founded on gender injustice and white male privilege, and 

this regime enforced gender role tensions amongst South African males and females throughout 

different generations. These gender role tensions were developed through “racist 

sexualisations” which refer to the Apartheid system’s reinforcement of traditional gender roles 

in the black community (Shefer, 2013). Restrictions were imposed on black South African 

women at the beginning of the 1950s which saw many women living in the homelands 

nurturing their children and maintaining the household while their husbands migrated to the 

city in search of work (Berger, 1992). Women who followed their husbands to the city either 

stayed home and did housework or took on low-wage domestic work in neighbouring white 

suburbs.  

 

By the 1960s, women integrated themselves into the public work force in the urban and 

industrial fields. Within these fields of public work, the domestic field reported a presence of 

90% of black women by the late 1980s and 36% in the industrial field. With women’s 

integration into the work force, there was significant evidence that they were paid much less 

than their male counterparts (Berger, 1992). Black men, during the Apartheid era, were 

dispossessed and forced to become low-waged factory or mine-based manual labourers and 

they were paid much less than their white male counterparts. Men left their homelands and 

families to move to the city for work and restrictions were set in place that prohibited black 

men from living with their wives (Stewart & Webster, 2020).  



 14 

 

Changes in laws, policies and constitutions that were now aimed towards supporting equality 

amongst the country’s citizens regardless of race or gender resulted in significant changes in 

South Africa when apartheid was abolished in 1994 (Mantell et al., 2009). In post-Apartheid 

South Africa, males and females are now afforded constitutional protections and freedoms 

which they were previously denied, however the spatial, structural and ideological remnants of 

Apartheid do however remain in the township of Soweto, such as the remnants of traditional 

and patriarchal gender ideologies with socially unaccepted deviations towards non-traditional 

and contemporary gender roles (Zarrinjooee & Chegeni, 2016). The study therefore seeks to 

further explore how young adults have made meaning of gender roles and how their patriarchal 

socialisation has impacted their gendered experiences in the township of Soweto. 

 

1.3 Rationale  

 

Gender and gender roles are concepts that are internalised by children from a very early age, 

as they become exposed to various processes of socialisation throughout their development 

(Greig et. al, 2017). As children grow up, they become socialised with ideas of masculinity and 

femininity, and they are raised with societal assumptions and expectations of gender roles. The 

child is expected to embrace particular gender roles based on their sex category as they begin 

to develop their identity. Research suggests that constructions of gender roles in children as 

they grow up significantly shapes young people’s notions and experiences of relating with 

others, themselves and with understanding sexuality (Helman & Ratele, 2016). As significant 

as these gender role constructions are to people’s experiences, some ideas about masculinity 

and femininity can become harmful. Gender role ideas that are harmful impact males, females, 

and people of other gender identities (Greig et. al, 2017). These harmful ideas about gender 

roles influence the construction of gender role stereotypes that are maintained and reinforced 

within society.  

 

Gender role stereotypes refer to generalisations about the characteristics, beliefs, attitudes and 

practices that are associated with men and women, which are socially constructed and 

internalised by people (Hentschel et. al, 2019). Gender role stereotypes are used to attribute 

particular gender role behaviours and experiences to a specific sex category. These gendered 

attributions can however negatively impact both men and women when unequal power 

relationships develop (Johnsson-Latham, 2006). Gender role stereotypes greatly impact 



 15 

experiences of gender inequality, economic inequities, gender discrimination, gender-based 

violence and other areas of social inequality. 

 

Women and girls may internalise harmful gender role descriptions which are attributed to them 

by society such as being incompetent, weak, unambitious and powerless. This internalisation 

emphasises the social assumption that women must have a natural inclination to be submissive 

towards men and not be driven towards economic and political success (Johnsson-Latham, 

2006; Burke 2004; Stryker, 2002). Men and boys on the other hand, may internalise harmful 

gender role descriptions such as being aggressive, controlling and powerful. This 

internalisation emphasises the social assumption that men and boys must have a natural 

inclination to want to exert power and control over women and girls, be driven and strive 

towards a high social status as well as economic and political success (John et al., 2019). This 

need for power and control for men may even be achieved through violent or abusive means 

(Stets, 2005; Christofides et. al, 2019).  

 

There is a long history of international and local research in psychology that explores gendered 

experiences, with most studies exploring traditional gender role experiences and a few studies 

exploring non-traditional gender role experiences (Mantell et al., 2009; Zosuls et. al, 2011; 

Mayer & Barnard, 2015; Helman & Ratele, 2016;  Zhu & Chang, 2019). Within the South 

African context, research with a focus on gendered experiences has indicated that these 

experiences are largely influenced by patriarchal meanings, values and structures, and that 

more traditional gender role structures encourage power and control for men and boys (Stets, 

2005; Helman & Ratele, 2016; Greig et. al, 2017; Christofides et. al, 2019). There are a few 

studies on non-traditional gender roles within South Africa, and these studies correlate non-

traditional gendered experiences with increased gender equality, equitable gendered roles and 

practices for men and women, as well equal access to opportunities in the economic and health 

sectors of society (Mantell et. al, 2009; Ngubane, 2010; Mayer & Barnard, 2015; Segalo, 2015). 

There are also a few studies on the gender role conflict experienced by individuals who reside 

in heteropatriarchal environments and are exposed to more non-traditional gender role 

experiences and contexts (Segalo, 2015; Greig et. al, 2017; Christofides et. al, 2019; Langa, 

2020). This study aims to contribute to this body of knowledge on gender roles by exploring 

the individual meanings and experiences of gender roles in young adults living in contemporary 

Soweto, based on their exposure to both traditional and non-traditional gender role experiences 



 16 

within their lived experiences and the implications of these experiences on their gender role 

development. 

 

This research based on gender roles within the contemporary Soweto context allows the 

continued influence of Western colonisation, apartheid, racialisation and patriarchy to be 

understood within the area of contemporary gender role development. It also allows the concept 

of power to be understood beyond control and domination by men over women, to thinking 

about the use of social power in ways that emphasise uncontested social acceptance of gender 

roles resulting in gender inequality and the developmental oppression in young females and 

males (Greig et. al, 2017). The exploration of gender role meanings and experiences in young 

adults also enables normative patterns of change to be identified in gender role development, 

as well as supports an understanding of social justice issues relating to gender and gender roles. 

Based on these explorations, this research aims to encourage contemporary implementations 

of strategies aimed at alleviating any social justice issues that arise from gendered experiences 

within small lived contexts like Soweto.  

 

Addressing gender role stereotypes and the topic of gender roles builds on the discourse of 

gender equality. It also emphasises the importance of developing contemporary social 

meanings and beliefs that embrace both masculinity and femininity as having associations with 

esteemed social status, economic reward and political power (Greig et. al, 2017; Varmaghani 

et. al, 2015). It is critical to understand the way in which gender inequality is reproduced within 

the South African context by examining and understanding the influences that contribute 

towards harmful gender role constructions, a reconfiguration of more equitable gender roles 

can be achieved (Helman & Ratele, 2016). Lastly, understanding experiences of gender roles 

and power contributes to the knowledge that is aimed at reducing prevalence rates of violence, 

adultification, gender stereotyping and gender inequality amongst the youth of Soweto.  

 

 

1.4 Research Aims and Objectives 

 

The primary aim of the study is to explore experiences of gender roles of young adults living 

in Soweto. Within this primary aim there are three secondary aims for the study. The first is to 

explore the development of gender roles. Second, is to explore the lived experiences of 

traditional and non-traditional gender roles for these young adults. And lastly, it is to explore 



 17 

the young adults’ experiences of gender roles in private and public spaces within their small-

lived experiences in Soweto. 

 

1.5 Chapter Outline 

 

Chapter one introduces the research and outlines the rationale and aims of the study. Chapter 

two presents a literature review which provides insight into the differences between sex, gender 

and gender roles, gendered experiences and their implications, and ecological and 

intersectional influences on Sowetan gender role experiences. 

 

Chapter three outlines the gender role development theory and the ecological framework as 

frameworks which are used to understand and unpack the research topic. The origins, 

application, benefits and shortcomings of the framework for the research are also outlined in 

this third chapter. Chapter four provides the methodological framework of the paper based on 

the participant’s accounts of their experiences, which was analysed and interpreted. The study 

used a qualitative design and within this qualitative design, an Interpretive Phenomenological 

Approach was employed to analyse and process the data. Finally, this fourth chapter also 

presents the strengths and limitations of the study, as well as a reflexivity section which outlines 

the researcher’s process during the implementation of this study.  

 

Chapter five provides a discussion on the research findings which are thematically outlined. 

The themes are based on the in-depth interviews which included the meanings and experiences 

of the participants based on the research topic. The sixth chapter of the paper is the final section, 

and it presents a conclusion which includes the themes and theoretical concepts highlighted in 

the paper. This final section closes off with the recommendations from the study. 

 

  



 18 

Chapter Two 

 

 Literature Review 

 

2.1 Introduction 

 

This chapter explores literature pertaining the gendered evolution of Soweto and the multiple 

issues related to the racialised, political and cultural influence on gender roles within the 

community. This chapter offers insight into the ecology of gender role development, as well as 

the implications related to gender role identity development. 

 

2.2 A Gendered Evolution of a South Western Township 

 

2.2.1 Contextualising the Apartheid City  

 

A contextualisation of South Africa and its history is necessary before exploring the gendered 

evolution of the South Western Township, which is popularly known as Soweto. This 

contextualisation of South Africa helps to provide the context of the conditions that influenced 

the gendered experiences of individuals residing in the post-colonial township of Soweto. This 

contextualisation is brief and oversimplified, however it portrays the different racialised events 

that played a significant role in how individuals later accepted and developed specific gender 

role experiences.  

 

South Africa has early foundations of colonial rule which can be traced back to 1652 when 

Dutch and British settlers journeyed through South Africa looking to meet the demands for 

cheap labour slaves who could produce goods to be exported for international trade (Clark & 

Worger, 2016). These early foundations of this colonial society began with the Dutch and 

British settlers creating practical segregation based on the wealth differentiation, as the 

country’s African natives were considered to be poverty stricken (Christopher, 1983). This 

wealth segregation involved differential housing styles for the foreign settlers and natives in a 

free society. By the mid-1800s, there were growing racial undertones in this free society which 

resulted in the strict and unchallenged enforcement of residential segregation, as well as 

political and economic dominance by the European settlers over the South African natives 

(Christopher, 1983). The wealth and racial segregation as well as political and economic 

dominance by the European settlers influenced the beginning of the colonisation period of 

South Africa (Zarrinjooee & Chegeni, 2016). During this colonial period, there was an 



 19 

emphasis on white rule and a preference for a separation of European settlers from non-

European people.  

 

After the Second World War, the less formalised colonial period became formalised as the 

Apartheid regime began to emerge in South Africa. The regime enforced policies that 

supported violent racial segregation, land dispossession and subsequent economic 

impoverishment for black South Africans (Helman & Ratele, 2016). State surveillance and 

state restrictions were processes that were also enforced on the predominant non-white South 

African population which influenced a growth in racism within the country (Zarrinjooee & 

Chegeni, 2016). The growth in racism by the dominant European classes resulted in the settlers 

perceiving the African natives as unhygienic, which exacerbated segregation as a counteraction 

by the settlers as a means to appropriate the major resources in South Africa and secure their 

economic and political dominance (Christopher, 1983).  

 

The emphasis of natives being a health hazard was very effective in maintaining political 

pressure for the South African natives to be kept away from the European residential areas 

(Christopher, 1983). The first decade of the twentieth century saw sites for African housing 

being selected in areas which were distant from the European cities of Cape Town, Durban, 

Port Elizabeth and Johannesburg (Maharaj, 2020). As a result, townships like Soweto were 

developed as places for what was labelled as the “redundant native”, in separate African 

residential locations, who could provide cheap labour for a European area. The development 

of these townships were achieved through the enacted Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 

enforced by the Apartheid parliament (Maharaj, 2020). 

 

These newly enforced laws were based on a patriarchal system founded on racial oppression, 

gender injustice and white male privilege (Morrell, 1998). The regime enforced gender role 

tensions amongst South African men and women through “racist sexualisation” (Shefer, 2013). 

Racist sexualisation refers to the Apartheid system’s reinforcement of traditional gender roles 

in the South African context, particularly in the native locations. Restrictions were imposed on 

black South African women at the beginning of the 1950s which saw many women living in 

the homelands nurturing their children and maintaining the household while their husbands 

migrated to the city in search of work (Shefer & Ratele, 2011). Women who followed their 

husbands to the city either stayed home and did housework, or they took on low-wage domestic 

work in neighbouring white suburbs (Shefer, 2013).  



 20 

 

By the 1960s, women took on less traditional gender roles as they were integrated into the 

public work force in the urban and industrial fields due to a growing demand for cheap public 

labour (Shefer & Ratele, 2011). Within these fields of public work, the domestic field reported 

a presence of 90% of black women by the late 1980s and 36% in the industrial field. With 

women’s integration into the work force, there was significant evidence that they were paid 

much less than their male counterparts, despite working similar or longer working hours than 

them (Berger, 1992).  

 

Black men, during the Apartheid era, were dispossessed and forced to become low-waged 

factory or mine-based manual labourers and they were paid much less than their white male 

counterparts (Shefer & Ratele, 2011). Black men left their homelands and families to move to 

the city for work and restrictions were set in place that prohibited black men from living with 

their wives (Stewart & Webster, 2020). As a result of the growing demand for black women 

and men to enter the work force, the black child became socialised to take care of the family 

home as a pseudo-mother or father, according to their gender (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010). Based 

on these racialised experiences, Soweto was subsequently moulded in significantly traditional 

gendered ways as a black location within South Africa.  

 

2.2.2 Locating Soweto within the Apartheid City 

 

Soweto is an urban settlement that was developed in the 1930s as policies of racial segregation 

began emerging in South Africa. Black South Africans were relocated under the Urban Areas 

Act of 1923, from Johannesburg to Soweto, which was founded as an area that would keep 

black South Africans separate from white suburbs (Clark & Worger, 2016). The township 

emerged largely through forced removals, squatting, and state violence carried out by the 

Apartheid state. Soweto became a place where severe oppression and poverty were experienced 

on a racial, class and gender basis (Chabedi, 2003). Soweto was the largest black city in South 

Africa and residents served as a temporary working force for the strictly white suburb of 

Johannesburg (Bonner & Segal, 1998).  

The Sowetan household became a form of social organisation under the Apartheid state, and 

the household was represented as the primary site in which gender relations were restructured 

with a significant move to patriarchy (Muthwa, 1994). Income generation was highlighted as a 



 21 

male responsibility and domestic activities such as cooking and cleaning were associated as 

female responsibilities (Morrell, 1998). These responsibilities enforced on the household under 

the oppressive Apartheid state quickly became adopted within the Sowetan home as a survival 

strategy in the context of the urban Bantustan community of Soweto (Muthwa, 1994).  

From the year 1976, flames of resistance began to be ignited in an effort to achieve social and 

political reform, and Soweto became the centre of political and cultural violence from 1976 to 

1994 (Bonner & Segal, 1998). There was a violent struggle in the name of liberation, against 

the representatives and government of the Apartheid state, and violence became a means of 

communicating power (Heffernan, 2016). There was a breakdown of paternal authority and a 

lowered male presence in the home, as men and boys left the household by migrating for work 

or becoming exiled due to their involvement in the armed struggle (Muthwa, 1994; Morrell, 

1998). Women and girls became the heads of households, taking over the financial and 

organisational responsibilities within the home (Muthwa, 1994). Family suffering, poverty, 

oppression and crime within Soweto saw the youth taking on authoritarian and gender-specific 

parental roles and acts in response to the struggle (Chabedi, 2003).  

Change was fast becoming achieved through the mobilisation of the youth who made politics 

their primary passion (Heffernan, 2016). Young males and females took on active roles within 

the struggle as comrades and there was a dissolution of gender roles during this time (Phaladi, 

2008). The youth identified themselves as being separate in their political and moral differences 

compared to their elders, and there was an age division which emerged between the elders and 

the youth which resulted in adults feeling defeated due to their loss of authority in their 

households (Chabedi, 2003). The youth were perceived as being out of control and breaking 

away from the traditional gender roles within the family home (Chabedi, 2003). As the struggle 

intensified, South Africa became ungovernable and unpopular with international states which 

eventually led to the breakdown of the Apartheid regime that strongly oppressed non-European 

natives (Phaladi, 2008). This breakdown of the regime led to the Apartheid system’s 

abolishment in the year 1994. Post-1994, South Africa’s independence from the Apartheid state 

saw Soweto’s continued existence, as the largest black township in the country (Chabedi, 

2003). Although the township thrived to evolve with the times in many different ways, it largely 

remained rooted in its gendered colonial beliefs, standards and practices which were widely 

accepted by the Sowetan community.   

 



 22 

 

 2.2.3 Soweto After 1994: Liberation and a ‘Better Life For All’ 

 

With South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994, it was clear that the purpose of the 

struggle was freedom. There was a need for freedom from an oppressive regime, a yearning 

for a representative government, and a need for the traditional nuclear home to return (Muthwa, 

1994). There was a change in laws, policies and constitutions which were aimed towards 

accommodating these needs while supporting equality amongst the country’s citizens 

regardless of race or gender (Zarrinjooee & Chegeni, 2016). The African National Congress 

promised ‘A Better Life for All’ in its campaign slogans and there were notions of African 

development and wealth redistribution, which is yet to be seen by many in contemporary 

Soweto (Chabedi, 2003). Opportunities to expand opened up for new black middle class 

citizens who quickly moved out of the township while the expected benefits of democracy 

quickly failed to materialise for the majority of the population of Soweto who had to remain in 

the township with their large extended families in the Sowetan family home (Chabedi, 2003).  

 

The Sowetan household was once again forced into a survival strategy, as the poor and lower 

middle class households adapted to and attempted to cope with the adverse external 

circumstances in post-apartheid Soweto (Morris, 1998). A large percentage of households are 

now headed by females, with a lack of return of the paternal presence in the home, with fathers 

struggling to live up to the traditional role of provider and protector of the family (Morris, 

1998). This lowered presence of the paternal figure resulted in mothers opting out of caring for 

their children and leaving child-rearing to the grandmothers while they sought out jobs to 

provide for the home (Muthwa, 1994). The male and female child were subsequently adultified 

in an attempt to ensure the continued survival of the Sowetan household emanating from 

Apartheid ideology, as they were socialised to take on parental roles based on their gender 

(Muthwa, 1994).  

 

In the era of the Apartheid regime, misfortunes and the country’s suffering were linked to 

oppression, and in contemporary Soweto, any unfair fate of individuals is linked to feelings of 

stuckness in a community which is still deeply rooted in oppressive values and beliefs 

(Chabedi, 2003). For the “unlucky ones” who do not leave the township, traditional values, 

poverty, violence, crime and a lowered sense of freedom become a means of life and provides 

a sense of purpose in life, while others do their best to get out of the township by any means 



 23 

through financial and academic success (Muthwa,1994). Young boys and men are pressured to 

provide for their families and protect their girlfriends, while young girls and women are 

pressured to care for the home and learn how to negotiate the public space with a high risk of 

violent and criminal violations (Shefer & Ratele, 2011).  

 

The post-colonial Soweto context can be considered as still portraying a patriarchal structure 

in which inequitable gender role relations are highly prevalent and indicated in gender-related 

social justice issues (Chabedi, 2003). This patriarchal Sowetan context is indicative of the 

spatial, structural and ideological remnants of Apartheid which continue to thrive in the 

township (Helman & Ratele, 2016; Zarrinjooee & Chegeni, 2016). In further understanding the 

gender role relations in Soweto, it is important to contextualise the definitions which underly 

the phenomenon of gender roles and gender role development. 

 

2.3 Unpacking Gender Role Ideology  

 

In unpacking gender role ideology in relation to this research topic, one begins by exploring 

the definitions which differentiate the concepts of sex, gender and gender roles. The exploration 

of these definitions is then followed by an exploration of the ecology of masculinities and 

femininities, in which these concepts are defined and contextualised.  

 

2.3.1 Sex, Gender and Gender Roles 

 

When unpacking gender role ideology, one may begin with defining the term ‘sex’ as the core 

concept of gendered ideology. Sex is defined as a biological concept that classifies an 

individual as male or female based on the individual’s primary reproductive organs (Committee 

on Understanding the Biology of Sex and Gender Differences, 2001). According to this simple 

scenario, the presence or absence of a Y chromosome is what is important: with this Y 

chromosome, you are male, and without it, you are female (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 2003). 

There are however some people who straddle outside this simple scenario - their sex 

chromosomes say one thing, but their gonads (ovaries or testes) or sexual anatomy say another 

(Ainsworth, 2015). Individuals who find themselves outside this scenario are known as having 

intersex conditions, or differences or disorders of sex development. Parents of these individuals 

often face difficult decisions about whether to bring up their child as a boy or a girl (Ainsworth, 

2015).  



 24 

For the purposes of this research paper, sex is a biological category that seeks to make a 

principled distinction between individuals of a sexually reproducing species. Females are 

defined as the species that usually produces eggs and have ovaries, a uterus, fallopian tubes, 

vulva, and a vagina as typical sex characteristics (Hodson et al., 2019). Males are defined as 

the species that produces sperms and have testes and a penis as primary sex characteristics 

(Hodson et al., 2019). This division may not be tidy as there are individuals in the human 

species who are neither entirely male nor female along various dimensions, or who exhibit a 

mix of male and female sex-related features. 

The next concept in gendered ideology is ‘gender’, and this concept is often confused with the 

term ‘sex’. This struggle with the nuances of these terminology is because the terms ‘sex’ and 

‘gender’ are often used interchangeably to denote if someone is male or female (Levesque, 

2011). However, with regards to conceptualisation, the terms sex and gender are different, as 

the distinction of these terms separates the cultural (gender) from the biological (sex) 

(Roshchynskaya, 2010). Gender is therefore a social construct that classifies an individual as 

masculine or feminine based on their sex category, and it is the societal meaning assigned to 

males and females (Tong, 2012). The concept typically refers to the behavioural, social, and 

psychological characteristics of males and females, and each society emphasises particular 

roles that each sex should play (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 2003). Gender indicates the 

socialised behaviour patterns and ideas about what is considered as appropriate and desirable 

masculine and feminine identities (Roshchynskaya, 2010). People receive messages from the 

day of birth about what is appropriate for a male and a female (Levesque, 2011). Gender is the 

basis in which gender roles are developed. Societies tend to assign some classes of social roles 

to male individuals, and some classes of social roles to female individuals  (Roshchynskaya, 

2010).  

 

Gender roles are socially assumed roles that suggest how an individual should behave, talk and 

think on the basis of being male or female (Perrone, 2009). Gender roles are typically described 

as either traditional or non-traditional. Differences between men and women are highlighted in 

a traditional gender role orientation, and this traditional orientation suggests that the different 

sexes are inherently disposed to engage in particular behaviours (Lindner et al., 1995). The 

value of equality for males and females in society and relationships are highlighted in a non-

traditional gender role orientation. This non-traditional orientation motivates individuals to 

become empowered towards embracing the roles they wish to occupy and shaping the extent 



 25 

to which those roles should be associated with their sex (Perrone, 2009). Traditional gender 

roles are more likely to be found in patriarchal societies, while non-traditional gender roles are 

more prevalent in transformative contemporary societies (Roshchynskaya, 2010). None of this 

is meant to imply that gender roles, in and of themselves, are good or bad; they merely exist, 

and they are realities in almost everyone's life. These gender roles help individuals shape their 

gendered identities as they navigate being male or female, and as they shape their socialised 

ideas of masculinities and femininities in the different contexts they interact with. 

 

2.3.2 The Ecology of Masculinities and Femininities 

There is a significance in using the plural in defining ‘masculinities’ and ‘femininities’ in this 

research paper, as the plural form recognises the significantly different ways, different groups 

define masculinity and femininity (Priola, 2010). These definitions can differ even in the same 

society at the same time, and they can even differ on an individual basis. The meanings of 

masculinity and femininity are considered as varying over four different dimensions; culture, 

time, an individual’s life course, and meaning-making (Kimmel, 2001). Definitions of 

masculinity and femininity vary across cultures (Hofstede, 2001).  There are some cultures 

which encourage men to be apathetic and unemotional to prove masculinity, others encourage 

sexual conquest, while other cultures prescribe a more relaxed representation of masculinity, 

which encourages emotional expressivity, community participation, and collective provision 

and care for the community’s needs (Kimmel, 2001). Some cultures encourage women to be 

decisive and competitive, while others insist that women are naturally passive, helpless, and 

dependent (Kimmel, 2001).  

Definitions of masculinity and femininity also vary considerably in any one place and context 

over time (Bhatia & Bhatia, 2021). These definitions shift in response to changes in levels of 

industrialisation and urbanisation, positioning in the larger world, as well as changes in the 

geopolitical and economic context, and with the development of new technologies (Kimmel, 

2001). Definitions of masculinity and femininity also change over the course of a person’s life 

with a set of developmental milestones linked to chronological age and life-stage which lead 

to a difference in an individual’s experience and their expression of gender identity (Strough 

et al., 2007). Finally, the meanings of masculinities and femininities can vary significantly 

based on the given society, the time, and the moment, and just as these masculinities and 

femininities vary in their meanings, they can also coexist (Hofstede, 2001). These meanings 



 26 

can be shaped by class, race, ethnicity, age, sexuality, and region and ultimately shape the 

individual’s gender identity (Kimmel, 2001). Thus by pluralising the terms, this research paper 

acknowledges that masculinity and femininity mean different things, to different groups of 

people, at different times.  

 2.3.3 Defining Masculinities 

When defining masculinities, it is important to reiterate that they will signify different things, 

to different men, of different ages, at different times. Masculinities are constructed socially and 

are not static or timeless, and are rather historical and are created by culture (Fernández-

Álvarez, 2014). Traditionally, the social expectations for masculinity include a display of 

attributes such as strength, power, control less open display of emotionality and affection 

except for anger, as well as competitiveness (Fawkner, 2012). There are four types of 

masculinities which were introduced by Robert Connell (1995), and they have been identified 

as hegemonic, subordinate, complacent and marginalised masculinities.  

 

Hegemonic masculinity refers to a traditional masculinity which is the embodiment of male 

domination, as well as exercising male power and authority over women and other men 

(McVittie et al., 2017). There are consequences of oppression, violence and privilege that are 

associated with this masculinity (Connell, 1995). Subordinate masculinity refers to a non-

traditional masculinity which includes behaviours and feelings that are embodied by men 

which are conventionally attributed to women and are considered as being inappropriate for 

men. These behaviours and feelings include being caring, emotionally expressive, and standing 

for gender equality (Fernández-Álvarez, 2014). This subordinate masculinity is considered as 

contaminating the masculinity and men who exhibit these traits are stigmatised and are 

considered as inferior and socially undesirable (Schippers, 2007).  

 

Marginalised masculinity refers to groups of men who experience social exclusion and have 

very little access to power (Fernández-Álvarez, 2014). These men are at the receiving end of 

injustice and oppression in societies led by men who exercise unjust forms of hegemonic 

masculinity and they do not question the often violent and misogynistic patriarchal culture they 

exist in (Maguire, 2021). Complacent masculinity refers to men who have no significant access 

to power and lack financial and social status but enjoy the patriarchal advantages associated 

with the male sex (Fernández-Álvarez, 2014). These ideologies of masculinity can be valid for 



 27 

every place, period, social class, age, race or sexual orientation and can be adopted by 

individuals as early as childhood (Connell, 1995). 

 

Male children’s earliest experiences and memories are characterised by an emphasis on what 

it means to be a man. The male child is exposed to social and cultural norms that emphasise 

the expected gender roles for a boy child through their family, their peer group and their 

community (Mabunda, 2020). There is an explicit pressure to follow rules about how a man 

should behave and feel in young boys’ socialisation process of adopting masculine gender roles 

(Johnsson-Latham, 2006). Strength, little emotion and resolution of physical conflict are 

characteristics that are emphasised early during the gender role socialisation process for young 

boys (Biglan et al., 2019). Boys are encouraged to play rough, to stand up for themselves, and 

are sometimes even taught that they are superior to girls (Biglan et al., 2019). Young girls may 

be kept inside to help with domestic chores or care for their siblings, while their brothers are 

afforded more freedoms to play outside (Johnsson-Latham, 2006). These differences in the way 

boys and girls are raised are often prevalent in patriarchal societies. 

 

Patriarchy describes a system which is based on societal structures and practices in which men 

consistently govern, oppress and exploit women (Greig et. al, 2017). Patriarchal societies 

consist of predominantly traditional masculinities. Traditional patriarchal masculinities 

emphasise power as a construct based on domination and control (Mabunda, 2020). Control 

and domination can either be achieved through the use of violence or it can be achieved more 

indirectly, by enforcing beliefs and practices that exist in society that emphasise the superiority 

of men over women (Sikweyiya et. al, 2020). Within patriarchal systems, the construction of 

traditional masculinities insists that there should be distinct, rigid and albeit unequal gender 

roles between men and women, and that there should even be hierarchies among men 

(Sikweyiya et. al, 2020; Greig et. al, 2017). 

 

There are however different societies and cultures that emphasise positive and non-violent 

masculinity practices, behaviours and norms (Mabunda, 2020). These societies aim to identify 

and promote positive and non-violent norms towards achieving the goal of gender equality 

(Johnsson-Latham, 2006). Non-traditional masculinities allow a different narrative of 

understanding maleness and manhood to surface, as they emphasise that nurturing and 

supportive roles can be perceived as gender neutral roles (Greig et. al, 2017). Non-traditional 



 28 

masculinities suggest that both genders can work towards building equal power dynamics in 

relationships.  

 

Traditional and non-traditional masculinities are portrayed in townships in South Africa and 

are represented by differences in the masculine roles boys and men take on (Johnsson,-Latham, 

2006; Langa, 2012; Greig et al., 2017; Mabunda, 2020). A study by Langa (2012) portrayed 

the different masculinities taken on by boys in the township. The traditional masculinity was 

portrayed in the study in a hero-villain dynamic which surfaces in a boy’s childhood and early 

adolescence (Langa, 2012). The heroic traditional masculinity often leads to boy-on-boy 

violence as a result of boys striving to achieve popularity and being labelled a hero (Spielberg, 

1993). The boy who is defeated in the violent exchange loses his social standing of being 

perceived as a “real man” and loses respect from his fellow peers  (Amin et al., 2018). In the 

traditional masculinity displays of violence do not only indicate dominance, power and 

authority but these displays also indicate an underlying need to achieve or hold onto a social 

status they had to win or consequently experience shame, humiliation and even emasculation 

from their male peers (Langa, 2012).  

 

The non-traditional masculinity was characterised in the study as a non-violent and non-risk 

taking masculinity (Langa, 2012). This masculinity is represented by boys who were scholarly, 

mature, emotionally expressive, responsible and indicated a clear sense of the masculine self. 

The boys who aligned with the non-violent masculine self were confident and self-sufficient 

and often experienced a sound inner world (Randell et al., 2016). Academic success was argued 

by the boys as the main protective factor in avoiding engagement or participation in violent 

and risk-taking behaviours, and these individuals chose to portray a high degree of self-

reflection instead (Langa, 2012). The boys’ concern was not how others perceived him, but 

rather it was how he felt about reconciliating his behaviour with a clear personal identity 

(Kaplan et al. 2017). Males who embraced non-violent masculinity identities expressed higher 

levels of positivity and confidence towards their future, compared to their counterparts who 

embraced violent masculinity (Randell et al., 2016). Non-violent masculine males stated that 

one does not have to resort to violence to achieve the “ideal” manhood (Langa, 2012). 

 

The study suggested that there is an inner conflict that is experienced by males who have 

adopted either traditional or non-traditional masculinities which results in the decision to move 

from one masculinity to the other (Langa, 2012). This move between masculinities is 



 29 

considered to be in an attempt to conform to certain norms of masculinity and avoid 

marginalisation within the school setting (Amin et al., 2018). Although boys with heroic 

traditional masculinity are perceived as popular and attract girls, there is also an energetic and 

emotional cost that comes with the violent masculine identity, as it requires constant 

performance and interpersonal conflict (Randell et al., 2016). This identity can be experienced 

as frustrating and tiring for the hero-villain, however to the observer peer, it can be perceived 

as intimidating (Langa, 2012). Masculinity can be considered as a pressured experience for 

males who either subscribe to the traditional or non-traditional masculinity. Individual and 

social influences were portrayed as playing a major role in determining the masculinity a male 

wants to associate with (Langa, 2012). 

 

 2.3.4 Defining Femininities 

 

Femininity is an underconceptualised construct within gender literature, compared to the vast 

literature on masculinity, there is a need for continued consideration of theorisations of 

femininities (Paechter, 2018). In existing theorisations of femininities however, there are 

different notions of what it means to be a woman which are linked to a woman’s assumed place 

in a given set of gender roles and gender relations (Schippers, 2007). Just as in the case of 

masculinities, there are multiple femininities which exist. Connell (1987) introduced the 

concept known as emphasised femininity which is defined as a compliance to the subordination 

placed on women by men, as well as an orientation to accommodating the interests and desires 

of men. Within this emphasised femininity there are hegemonic and subordinate femininities 

(Schippers, 2007).  

 

The hegemonic femininity exits in more traditional contexts and it refers to the power dynamics 

among women, and also contains racialised differences in the domination and power which 

women hold over other women (Hamilton et al., 2019). The hegemonic femininity is 

considered as an adaptation to men’s power and emphasises compliance, nurturance and 

empathy as virtues which characterise womanhood (Hamilton et al., 2019). The woman is 

considered as a feminine object that does not have physical strength, authority and superiority. 

The hegemonic femininity poses sanctions on women who embody any practices and 

characteristics which are associated with hegemonic masculinity, and these sanctions are in the 

form of stigmatisation and social rejection (Schippers, 2007).  

 



 30 

In its racialised form, the hegemonic femininity is considered as being different for white and 

non-white women (Hamilton et al., 2019). In the hegemonic femininity of white women, the 

woman is constructed as a monolithically self-confident, independent, assertive and successful. 

In the hegemonic femininity of non-white women, the woman is constructed as being passive, 

male-dependent and successful in child-rearing and keeping the home. The white hegemonic 

femininity takes on the same ruling traits over non-white hegemonic femininity (Schippers 

2007). The white hegemonic femininity mimics hegemonic masculinity in a less exaggerated 

and more feminine manner, and ultimately attributes a subordinate femininity onto non-white 

femininities (Paechter, 2018). Subordinate femininity illustrates the intersectional 

subordination of females who do not qualify under hegemonic femininity due to the 

maintenance of patriarchal femininity. The racialised associations of subordinate may also be 

associated with ethnic/racial traits more than culturally inscribed gender traits (Hoskin, 2020). 

 

In taking on a relational focus on femininity, its characteristics can be defined as a symbolical 

pair to masculinity as it complements it through having physical vulnerability, an inability to 

use violence effectively, and being compliant (Schippers 2007). This symbolic relationship is 

established through hierarchical complementarities which provide a rationale for a general 

social practice (Paechter, 2018). Thus alongside masculinity, femininity is considered as 

establishing gender hegemony as women and men engage in social relationships with each 

other which ensure ascendency and dominance for men (Hamilton et al., 2019). Femininity 

becomes a collective iteration for masculinity in the form of culture, interpersonal interaction, 

social structure and social organisation (Schippers, 2007). 

 

Women who embody features which are considered to be associated with hegemonic 

masculinity are referred to as embodying characteristics of pariah femininities (Schippers, 

2007). Pariah femininities exist in more non-traditional contexts and are considered as 

contaminating the hegemonic relationship between masculinity and femininity as women take 

on masculine traits (Paechter, 2018). These masculine traits include being aggressive, having 

authority, having multiple partners, having financial and social status, being sexually 

inaccessible to men, and having a sexual desire for other women (Fielding-Miller et al., 2016). 

Embodiment of these traits are considered to also contaminate the woman and makes her 

socially undesirable when exhibiting these traits (Schippers, 2007).  

 



 31 

In the African patriarchal society there are standard and rigid expectations regarding a 

“woman’s place” and her role in this society. The woman is given roles which consist of 

primary duties that are oriented towards homemaking and child-rearing (Hoskin, 2020). 

Women who aspired to enter the labour market had little to no role models and peers to follow 

and share common experiences with, in the past years (Burgess, 1994). Married women’s 

employment was especially considered as reflecting negatively on the husband’s ability to 

provide adequately for the family. There is an assumption that the African woman works out 

of economic necessity, companionship and for self-fulfilment in the labour force (Burgess, 

1994). The African woman received social support to join the labour force in career roles such 

as domestic work, teaching, secretariat, or factory worker, which strongly resembled their 

responsibilities in the home of being a homemaker and child-rearing (Ackerman & Velelo, 

2013). In the home, the woman was expected to keep her responsibilities of cleaning, cooking, 

taking care of the children, family and community, and keeping the home regardless of her 

employment status (Burgess, 1994).  

 

Over time, in the African patriarchal society, slight deviations became evident in the standard 

and rigid expectations, as women fought to steer away from the systematic exclusion imposed 

on them by the colonial powers (Ackerman & Velelo, 2013). Women began taking on 

leadership roles in the community and in the home, they became influential in decision-making, 

they became prominent in the work force, and they became independent and proud of their 

womanhood as a strength of their African femininity. There were rights, respect, privileges and 

open responsibilities afforded to women in the growing non-traditional context (Burgess, 

1994). 

2.4 Being Male vs. Female: A Process of Socialisation 

There are social and systematic differences which are created for males and females, and 

learning  and socialisation plays a significant role in the process of shaping what is defined as 

masculinities and femininities within society (Kimmel, 2001; Roshchynskaya, 2010). During 

this learning and gender role socialisation, children undergo the process of being taught how 

to behave under the social expectations of their gender. They are given ideas of roles and 

activities which are appropriate only for males and females from the first years of life through 

this socialisation process (Cerbara et al., 2022). The children then receive parental approval 

when they conform to gender expectations and this approval influences them to adopt socially 



 32 

accepted and conventional roles. This socialisation process is further reinforced by additional 

socialising agents, within the social context (Calvo-Salguero et al., 2008). These socialising 

agents, alongside parents, include teachers, peers, movies, television, music, books, and 

religion teach and they reinforce how males and females should think, speak, dress, and interact 

within the context of their society (Roshchynskaya, 2010).  

As the socialising agents reinforce gender-specific expectations, behaviours and attitudes on 

children during the primary socialisation process, the children begin to internalise gender 

stereotypes and adhere to gender roles based on their sex and gender (Cerbara et al., 2022). 

Based on this gender role socialisation, the assumption is therefore that male children should 

internalise masculine stereotypes and expectations, and that female children should internalise 

feminine stereotypes and expectations (Roshchynskaya, 2010). Consequently, from this 

perspective, male children are more masculine than female children, and female children are 

more feminine than male children at an early age (Kimmel, 2001). Children therefore develop 

their personal gender identity based on these internalised strongly conditioned traditional 

expectations, behaviours and attitudes. 

Traditionally, boys are conditioned to know how to provide, and how to fix and build things, 

while girls are conditioned to know how to cook, sew, and tend to the house (Roshchynskaya, 

2010). As boys grow into men, they continue to undergo this socialisation process and they are 

taught that their role is to provide for the family by being a breadwinner, while women on the 

other hand, are taught that their role is to keep the home as a wife and bear children (Kimmel, 

2001). Boys also develop physical and psychological masculine characteristics that allow them 

to succeed in the social environment, such as having traits like competitiveness and initiative. 

As girls grow into women, they develop feminine characteristics which are centred around 

community, such as having traits like emotional expression and caregiving and nurturing skills 

(Calvo-Salguero et al., 2008). This manner of socialisation ensures that these traditional gender 

roles lead males and females to adopt and maintain the socially accepted characteristics and 

skills that are associated with that individual’s sex and gender (Calvo-Salguero et al., 2008).  

The reinforcement that occurs during the socialisation process is rooted in the social acceptance 

of gender stereotypes as a form of society building and social belonging (Egan & Perry, 2001). 

Generations of society members are given a responsibility to continue building and 

strengthening the community by perpetuating gender stereotypes through the socialisation 

process (Hentschel et. al, 2019). This generational socialisation crystallises the expected 



 33 

behaviours, characteristics, attitudes, skills and preferences for males and females, and limits 

freedom and flexibility for future generations who might want to adhere to different behaviours 

and beliefs (Cerbara et al., 2022). The continued reinforcement process in traditional gender 

role socialisation can be linked to neuroscience research on social acceptance and 

reinforcement of social phenomena. This research argues that when individuals receive positive 

social feedback about their identity, reputation or character, it activates the ventral striatum in 

the brain which is a reward centre (Meshi, Morawetz & Heekeren, 2013). This allows 

individuals to feel good about their involvement in reinforcing what is socially accepted and 

what is then subsequently rewarded through a sense of social belonging (Eisenberger et al., 

2003). The consequence of deviating from the socially accepted socialisation process therefore 

has the opposite effect on the ventral striatum and makes individuals feel the pain of rejection 

and a lack of social validation and approval (Eisenberger et al., 2003).   

Social acceptance therefore plays a significant and observable role during gender role 

socialisation and development, as individuals will voluntarily internalise gender role 

stereotypes in order conform to gender role requirements as a way of feeling a sense of 

belonging (Egan & Perry, 2001). Taking this voluntary conformity of gender roles as 

individuals develop into consideration, a study by Li and colleagues (2022) argues that gender 

role self-stereotyping correlates with higher life satisfaction. Therefore if individuals perceive 

gender role stereotypes as being enforced onto them, it negatively impacts their personal and 

relational self-esteem and it leads to deviations from these stereotypes (Li et al., 2022). If a 

growing number of individuals perceive gender stereotypes as problematic, it leads to an 

increased focus to address outdated and detrimental gendered roles and stereotypes and norms 

within communities as they grow in their social support to achieve social and cultural change 

through individual attitudinal and behaviour change, and subsequent community mobilisation 

(Stewart et al., 2021).  

2.4.1 Gendered Expectations Around the Globe  

 

In most parts of the world, there is a general expectation for men and boys to be masculine, 

and for women and girls to be feminine (Fawkner, 2012). Society socialises men to display 

attributes such as power and strength and to not display too much emotion and affection 

(Roshchynskaya, 2010). Women on the other hand, are socialised to display nurturing and 

compassionate attributes and submission towards men (Kimmel, 2001). These global social 



 34 

expectations can generally be regarded as aligning with traditional gender roles 

(Roshchynskaya, 2010). There are however individuals in different parts of the world who 

prescribe to gender roles that are perceived as deviations that are inconsistent with the 

international society’s expectations (Fawkner, 2012). 

 

The deviations perceived in the non-traditional gender roles that people prescribe to, are 

considered to be moving away from social expectations and understandings of gender roles 

that are characterised by unequal power relationships between men and women, and beliefs 

that women should be submissive to men (Best & Foster, 2004). This shift has resulted in global 

ideologies transitioning towards more equitable beliefs and attitudes of gender roles (Tahira et 

al., 2017). The transition stresses the notion that women and men are equally important and 

that neither sex has the right to dominate the other. Despite this global transition, there are 

many societies that continue to hold on to traditional gender roles (Best & Foster, 2004).  

 

There are various early international studies that have investigated international attitudes 

regarding gender roles and gendered socialisation. A study by Agarwal, Lester and Dhawan 

(1992) reported that individuals in wealthier first world countries expressed more non-

traditional equitable views of gender roles than individuals in less wealthy, third world 

countries. However, across both first and third world countries women were reported as being 

more open to subscribing to equitable gender roles than men. A similar study by Gibbons, Stiles 

and Shkodriani (1991) reported that in traditional collectivistic groups and non-traditional 

individualistic groups, student boys stated that they subscribed to more traditional attitudes 

than student girls. Ghadially (2007) did a study on women who prescribed to non-traditional 

equitable gender roles ideologies. The study found that it was mainly women who were raised 

by educated, working mothers in traditional societies who prescribed to non-traditional gender 

role ideologies. In an international study conducted by on women in individualistic and 

collectivistic countries, equitable gender role attitudes were reported, and education and job 

status were considered as significant predictors in these results (Best & Foster, 2004).  

 

Williams and Best (1990) conducted a 14-country study which looked into the attitudes of 

university students. Participants from northern European countries such as Germany, Finland, 

England and the Netherlands reported non-traditional gender role ideologies. The United 

States’ results indicated both traditional and non-traditional ideologies. African and Asian 

countries like Nigeria, Pakistan, India, Japan and Malaysia indicated traditional gender role 



 35 

ideologies (Williams & Best, 1990). The results of men and women’s gender role attitudes in 

the overall study were reported as being highly similar. Differences in gender role attitudes 

were more significant in intercultural groups than in individuals who were from similar cultural 

groups (Williams & Best, 1990). 

 

A look into African gender roles leads to the historical roles men and women were socialised 

to play in pre-colonial Africa. During this time there were many different cultural and 

traditional belief systems that all similarly defined the role of a woman as one characterised by 

reverence, equality and power (Medie, 2019). In Africa’s earliest economies, hunting and 

gathering food in the wilderness was the way of life. Historical reports indicate that African 

women were the primary economic producers in Africa’s earliest societies. Women were also 

reported to have held positions of power and control in what was considered matriarchal 

societies (Medie, 2019). 

 

From the late 19th century, colonial policies embedded a system of patriarchy within African 

economies which saw the emergence of customary law that enforced traditional colonial gender 

roles on African men and women. European missionaries enforced constructions of gender 

roles which promoted traditional roles for the individual, marriage and family life as slave trade 

and the exploitation of African men and women intensified (Akyeampong & Fofack, 2014). 

The emergence of a patriarchal structure in African societies resulted in social, economic and 

political change in the continent (Anunobi, 2002). Colonialism significantly influenced the rise 

of gender inequality in African societies, which remained long after countries achieved their 

independence (Akinola, 2018).  

 

The social, political and economic conditions in post-colonial Africa does not reflect women’s 

pre-colonial exercise of power and influence in the continent (Ogbomo, 2005). Although 

different cultures have different views on gender roles, there is a general traditional belief that 

in public and family life African women should be submissive to men. Traditionally there are 

different roles that are assigned to men and women in the private domain of family life and in 

the public domain (Medie, 2019). As a result of these assigned roles in the African context, 

many women have consequently experienced difficulties in accessing education, employment, 

health care, as well as economic and political power (Anunobi, 2002).  

 



 36 

Various laws have been passed in an attempt to close the gap in access to opportunities that has 

been imposed by gender inequality (Medie, 2019). This has slowly resulted in more African 

women experiencing gender equality, and access to resources and opportunities in different 

areas of their lives. Research has reported that how women used to exercise a degree of 

independence in the past, contemporary African males now respond to such independence in 

different ways, ranging from acceptance to accusing women of practicing witchcraft (Ogbomo, 

2005). Class, gender, influence and opportunities have been considered as a major influence 

on more equitable gender roles, hence in cities and areas where Western influence is the 

strongest, African attitudes are moving towards more non-traditional equitable gender roles 

(Anunobi, 2002). 

 

Just as in the general African context, gender roles in pre-colonial South Africa complemented 

each other. Women were respected as equal players in the public domain who played important 

roles in production, spirituality and politics in certain cultures (Montle, 2021). There was an 

intersection of duties and roles between men and women, that are now considered as gender 

typed. Women were revered, independent and considered as important figures in the social, 

economic and political spaces that were not exclusively for men (Moagi & Mthombeni, 2019). 

South Africa was later colonised and the British and Dutch colonisers enforced laws and ways 

of living that were rooted in racism and a patriarchal structure. South African men and women 

were forced to subscribe to traditional patriarchal gender roles during the emergence of the 

Apartheid regime (Montle, 2021). The post-colonial South African context can be considered 

as still portraying a patriarchal structure in which inequitable gender role relations are highly 

prevalent and indicated in gender-related social justice issues (Helman & Ratele, 2016). 

 

 2.4.2 The Racialised Masculinities and Femininities of the South African Sowetan 

 

As mentioned in the beginning of this literature review, the gender role experience within the 

South African context has been strongly influenced by racialisation due to colonial rule and the 

apartheid era. The racial segregation during this time influenced distinct racialised gender 

arrangements to persist which saw emerging gender role ideals which were distinctive for black 

and white males and females (Shefer, 2013). These gendered ideals impacted the manner in 

which society constructed masculinity and femininity ideals, and this resulted in the traditional 

male-dominated authority to be retained (Montle, 2021). The gendered ideals also influenced 

work place inequality which saw whites dominating professional and business positions in 



 37 

white-owned industries, and black South Africans being limited to take on labour or farming 

positions while they are confined to increasingly impoverished areas (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010).  

For black South African men and women, financial challenges were rife, and this made it 

difficult for men to construct ideas of masculinity around material and professional 

achievement (Helman & Ratele, 2016). The South African man generally found what would 

be considered as insecure ways of securing a livelihood by being employed in seasonal, low 

waged, unskilled positions during his lifetime. This increased the likelihood of finding 

masculine affirmation in their social interactions with their families and other men (Jewkes & 

Morrell, 2010). Black women, generally did not have the means to be economically 

independent, and often had to be dependent on black men for sustenance (Burgess, 1994). This 

financial dependence promoted passivity and unquestioning obedience among black women, 

alongside the cultural practices which encouraged respect for males, and these experiences 

helped to shape the hallmarks of African femininity. Black women’s gendered identities were 

similar to that of white women which were socially emphasised as being focused on keeping 

the home and rearing children (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010).  

Constructions of masculinity and femininity in the historically black context of Africa have 

been rooted in the adoption of the colonial Western religion of Christianity, which have been 

passed down as ideas of traditional black African gender roles over the generations (Kügler, 

2019). In the religious roots of Christianity, gender roles are located in sex and the ideas of 

marriage for procreation (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010). Based on the foundations of Western 

Christianity, African culture began to share the incontestable religious gendered roles 

prescribed to males and females (Rwafa, 2016). In the traditional black African gendered 

ideology, gender roles are an essential, normal and healthy way of life for all ages. Traditional 

black gendered ideology normalises gendered play during the early ages of a child’s life, and 

gender role exploration is presented as a natural activity, especially when the individual enters 

adolescence (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010).  

After the abolishment of Apartheid in South Africa, a period of transition and fluidity occurred 

in gender identities (Ackerman & Velelo, 2013). There was an overwhelming emergence of 

hegemonic femininities, particularly in urban spaces, which was associated with a growing 

interest in women to be independent and experience financial and professional achievement. 

This is an ideal womanhood that is chiefly based on women having access to material resources 



 38 

(Burgess, 1994). A growing number of females from varying age groups are seeking political 

freedom, financial independence, and gender equality, and with the emergence of  hegemonic 

femininity, more attention has been placed on understanding the meaning of feminine agency 

(Jewkes & Morrell, 2010). Despite the diversity offered by hegemonic femininity, traditional 

femininities are still considered as key elements of successful African womanhood for some 

women, with an emphasis on women to continue playing the role of keeping a home and 

bearing children (Ebila, 2015).  

In other emerging, young black African femininities a growing trend is aiming towards 

showing that womanhood is successful when a young female proves herself to be desirable to 

men (Hamilton et al., 2019). This idea is complicit with hegemonic masculinity as it is framed 

in a way that encourages resonance with those ideas as the worth of women is being assessed 

by men, and women wish to be successful by conforming to the dominant social order, and 

accepting the control by men  (Hoskin, 2020). There is a social expectation placed on women 

to not threaten a man’s sense of control in the way that she behaves, and if she fails to do so, 

she is considered as running the risk of experiencing physical or emotional punishment from 

her male counterpart (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010). Although the dominant ideal of femininity is 

mostly presented as subordinate, not all women experience or tolerate controlling behaviour 

from their male counterparts to the same extent (Hoskin, 2020). Dominant African femininity 

is described as a femininity that excuses male behaviour, tolerates violence, tolerates 

polygamy, promises sexual exclusivity to men, places importance on sexual pleasure, has 

cultural wisdom, and requires a strong woman who is able to cope with and accept the stresses 

of life (Hamilton et al., 2019). 

In Soweto, the gendered division of labour has seen constant evolution and shifts. Most women 

engage in domestic work and adopt gender positions as homemakers and providers in single-

sex households which are economically independent of men (Erzse et al., 2021). These 

women’s gender role positions are considered as dynamic and fluid, however it does not 

indicate how these women resist the traditional gender order that stipulates that women are 

subordinate to men, while men were absent in their households (McLanahan & Sandefur, 

1994). It is therefore possible for opposing gender positions to be occupied without challenging 

the traditional gender order or being in support of alternative, gender-equitable gender roles 

(Jewkes & Morrell, 2010). 



 39 

There are still patterns of power and dominance post-1994 which are associated with 

masculinities (Helman & Ratele, 2016). This is clear in the various racialised masculinities 

which are still dominant. It is these masculinities that prescribe particular ways of being a man 

and legitimate gender-inequitable practices in black South African communities (Jewkes & 

Morrell, 2010). One example of a black African hegemonic masculinity is found in the Zulu 

and Xhosa concept of “indoda”, an idealised heterosexual, virile man, who is desired by 

women, and whose prodigious sexual and material successes are the envy of other men 

(Mfecane, 2016). Heterosexual success is considered as the key to expressing successful 

African manhood. This successful manhood is proven through material success, attaining and 

keeping sexually desirable women, and exerting control over both women and men (Morrell, 

1998). Hegemonic masculinity also emphasises other practices such as excessive alcohol 

consumption and general and sexual risk taking (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010). 

Contemporary black South African masculinities value physical strength and firmness, 

dominance and courage, as well as hierarchical authority (Morrell, 1998). Within heterosexual 

relationships, males expect to establish and demonstrate control over females through physical 

and sexual violence (Nedombeloni & Oyedemi, 2014). While men are not expected to injure 

women, and acts of extreme cruelty often incur familial and community wrath, the use of 

moderate violence by men (and in other circumstances, by women) is tolerated and generally 

is not viewed as evidence of weakness or lack of self-control (Nedombeloni & Oyedemi, 2014).  

Historically, sexual relationships between individuals were part of socially assumed and 

negotiated relationships between families, with marriages formalised through payment by men 

of lobola, the bride price (Heeren et al., 2011). As this cultural practice continues, it becomes 

a norm for men to perceive themselves as having patriarchal ownership over women and using 

physical violence in the contemporary space to demonstrate this ownership (Jewkes & Morrell, 

2010). In this way, behaviours such as having multiple sexual partners become inextricably 

normalised through hegemonic masculinity resulting in male control and female subordination, 

and in some cases this comes with the use of violence (Nedombeloni & Oyedemi, 2014). The 

perception of sex as a male need, the gifting of women, or the sexual exchange of money are 

now all considered as social practices which are culturally accepted. In perceiving these 

practices in this way, they develop social meanings which extend beyond the individual 

rewards and motives of such behavioural acts (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010). 



 40 

For black South African women and men, emphasised femininity and hegemonic masculinity 

are both cultural ideals which are upheld by a system of sanctions and rewards. Men, and other 

women, tend to reward women who comply with the dominant emphasised femininity (Connell 

& Messerschmidt, 2005). Women are thus respected and admired by their peers, families and 

communities for having desirable partners, and aligning with this dominant emphasised 

femininity ideal. This is similar to the hegemonically masculine male who seeks a relatively 

harmonious relationship through a compliant female partner, so does the successful female who 

desires a hegemonic male (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010). Many females are considered to interpret 

displays of hegemonic masculinity as socially and sexually desirable, which results in them 

subsequently marginalising men who practice more gender-equitable masculinities (Mfecane, 

2016). Women and men who do not comply with these feminine and masculine roles, or 

express resistance to it, suffer marginalisation and stigmatisation (Blackstone, 2003). This is 

due to the widely socially accepted gender roles within the black South African community 

increase the prevalence for traditional gender role socialisation and traditional gender role 

ascription (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010). 

 

This does not mean that there is no room for gender role differences in South Africa’s social 

space. There is a vast social spectrum which is occupied by many different individuals who 

incorporate a non-gendered approach in their engagement with gender roles, and subsequently 

adopt counter femininities and masculinities to hegemonic practices both inside and outside 

the home (Khosa-Nkatini et al., 2023). This includes joined efforts in the engagement of 

providing childcare, cooking and cleaning, caring for the sick, financial provision for the home, 

handywork, supporting gender equality, and opposing violence against women and men 

(Jewkes & Morrell, 2010).  

 

Traditional womanhood and manhood is proven time and time again in this Sowetan context, 

through symbolic and behavioural demonstrations to others, typically family and peers, who 

are in positions of validating, questioning, and challenging assertions of masculine and 

feminine roles, as well as policing and punishing those whose demonstrate inadequate gender 

role ascriptions (Mankowski & Smith, 2016). These traditional roles result in men’s denial and 

repression of their vulnerabilities function as an attempt to validate their masculinity, while 

women accept their dependence and fragility functions as an attempt to validate their femininity 

(Nedombeloni & Oyedemi, 2014; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). These traditional gender 

roles are often contested in their status in Sowetan society due to the harmful nature that is 



 41 

associated with gendered power dynamics and the subsequent social justice issues which are 

linked to gender inequality. 

 

2.5 Inevitably Unequal?: Gender Role Socialisation and Power Dynamics 

When considering all masculinities and femininities, simply put, they are not created equal 

(Cerdán-Torregrosa et al., 2023). In every culture, males and females are expected to measure 

themselves up to definitions of what it means to be a man or what it means to be a woman 

(Jewkes & Morrell, 2010). In the topic of gender roles, gendered power dynamics can be 

identified in the existence of the multiple configurations of femininity and masculinity that are 

hierarchically organised and structured along lines of