UNMASKING SERIAL MURDER:                                            

A COMPARISON OF A SOUTH AFRICAN MURDER SERIES 

WITH CHARACTERISTICS FROM THE FEDERAL BUREAU 

OF INVESTIGATION SERIAL MURDER DATABASE 

 

Dr Shakeera Holland 

Student number:  0405598T 

Staff number:  00300468 

 

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Health Sciences, University of 

the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements 

for the degree Master of Medicine in Forensic Pathology and Medicine. 

 

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iv 

ABSTRACT 

 

The term ‘serial killer’ brings to mind notorious criminals whose crimes are so heinous as to 

test the limits of the most vivid imagination and make us question their humanity. What is the 

reality of serial murder? 

 

In 2005, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) hosted a symposium on serial murder, 

which brought together international experts in the field of serial murder with the aim of 

clarifying and understanding this multifarious crime. On the 12th of March 2008, Gcinumzi 

Richman Makhwenkwe, ‘The Moffat Park Serial Murderer’ was convicted of 5 counts of 

murder, 3 counts of rape and 3 counts of robbery with aggravating circumstances. The 

Department of Forensic Medicine and Pathology of the University of the Witwatersrand, 

based at the Johannesburg Forensic Pathology Service (FPS) Medicolegal Mortuary Facility 

performed the medicolegal investigations of death in all the victims. This research report 

explores the characteristics of serial murder and serial murderers as documented in the 

literature; documents the features and characteristics of the Moffat Park murder series; 

compares the features of this South African murder series to those from the findings of the FBI 

serial murder symposium; explores the role of the forensic medical practitioner in the 

investigation of the Moffat Park series and serves to educate and inform forensic medical 

practitioners of the features of serial murder as awareness may potentially lead to earlier 

identification of a murder series. This could ultimately lead to earlier implementation of 

specialist investigative methods, earlier apprehension of the serial murderer and most 

importantly fewer victims. 



v 

 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

 

 

Professor J Vellema for being my supervisor and mentor. 

Professor GN Labuschagne for providing essential resource material, invaluable input and 

encouraging my interest in serial murder. 

Dr G Gordon for overall encouragement and assistance in the technical aspects of the report. 

Capt M Van Aardt for assistance in obtaining the case material. 

 



vi 

TABLE OF CONTENTS 

 

DECLARATION  II  

DEDICATION  III 

ABSTRACT  IV 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  V 

TABLE OF CONTENTS  VI 

LIST OF FIGURES  X 

 

CHAPTER I:  1 

1.1 INTRODUCTION  1 

1.2  AIMS AND OBJECTIVES  2 

1.3  MATERIALS AND METHODS  4 

1.3.1  STUDY DESIGN  4 

1.3.2  DATA COLLECTION  4 

1.3.3  DATA ANALYSIS  6 

1.4  ETHICS  7 



vii 

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW  8 

2.1  THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF SERIAL MURDER  8 

2.2   THE DEFINITION OF SERIAL MURDER  9 

2.3   CHARACTERISTICS OF SERIAL MURDERERS  11 

2.3.1 RACE  12 

2.3.2 GENDER  12 

2.3.3 AGE  13 

2.3.4 MARITAL/RELATIONSHIP STATUS  14 

2.3.5 EMPLOYMENT  14 

2.3.6 EDUCATION/INTELLECT  15 

2.3.7 PAST CRIMINAL BEHAVIOUR  15 

2.3.8 PSYCHOPATHY  15 

2.4   TYPOLOGIES OF SERIAL MURDER  18 

2.5   EPIDEMIOLOGY  20 

2.6   THE CRIME  21 

2.6.1 MODUS OPERANDI  22 

2.6.2 SIGNATURE  23 

2.6.3 VICTIMOLOGY  24 

2.6.4 SEXUAL MURDERS  25 

2.7   ‘LOCATION, LOCATION, LOCATION’ ‐ THE IMPORTANCE OF LOCATION IN SERIAL MURDER  31 

2.7.1 THE NEWCASTLE SERIAL MURDERER‐ THEMBA ANTON SUKUDE (2004 ‐ 2005),  32 

2.7.2 THE QUARRY SERIAL MURDERER ‐RICHARD JABULANI NYAUZA (2002‐2006),  33 

2.8  IMPORTANT ASPECTS OF INVESTIGATIONS  34 

2.8.1 THE OFFENDER  34 



viii 

2.8.2 THE CRIME  36 

2.9 THE CURRENT SITUATION IN SOUTH AFRICA  38 

CHAPTER 3: RESULTS  38 

3.1   INTRODUCTION  39 

3.2   VICTIM 1 – BLACK, ADULT FEMALE  40 

3.2.1 POST MORTEM EXAMINATION RESULTS  43 

3.3   VICTIM 2 – UNKNOWN BLACK ADULT MALE  44 

3.3.1 POST MORTEM EXAMINATION RESULTS  46 

3.4   VICTIM 3 – BLACK ADOLESCENT FEMALE  47 

3.4.1 POST MORTEM EXAMINATION RESULTS  50 

3.5   VICTIM 4 – UNKNOWN BLACK FEMALE  53 

3.5.1 POST MORTEM EXAMINATION RESULTS  56 

3.6   VICTIM 5 – UNKNOWN BLACK FEMALE  57 

3.6.1 POST MORTEM EXAMINATION RESULTS  59 

3.7  IMPORTANT ASPECTS OF THE INVESTIGATION AND THE TRIAL  60 

3.8   ALL ABOUT MAKHWENKWE  61 

3.9  CONCLUSION  63 

CHAPTER 4: DISCUSSION  64 

4.1   MODUS OPERANDI ANALYSIS  64 

4.1.1 LOCATION  64 

4.1.2 VICTIMOLOGY  66 

4.1.3 THE METHODS OF MURDER  67 



ix 

4.1.4 THE MOTIVATION BEHIND THE MURDERS  69 

4.2 THE CHALLENGE OF DECOMPOSITION  70 

4.3   THE INVESTIGATION AND SUBSEQUENT ARREST OF THE MOFFAT PARK SERIAL MURDERER  74 

4.4   HOW DOES THE MOFFAT PARK SERIES COMPARE WITH THE FEATURES OF THE SERIAL MURDER  74 

4.4.1 DEFINITION  74 

4.4.2 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SERIAL MURDERER  75 

4.5   THE ROLE OF THE FORENSIC MEDICAL PRACTITIONER  79 

4.6   SUMMATION  83 

CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION  84 

REFERENCES  87 

ETHICS CLEARANCE CERTIFICATE  98 

DATA SHEET A: FBI SYMPOSIUM CRITERIA VS MOFFAT PARK SERIAL MURDERER  99 

DATA SHEET B: VICTIM COMPARISONS  106 

 

  



x 

LIST OF FIGURES 

 

 

Figure 1. Map of Moffat Park         40 

Figure 2.  Shallow grave of victim 1        41 

Figure 3. Concealed body of victim 1        41 

Figure 4. Decomposing body of victim 1 (Posterior view)     42 

Figure 5. Decomposing body of victim 1 (Anterior view)     42 

Figure 6. Shallow grave of victim 2        45 

Figure 7. Body of victim 2          45 

Figure 8. Shallow grave of victim 3        48 

Figure 9. Excavated grave of victim 3       49 

Figure 10. Skeletonised remains of victim 3       50 

Figure 11. Skull of victim 3         52 

Figure 12. Ante mortem photograph of victim 3      52 

Figure 13. Body of victim 4         53 

Figure 14. Shallow grave of victim 4        54 

Figure 15. Body of victim 5         55 

Figure 16. Body of victim 5         57 

Figure 17. Legs of victim 5         58 

Figure 18. Makhwenkwe: the Moffat Park serial murderer     61 



1 

“We serial killers are your sons,  

  We are your husbands,  

  We are everywhere… 

  And there will be more of your children dead tomorrow” 

                                             Ted Bundy 

 

Chapter I:   

1.1 Introduction 

The term ‘serial killer’ brings to mind the notorious names of Ted Bundy and Jeffrey Dahmer 

internationally and Moses Sithole and ‘The Station Strangler’ locally, killers whose crimes are 

so heinous as to test the limits of the most vivid imagination. The bizarre and barbaric acts of 

violence they committed make us question their humanity. In popular media, novels like those 

written by Patricia Cornwell, intrigue us with the creation of strong protagonists who unravel 

the patterns and clues of serial murders leading to the apprehension of the guilty party. 

Television series like ‘Dexter’ delve into the psychopathy that characterises ‘serial killers’. 

Films like ‘Monster’ attempt to understand and clarify the reasons behind serial murder. The 

general perception is that ‘serial killers’ are intelligent, single white males, with high IQ’s, but 

who do poorly in school and often do menial jobs. They tend to come from unstable, 

dysfunctional families and are typically abandoned by their fathers and raised by domineering 

mothers. They often have family histories of criminal activity, psychiatric illnesses, and 

alcoholism. They have often spent time in institutions as children and have a history of early 

psychiatric problems. They have high rates of suicide attempts. From an early age, many are 

intensely interested in voyeurism, fetishism, and sadomasochistic pornography. They wet their 



2 

beds beyond the age of 12 years. They are fascinated with fire starting and they are involved in 

sadistic activity or torturing small animals (Pakhomou 2004). These are the characteristics that 

are perpetuated by the popular media with little regards for any scientific evidence to support 

these ideas.  

 

We feel compelled to try to find ways to understand the urge to commit serial murder. We 

look to the psychological theories of Freud and Erikson in an attempt to understand why 

human beings become serial murderers because surely, there must be an explanation as to why 

human-beings become ‘monsters’? (De Wet 2004; Barkhuizen 2005)  

 

Popular media concepts as proposed above are not a reality. It is the mandate of those 

involved in the process of law to know the answers to these questions. The only way to do so 

is to strip these crimes of their Hollywood-like veneer and approach this topic in a scientific 

and rational manner.  

 

1.2 Aims and objectives 

On the 12th of March 2008 Gcinumzi Richman Makhwenkwe, also known as the ‘Moffat Park 

Serial Murderer’, was convicted of 5 counts of murder, 3 counts of rape and 3 counts of 

robbery with aggravating circumstances. Makhwenkwe officially confessed to these crimes. 

The Department of Forensic Medicine and Pathology of the University of the Witwatersrand, 

based at the Johannesburg Forensic Pathology Service (FPS) Medicolegal Mortuary Facility, 

performed the medicolegal investigations of death in all these incidents. The medicolegal 

investigation of death includes assessment of the scene of death; the post mortem examination 



3 

including the performance of special investigations; the compilation of the medicolegal report, 

which includes the cause of death and ultimately testifying in court.  

 

The aims of the research report are: 

 To explore the characteristics of serial murder and serial murderers as documented in 

the literature 

 To document the features and characteristics of the Moffat Park murder series.  

 To compare the features of this South African murder series to those obtained from the 

findings of the FBI serial murder symposium (Morton 2005) 

 To explore the roles of the forensic medical practitioners involved in the investigation 

of the Moffat Park murder series  

 

The objectives of the research report are: 

 To determine whether or not the objective findings in the medicolegal investigations of 

death were consistent with the statements made in the official confession, by 

comparing the findings from the medicolegal death investigations to the relevant 

corresponding aspects of the official confession. 

 To determine if the Moffat park series differs from series depicted in international 

literature 

 To describe this local murder series and thereby educate and inform forensic medical 

practitioners of the possible features of serial murders, as awareness may potentially 

lead to earlier identification of a murder series. This could ultimately lead to earlier 



4 

implementation of specialist investigative methods, earlier apprehension of the serial 

murderer and thus fewer victims. 

 

1.3 Materials and methods 

1.3.1 Study design  

This research is presented in the form of a case study based on a retrospective review of the 

Moffat Park murder series, covering the period from 19 December 2005 to 13 March 2008. 

This information incorporates the information from the South African Police Service (SAPS) 

investigation case file, including the official confession made by Makhwenkwe; all aspects of 

the medicolegal death investigations performed by the forensic medical practitioners involved; 

results from the forensic science investigations and the court proceedings in this matter. 

This is a ‘document study’ using a qualitative research design that aims to gain an in-depth 

understanding into this particular murder series and the phenomenon of serial murder. Serial 

murder is a rare phenomenon making this case study distinctive and particularly interesting. 

This case is an ideal example of the types of serial murders that are committed in South Africa 

and thus the comparison of the findings from the FBI symposium on serial murder to those 

seen in this South African series offers a unique opportunity to answer the question of how 

similar or how different the circumstances in South Africa are to those seen internationally 

with a view towards guiding and directing practical outcomes in the management of these 

cases and to gain a greater depth of understanding. 

 

1.3.2 Data collection 

 



5 

A literature search was performed obtaining relevant information on serial murder the using 

electronic databases ‘PUBMED’, ‘MD CONSULT’ and ‘MEDLINE’. The search criteria 

included articles published from the year 2000 until 2015 that were in English. The searches 

were performed in 2009, 2013, 2014 and 2015.  The key words that were used were: serial 

killer, serial murderer, serial homicide, serial murder, crime scene behaviours, signature, 

ritual, linkage analysis, profiling, sexual murder, decomposition, time of death, algor mortis, 

rigor mortis, livor mortis, hypostasis.  

 

Articles and dissertations were also obtained from the Investigative Psychology Unit of the 

South African Police Service database.  

 

This is a ‘document study’ so all the information on the case study was gathered from written 

sources, in this case, the files from the official SAPS investigation and court proceedings. 

 

After the necessary ethical and research approval was obtained and the case of ‘State verses 

Makhwenkwe’ was officially concluded in court, copies of the official SAPS docket relating 

to the investigations of ‘State versus Gcinumzi Richman Makhwenkwe’ (2008) were obtained. 

The information was correlated into sections pertaining to each victim and then tabulated and 

collected into data sheets. The results were then compared, analysed and written up. 

  

The information pertaining to the areas of comparison between the ‘Moffat Park Serial 

Murderer’ and the findings from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) symposium on 

serial murder were used to complete data sheet A. The criteria used in the comparison 

included: the definition of serial murder; the identification details, social circumstances, and 



6 

family background of serial murderers; the motivations behind the murders; the  geographic 

areas of operation including where the murders were committed and where the victims’ bodies 

were found; the psychiatric and psychological background of the serial murderer; the level of 

intelligence and level of education of the serial murderer; the possibility of whether serial 

murderers want to be caught;  the way in which the victim were identified ; a past history of 

criminal behaviour and a the presence of deviant sexual behaviour in the murderer.  

 

 The information pertaining to the victims in the Moffat Park murder series was tabulated in 

data sheet B and this included: the identification particulars of the victims and whether the 

victims were positively identified; the methods used in the identification of the victims; the 

calculation of the post mortem interval (to determine when each victim had been killed); the 

findings of the post mortem examinations; the results of the investigations performed during 

the post mortem examinations; and the ultimate sentencing that was handed down by the court 

for each of the crimes committed during the series. Each feature identified in the various 

components of the investigations was correlated with the information obtained from the 

confession and other SAPS docket content. 

 

1.3.3 Data analysis 

Descriptive analysis was performed comparing the characteristics of this South African 

murder series with the characteristics of serial murder based on the findings of the FBI 

symposium on serial murder. 



7 

Descriptive analysis was performed, correlating the aspects of the Moffat Park murder series 

as found in the various components of the SAPS investigation with the aspects as disclosed in 

the official confession. 

 

1.4 Ethics 

Ethics clearance was obtained through the Medical Human Research Ethics Committee of the 

University of the Witwatersrand on 30/11/2009.  

Clearance certificate:  M091109 

 

  



8 

Chapter 2: Literature review 

This chapter will explore the existing literature on serial murder, starting from the historical 

perspective. The characteristics of serial murderers and serial murders will then be reviewed 

and the chapter will conclude with a review of the key aspects of the investigations of serial 

murder in general and the current state of affairs of serial murder investigation in South 

African (SA). 

 

2.1 The historical background of serial murder 

Serial murders have been documented throughout history and occur throughout the world 

(Labuschagne 2000a). In China, in the year 144 BC, Lui Pengli, the cousin of the emperor, 

was said to have murdered people for sport. His crimes were eventually exposed and the body 

count came to at least 100 people. In France in the 15th century, a rich nobleman, Gilles de 

Rais, ‘The Bestial Barron’ abducted and sexually violated as least 140 young children, mostly 

young boys (Labuschagne 2000b; De Wet 2004). One of the most notorious historical female 

serial murderers was Erzebet Bathory, a member of the Hungarian aristocracy. In 1610, 

Bathory , ‘The Blood Countess’, tortured and murdered more than 600 young girls and 

allegedly bathed in the blood of her victims, believing it would keep her skin looking youthful 

(BBC news 2013). In 1888, ‘Jack The Ripper’ brought the London authorities to their knees as 

they were rendered hapless under his reign of terror, when he murdered at least 5 sex workers 

(De Wet 2004). As distasteful as the act of serial murder is, it was thought that in addition to 

eviscerating his victims, ‘Jack The Ripper’ fed on their flesh (Lefabvre 2005). These notorious 

murders remain unsolved.  



9 

In response to these horrifying acts, experts on the subject began to emerge. Dr. Richard von 

Krafft-Ebing, a psychiatrist, conducted research on a French serial murderer who committed 

violent sexual murders. In 1886, he published his findings in his book, Psychopathia Sexualis 

(Morton 2005). Cesare Lombroso was a 19th century criminologist who taught that criminality 

was hereditary, and thus people were born as criminals. His theory was based on the idea that 

violent criminals were ‘throwbacks to a prehistoric past’, so could be identified by ‘ape-like 

features’ of the face and body which could be measured anthropologically. These features 

could then be used to surmise character and personality traits. The case study of a serial killer 

named Vincenz Verzeni was used to validate Lombroso’s theory. Lombroso was asked to 

examine Verzeni, a serial murderer who strangled and disemboweled two women and then 

drank one of the victims’ blood. Verzeni happened to have a large jaw, bull-neck, malformed 

ears, low forehead and thus fitted perfectly with Lombroso’s image of the ‘born criminal’ 

(Lemmer 2006). Many of those early theories were later discredited with good reason. 

 

‘The Men Who Murdered’ was published in 1985 by the FBI’s Behavioral Science Unit 

(BSU) in Quantico, Virginia and is considered the seminal work on sexual homicide and crime 

scene analysis, based on the findings of interviews with 25 serial murderers (Beasley 2004). 

Since then, serial murder has fueled the minds and imaginations of people around the world 

and sparked and ignited academic research and study in the field. 

 

2.2  The definition of serial murder 

It was Robert Ressler, an FBI agent who first coined the term ‘serial murder’ in the 1970’s 

(Pakhomou 2004; Morton 2005; Lemmer 2006). The term ‘serial murderer’ is more accurate 



10 

and has less of the dramatic hyperbole that is connoted in the term ‘serial killer’ and thus is the 

term that is used in law-enforcement circles (Labuschagne 2009).  

 

There is a move internationally towards standardising definitions and operational procedures 

in serial murder. Definitions which have been derived from SA sources are explored in the 

dissertation by Del Fabbro (2006). She described the following key points as a definition of 

serial murder:  

 three or more murder victims; 

 a ‘cooling off’ period between murders; and  

 the killings are not motivated by material gain, elimination of a witness and not related 

to terrorism, cultism, and racism or gang activity.  

 

In 2005, the FBI hosted a symposium on serial murder. The findings of the symposium are 

documented in a monograph referenced as Morton 2005, which details the collective findings 

from the multi-disciplinary group of experts who attended the symposium. Internationally, 

there was significant work done by experts in many different fields pertaining to serial murder. 

The work however, was being done mostly in isolation. The aim of the symposium was to 

bring together these experts, to integrate their ideas and attempt to reach consensus in 

clarifying and understanding the crime of serial murder. The 5-day long symposium hosted 

135 subject matter experts from 10 different countries on 5 continents, including SA. The 

attendees included law enforcement officials involved in the investigation and apprehension of 

serial murderers; mental health, academic, and other experts involved in studying serial 

murderers; court officials involved in the judgment, prosecution and defense of serial 



11 

murderers and members of the media. The agenda encompassed a variety of topics related to 

serial murder, including common myths, definitions, typologies, pathology and causality, 

forensics, the role of the media, prosecution issues, investigative task force organisation, and 

major case management issues. The findings of the FBI Symposium on serial murder included 

a definition of serial murder which incorporated the following:  

 one or more offenders;  

 two or more murdered victims; and  

 the incidents should  occur in separate events, at different times (Morton 2005) 

 

2.3  Characteristics of serial murderers 

The popular press would be greatly disappointed to learn that the main identifying criterion of 

serial murderers being single white males is actually a myth. This will be seen as we explore 

the identification criteria of serial murderers as described in the literature.  

 

The results of two major studies are specifically highlighted in the findings: 

From the United States of America (USA): One of the largest studies of serial murder was by 

Hickey (2006), who reviewed the demographic information of 431 serial murder offenders, 

consisting of 367 males and 64 females from the United States (US) between 1800 and 2004 

and who collectively murdered between 2,760 and 4,340 victims (Hickey 2006; Salfati, 

Labuschagne, Horning, Sorochinski & De Wet 2015). (Referred to as the US study)  

 

From SA: This study is the most up to date research based on SA serial murder statistics. The 

data was obtained from serial murder police files from the archives of the Investigative 



12 

Psychology Unit (IPU) of the South African Police Service (SAPS). The research is based on 

33 solved serial homicide cases from 1953 to 2007, with a total of 254 known crime scenes 

and 302 victims (Salfati, Labuschagne, Horning, Sorochinski & De Wet 2015). (Referred to as 

the SA study) 

 

2.3.1 Race 

Serial murderers span all racial groups. Generally, it has been shown that the racial 

composition of serial murderers reflects demographics of the population where the homicide 

takes place (Horning, Salfati & Labuschagne 2015) 

 

The racial diversification of serial murderers in the USA generally mirrors that of the overall 

population (Morton 2005). In the SA study, 66.7% were black offenders, 24.2% were white 

offenders and 9.0% were coloured (or mixed-group) offenders. It is noted in the SA study that 

the percentage of the white offenders was found to be higher than the general percentage of 

white people in the South African population. This could be attributed to the fact that the 

findings of the SA study were derived from only solved murder series. 

 

2.3.2 Gender 

The popular belief about serial murderers predominantly being adult males is true. This is 

confirmed by a number of publications from the USA, Germany and Finland.  (Kraemer, Lord 

& Heilbrun 2004; Snook, Cullen & Mokros 2005; Häkkänen-Nyholm et al 2009). In the US 

study, 83% of the offenders were male and 17% were female. In the SA study, all of the 



13 

offenders included in the study were males. The statistics reflect how rare it is for women to 

commit serial murders. 

 

There are no known female serial murderers reported in SA (Hodgskiss 2004). Often, Daisy de 

Melker is thought of as a South African female serial murderer. Daisy de Melker was a nurse 

who allegedly married men and then killed them for financial gain in the 1900’s. She married 

three men, who were plumbers. Her first two husbands died under similar, highly suspicious 

circumstances, which pointed towards poisoning. However, the only murder charge that could 

be proved against her in court was that of her son from her first marriage, where evidence of 

arsenic poisoning was found (Marsh 2013). She received large life insurance payouts from the 

deaths of her first two husbands and her son. It was suspected that she may have killed her son 

because he was insisting on his share of his deceased father’s inheritance (South African 

history online 2013). Morton (2005) indicates that financial gain may be an added benefit in 

the commission of serial murder. However, in murder series where there are financial gains 

derived from the murders, financial gain is not the driving force or primary aim in committing 

murder. Thus, the case of Daisy de Mellker does not fit the criteria of serial murder, as her 

killing was motivated solely by financial gain  

 

2.3.3 Age 

The literature shows that serial murder is generally committed by young adults. In the SA 

study , the ages of the offenders ranged from 18 to 42 years, with a mean age of 29 years when 

the first murder in the series was committed. This is almost identical to the findings from the 



14 

US study where the average age was 28 years. Middle-aged murderers do exist, but most serial 

murderers tend to be young adults when they start to murder (Ostrosky-Solis et al. 2008) 

 

Serial murders committed by children and adolescents are exceedingly rare. Myers 2004 

reviewed six cases of serial murder by children and adolescents over the past 150 years, noting 

that little scientific information on serial murder by children and adolescents exists. 

 

2.3.4 Marital/relationship status 

The stereotype of the serial murderer as a misfit and a loner is a myth. ‘Serial killers hide in 

plain sight within their communities’ (Morton 2005 pg 3). The majority of serial murderers are 

often active and productive members of society. Most serial murderers blend into society so 

well that they effectively escape police detection (Morton 2005). 

 

Serial murders are capable of being in stable and sustaining relationships. The SA study shows 

that of the 25 offenders whose relationship status was known, 60% were in relationships at the 

time of committing the murders. The types of relationships included girlfriends, wives, 

girlfriends and wives at the same time and one offender was divorced. 

 

2.3.5 Employment 

Serial murderers are capable of sustaining employment. In the US study most were involved in 

blue collar or unskilled jobs. In the SA study, 34.5% were unemployed at the time of their 

arrest, 55.2% were laborers, one was a ‘disc jockey’ in a night-club and one was a traditional 



15 

healer. It must be borne in mind that the high unemployment rates in SA most probably 

impacts on these statistics.  

 

2.3.6 Education/intellect 

Serial murderers are generally portrayed as highly intelligent. To the contrary, the US study 

shows that majority of offenders attained a high school education or less. In the SA study, the 

education level of the offenders ranged from no formal education, to primary school level of 

education (up to and including grade 7) and high school education (grades 8 to 12). Most of 

the serial murderers in SA that have undergone IQ testing scored within the average range 

(Labuschagne 2009). 

 

2.3.7 Past criminal behaviour 

A large majority of serial murderers have criminal pasts. In the US study, almost two thirds of 

offenders had been incarcerated prior to the start of their series. The offenses included 

property crimes, sex-related crimes, drug-related offenses, prior homicide offenses and 

assaults.  In the SA study, 89.3% of the offenders had a previous criminal history, including 

arrests for violent crimes against persons, sexual crimes against persons and property crimes.  

 

2.3.8 Psychopathy 

Most serial murderers do not suffer from psychiatric disorders, instead, it has been shown that 

as a group, serial murderers often have a variety of personality disorders including 

psychopathy (Reisner, McGee & Noffsinger 2003; Meloy & Felthous 2004; Morton 2005; 



16 

Labuschagne 2009). In SA, only one serial murderer has been found unfit to stand trial due to 

mental illness (Labuschagne 2009).  

 

Gilles de Rais, ‘The Bestial Barron’, stated the following about his notorious crimes, ‘I did 

and perpetrated them following [the dictates] of my imagination and my thought, without the 

advice of anyone, and according to my own judgment and entirely for my own pleasure and 

physical delight, and for no other intention or end’ (Myers et al. 2006 pg 901).  

 

In Bavaria in the 19th century, Andreas Bichel, ‘The Bavarian Ripper’, killed and dissected 

girls. At his trial he commented, ‘I may say that during the operation I was so eager, that I 

trembled all over, and I longed to rive off a piece and eat it’ ( Myers et al. 2006 pg 901). 

 

Richard Speck killed eight nurses in Chicago in 1966. He forced his way into the house they 

shared by threatening them with a gun. He chatted to his victims amiably while robbing them 

and binding them with sheets, promising not to hurt them. However, over the course of the 

night, Speck raped and killed 8 women. The only survivor who had escaped by hiding under 

the bed, heard Speck ‘kindly’ ask one girl as he was raping her, ‘Will you please put your legs 

around my back?’ (Myers et al. 2006 pg 902). When later asked in prison why he killed the 

women, he answered, ‘It just wasn’t their night’. As to how he felt about the killings, he 

responded, ‘Like I always feel. Had no feelings’ (Myers et al. 2006 pg 902). Speck’s murder 

rampage could be categorised as a ‘murder spree’ which is generally defined as ‘two or more 

murders committed by an offender of offenders, without a cooling-off period’ (Morton 2005 

page 9). It is noted in Morton 2005, that the idea of classifying ‘spree murders’ as a separate 

category of serial murder was found to be unhelpful in terms of the practical aspects relating to 



17 

the investigation of serial murders and it was felt that creating arbitrary guidelines as to the 

definition of a ‘cooling-off period’ would lead to confusion and would not be of any real 

benefit in the investigation of these incidents by law enforcement officials.  

 

Dennis Nilsen killed 15 male victims between 1978 and 1983 in the United Kingdom (UK). 

He lured the victims to his home and strangled or drowned them. He then performed 

necrophilic acts on the corpses. In some cases, he disposed of the bodies by cutting them up 

into small pieces and burning them or flushing them down the toilet. Other body parts were 

found hidden in his home after his arrest. Nilsen had worked as a butcher while in the army. 

When he was arrested, he said, ‘the victim is the dirty platter after the feast and the washing up 

is an ordinary clinical task’ (Myers et al. 2006 pg 902). When asked about the motivation 

behind his crimes, Nilsen replied, ‘Well, enjoying it is as good a reason as any’ (Myers et al. 

2006) 

 

These cases perfectly illustrate the features of psychopathy.  Psychopathy is a personality 

disorder characterised by:   

 superficial charm 

 an inflated sense of self-worth 

 a lack of remorse or empathy 

 impulsivity 

 shallowness of emotions  

 deceitful and manipulative behaviour, including pathological lying and conning 

 failure to accept responsibility 



18 

 egocentric, glib, callous interpersonal style 

 low frustration tolerance 

 episodic relationships 

 a parasitic lifestyle 

 the persistent violation of social norms, including the displaying of antisocial 

behaviours, manifesting in early childhood behavioural problems, juvenile 

delinquency, and criminal versatility  

(Morton 2005; Porter et al. 2006; Wolf & Lavezzi 2007) 

 

Dr Robert Hare, a pioneer in the study of psychopathy, was instrumental in the development 

of clinical assessment tools, ‘the Psychopathy Check List Revised (PCL-R)’ and its 

derivatives to measure the degree of psychopathy in individuals (Arrigo & Griffin 2004; 

Morton 2005; Porter et al 2006; Wolf & Lavezzi 2007). It has been shown that there is a 

strong association between serial murderers and psychopathy in that serial murderers are more 

likely to display psychopathic personality traits or disorders.  However, psychopathy in an 

individual does not mean that the individual will become a serial murderer nor does it explain 

the motivation to commit serial murder (Morton 2005; Porter et al. 2006; Wolf & Lavezzi 

2007). 

 

2.4  Typologies of serial murder 

The psychological inner workings of the serial murderer are a never-ending source of 

fascination and study. The theories that have been developed as to ‘what makes them tick’ are 

complex and intricate. The tools to assess the psychological make-up of serial murderers are 



19 

vast and varied. The media hype is that all serial murderers have a background of abuse, 

family dysfunction, dominant mothers and absent fathers. Although these factors are present in 

a number of cases, there are serial murderers who are not considered mentally disturbed and 

do not have the histories of abusive childhoods (Ferguson et al 2003). Cruelty towards animals 

during childhood has been identified as a trait often found in serial murderers. However, when 

Wright & Hensley (2003) undertook to study this phenomenon, they found that although 

childhood animal cruelty could be identified in some of the cases that they studied, it was 

impossible to conclude that all or a specified percentage of serial murderers displayed the 

behaviour. Silva, Leong & Ferrari (2004) suggests that there may be an element of autism 

present in serial murderers but this cannot be conclusively proven. Healthcare workers who 

are considered the benevolent servants of society, have been shown to commit serial murders 

(Yorker et al 2006). This apparent contradiction in character brings into question the idea of 

the innate ‘moral compass’ or conscience that is supposed to guide human beings. Thus the 

issue of causality remains a mystery. Most experts agree that causality is in fact a complex and 

multi-factorial phenomenon, based on biological, social, and environmental factors, tempered 

by the individual’s right to choose to act or not to act (Morton 2005; Labuschagne 2009). 

 

Criminal activity must be viewed within the context in which it occurs (Labuschagne, 2000b). 

The ways in which serial murderers are classified are often based on the motivations behind 

the killings (Singer & Hensley 2004; Winter et al 2007). The ‘Holmes and Holmes’ 

classification of the serial murderer is based on four major categories. ‘Visionary killers’ are 

motivated by psychotic delusions; ‘mission killers’ commit murder to eradicate groups of 

people that are considered undesirable; ‘hedonistic killers’ commit murder either to attain 

sexual gratification or for the thrill and excitement committing murder provides to them; 



20 

‘power or control killers’ derive pleasure from dominating and having power over another 

human being (Canter & Wentink 2004). 

 

Morton (2005) proposes a broader type of classification, whereby the motivations behind 

serial murders are sexually based; committed out of anger; to feel power or a thrill; for the 

purposes of promoting certain ideologies; to derive benefits in criminal enterprises; to have the 

added benefit of financial gains; as attention seeking behaviour; as a result of a psychotic 

illness or to feel empowered. 

 

2.5  Epidemiology  

Although sensational, serial murders do not occur frequently. Serial murder is estimated to 

comprise less than one percent of all murders committed annually in the USA (Morton 2005).  

 

Up to 2010, the SAPS had identified 104 murder series, of which 70% have been solved. The 

majority of these have been identified since 1990. The earliest noted murder series in SA 

occurred in 1936 (Labuschagne & Salfati 2015). The IPU of the SAPS has official court 

records of a series dating back to 1953 where the accused, Elifasi Msomi, murdered 15 people 

in the province of KwaZulu-Natal after luring the victims with a promise of employment. The 

highest number of murder convictions is attributed to Moses Sithole, ‘The Atteridgeville 

Strangler’, who raped and murdered 38 black females from 1994 to 1995 (Hickey 2006; 

Labuschagne & Salfati 2015).  

 



21 

The numbers of serial murderers in SA is significantly high, ranking SA as the top five 

countries in this category (Hodgeskiss 2004). There is an average of five new series occurring 

every year in SA (Salfati, Labuschagne, Horning, Sorochinski & De Wet 2015). In addition, 

the average number of homicides per series is 9, which is much higher than that found in the 

USA and other Western countries (Salfati, Labuschagne, Horning, Sorochinski & De Wet 

2015; Sorochinski, Salfati & Labuschagne 2015).  

 

2.6  The crime 

The details of the crime are important in identifying and investigating serial murders. Serial 

murderers use different tools to successfully commit crimes, which influence the behaviours 

they display while committing the crimes. These include their knowledge of the local 

geography and the roles and positions of people in society. The expressed behaviours can be 

recognised in the features of the crime itself, including pre-crime interaction with victims and 

victim selection (Horning, Salfati & Labuschagne 2015).  

 

There are differences between serial murders committed by male and female perpetrators. 

Female serial murderers tend to know their victims, who are often partners or frail individuals 

(Frei et al. 2006). A study by Messing and Heeren (2004) identified 32 cases of serial murders 

committed by women in a domestic context between 1993 and 2001. This study found that the 

murders were well-planned and the majority of the victims were the children of the 

perpetrators. According to Frei et al (2006), female serial murderers tend to use covert 

methods of murder and material gain may be an additional element in their motivation. 



22 

Furthermore it was found that sadism is rarely a feature of the crimes and the offences are 

commonly committed with a man or men. 

 

In all of the six cases of children and adolescents serial murderers, as reviewed by Myers 

(2004), signs of sexual sadism were exhibited in the murders and the methods of killing were 

classified as ‘hands on’, which included cutting, stabbing or strangulation.  

 

2.6.1 Modus Operandi 

The modus operandi (MO) is the method by which a crime is committed and encompasses the 

actions necessary to successfully commit the crime. The MO is a learned behaviour that can be 

modified and perfected over time, as the offender’s experience grows (Mott 1999). Studies 

indicate that there is an evolution of the behaviour in a murder series, which results in a more 

distinctive MO as the series progresses (Labuschagne 2010). Salfati, Horning, Sorochinski and 

Labuschagne (2015) and Bateman and Salfati (2007) confirm this by reporting that serial 

homicide offenders do not consistently perform the same crime scene behaviors throughout 

their series of homicides. Features of the MO can include aspects like the time and place the 

offender chooses to commit the crime, the type of victim chosen, how the victim is controlled, 

the weapons or tools used in the process and the methods of gaining access to the area in 

which the murders are committed (Labuschagne 2009). 

 

The methods of wounding may vary across the same series. In the SA study, the methods of 

wounding included gunshots, wounds by blunt instruments, strangulation and stabbing. In the 



23 

majority of cases studied, the offender brought the weapon to the scene. In the US study, 

shooting, strangulation and stabbing were more common than bludgeoning. 

 

2.6.2 Signature 

A signature is a unique behavior or act consistently performed during the crime. It is not a 

necessary action required for the offender to complete the actual crime but is the offenders 

‘personal touch’ imprinted on the crime scene that may serve to emotionally fulfill the 

offender (Mott 1999; Hickey 2006; Wolf & Lavezzi 2007; Schlesinger et al 2010). The 

signature generally remains stable throughout a murder series. Often, the signature can be in 

the form of a ritual. Examples of signature that have been observed in serial sexual homicides 

include aberrant sex, attacks at the face, cannibalism, decapitation, mutilation of the body, 

carving on the body, leaving messages at the scene, post mortem activity inflicted on the body, 

forcing the victim to respond verbally in a specific fashion, dismemberment, necrophilia, 

object penetration, ‘posing’ of the bodies (post mortem manipulation of the corpse into various 

positions as desired by the perpetrator) and taking souvenirs and trophies (Hickey 2006; Wolf 

& Lavezzi 2007; Labuschagne 2010). In sexual murders, manifestations of paraphilias may be 

evident at the crime scenes and be a form of signature (Warren 1996; White 2007). Paraphilias 

are sexual disorders characterised by intense sexual arousal to atypical or unconventional 

stimuli, including objects, atypical situations involving non-consenting human and non-

humans. Jeffrey Dahmer had a number of paraphilias which included necrophilia. Dahmer 

confessed to keeping his victims’ skulls and then masturbating to them (Strubel 2007). An 

example of a signature can be seen in the SA ‘Phoenix Serial Murderer’ who used items of 



24 

clothing from previous victims to strangle and tie up the subsequent victims (Labuschagne G 

2009).  

 

2.6.3 Victimology 

Most of the US serial murderers prey on members of their own race (Walsh 2005; Lemmer 

2006). Bearing this in mind, racial bigotry must be considered as a motive for those who cross 

racial lines to kill (Walsh 2005). This motivation must be considered in SA where 

considerable offending across racial lines has been identified (Hodgskiss 2004). The victims 

of serial murderers may be targeted because they represent something personally relevant to 

the offender (Labuschagne 2010). The majority of serial murderers tend to be consistent in 

their victimology (Labuschagne 2010).  

 

There seems to be a preference towards selecting victims considered to be vulnerable or 

marginalised by society, like migrant workers, the unemployed, sex workers, children, 

homosexuals, the homeless and drug and/or alcohol addicts. This could be because these 

individuals have lifestyles that expose them to greater risk; they may be considered easier to 

control or dominate; they may be easier to detain; they may not be noticed to be missing and 

they could be seen as being of less worth than other members of society and thus expendable 

(Brewer et al 2006; Hickey 2006; Horning, Salfati & Labuschagne 2015). 

 

The victims in the US study were mostly white females, who were alone including homeless 

people, sex workers and drug addicts. Nearly half the offenders had at least one male victim. 

A large majority of the victims were strangers to the offender. Family members were victims 



25 

in 8% of offenders and 10% of the victims were considered acquaintances. A small number of 

offenders targeted children and adolescents.  

 

According to Hodgskiss (2004), the three most common victim groups targeted by serial 

homicide offenders in SA were children, women seeking employment and sex workers. In the 

SA study, the majority of the victims were female. The ages of the victims ranged from 7 

months to 85 years with an average age of 28. Only 2 offenders consistently targeted children 

or adolescents. Most of the victims were black but in general, the racial composition of the 

victims mirrored the overall racial demographics in SA. A significant number of victims were 

unidentified (18.2%). Nearly all the victims were unemployed. This once again could be a 

reflection of the high unemployment rates in SA. In this context, offers of employment could 

be used as a ruse to lure victims into the clutches of the offender. In SA, it would not be 

uncommon to be offered legitimate employment by a stranger and thus accompanying a 

stranger to an unknown place, would not be unusual in this circumstance, creating the perfect 

setting for murder (Salfati, Labuschagne, Horning, Sorochinski & De Wet 2015). Moses 

Sithole, who is currently the most prolific known SA serial murderer lured 38 victims into 

isolated areas with a promise of employment and then raped and killed them (Horning, Salfati 

& Labuschagne 2015).  

 

2.6.4 Sexual Murders 

The first study of sexual homicide by Krafft-Ebing in 1886 produced the term ‘sadism’ which 

was defined as deriving sexual pleasure and enjoyment from another person’s physical 

suffering (Knight 2006; Porter et al 2006). Sadism and psychopathy often go hand in hand. 



26 

Psychopathic offenders who engage in serial sexual homicide are more likely to engage in 

sadistic and more gratuitous violence in the offenses they commit (Porter et al 2006; 

Häkkänen-Nyholm et al 2009). A study by Langevin (2003) comparing sexual murderers to 

other criminals who committed violent sexual crimes without murder, showed that 

perpetrators of sexual murders tended to start their criminal careers earlier, had often been to 

reform school, tended to be members of criminal gangs and had a history of fire-setting and 

cruelty to animals. The majority of these offenders showed features of antisocial personality 

disorder and only 15.2% could be classified as psychopaths. They also tended to show features 

of sadism, fetishism and voyeurism in their offenses.  

 

Most serial murderers in SA commit sexual serial murders (Labuschagne 2010; Labuschagne 

& Salfati 2015) and this is true generally for serial murders worldwide (Salfati& Bateman 

2005). In the SA study, there was evidence of a sexual motive in almost two thirds of the cases 

studied. In the US study, 47% of serial homicide offenders in the sample had an underlying 

sexual motive in at least some of their crimes.  

 

In sexual homicide, the sexual acts may occur before, during, or after the homicide (Salfati & 

Bateman 2005; Porter et al 2006). Features that can be seen in sexual murders include leaving 

the victim naked or partially dressed; staging and posing the body; torturing the victim; ante- 

or post mortem mutilation of the body and taking personal items or trophies from the victim 

(Salfati & Bateman 2005). 

 



27 

2.6.4.1 Case examples of SA sexual serial murders 

The case studies of 2 SA sexual murderers are described below highlighting features of victim 

selection and MO. 

 

2.6.4.1(a) ‘The Norwood Serial Killer’: Kobus Geldenhuys (1989 – 1992), (Hook 2002, Hook 

2003) 

 

On the 24th of September 1993, 25 year old Kobus Geldenhuys received 5 death sentences 

after being found guilty of 15 crimes, including the murders of 5 women, and 3 counts of rape 

and attempted rape. He was known as ‘The Norwood Serial Killer’ because between May 

1989 and July 1992, he committed the crimes that he was convicted for, in and around the 

Norwood area in Johannesburg, where he lived and worked. Geldenhuys was a railway police 

officer, which was a branch of the SAPS at that time.  

 

Geldenhuys was raised by a strict, domineering and religiously devout mother, who rarely 

showed him any physical affection. He reports that one of the few ways where there was 

physical contact between them was when she used to wrestle with him. His father was quiet 

and distant and did not have a substantive relationship with his son. From a young age, his 

mother tried to inculcate her views about sex on Geldenhuys. She tried to impress upon him 

that sex was dirty and wrong and that women were evil. Despite this, when Geldenhuys 

moved out on his own, he managed to accumulate a prolific collection of pornography which 

he often indulged in. From a young age, Geldenhuys engaged in antisocial behaviours like 

petty theft and property crime for which he had never been caught. He started stealing money 

from his mother’s purse at around age 10 or 11. This antisocial behaviour continued during 



28 

this tenure in the railway police. In 1989 Geldenhuys met a mentally disabled woman at a 

church function. They were involved in a romantic relationship which included a consensual 

sexual relationship and they intended to marry. Apparently Geldenhuys was always gentle 

towards his fiancé, including in their sexual relationship. Geldenhuys was a loner and an 

introvert, who did not have many friends. He was described by the community in which he 

lived as a soft-natured and well-mannered man, who did not display any overt signs of 

aggression. 

 

His first incident of crime against a person was triggered by the dissolution of his engagement, 

due to an altercation with his fiancé’s father. His victims were all females; their ages ranged 

from young adults to senior citizens and they were of different races. The victims were all 

strangers to Geldenhuys. On the 5th of December 1989, during an incident of breaking and 

entering into a house in Norwood to steal money, Geldenhuys came across a young black 

female domestic worker. He claims he was surprised by her presence and proceeded to beat 

her to death with a brick. He then then moved her body to her room and set the room on fire. 

On the 6th of November 1991, he raped a 37 year old woman in a block of flats, which was 

situated next to his police barracks in Norwood and stole her car and some money. He later 

abandoned the car at the Norwood police barracks. A few weeks later, on the 26th of 

November, he raped a 68 year old woman in Norwood and stole money from her. He then 

allegedly left her with the words, ‘Goodnight, sleep well’. The next 2 victims were both 27 

year old women. On the 16th of December 1991 he raped and shot his next victim in her 

Norwood flat. Later that month, on the 30th of December, he raped another woman in 

Norwood, after which he ran a bath for her and forced her into the bath before shooting her in 

the head. On the 7th of May 1992, he shot and killed a 74 year old woman in Brakpan. His last 



29 

victim was a 16 year old girl, who he raped and murdered in her home in Benoni on the 15th of 

July 1992. As illustrated, the MO of the crimes varied throughout the series. 

 

 Geldenhuys’ actions after committing rape were inconsistent and incongruous. He claimed 

that he would offer his victims a cup of coffee or give them a blanket. On one occasion he 

even ran a bath for the victim. However, he claimed that if the victim tried to look at his face 

or attempted to escape, he would kill her by shooting her between the eyes. The rapes 

apparently did not always lead to sexual gratification and at times he did not ejaculate or have 

successful penetrative sex with his victims. This seems to suggest that the crimes were fuelled 

by rage, fury and a sense of power. He said that what he enjoyed most about some of the 

murders he committed, was ‘the star-shaped indentation left by the firearm when it was 

pressed against the victim’s forehead’ (Hook 2003, pg 2). Geldenhuys claimed that he was 

unable to control himself when he committed these atrocious crimes. In interviews after his 

arrest and conviction, Geldenhuys described his crimes as an ‘adventure’ and as something he 

could not ‘bring himself to stop’. He was fully aware that his actions were wrong, but regarded 

his crimes with very little emotional insight.  

 

2.6.4.1(b) Stewart ‘Boetie Boer’ Wilken (1990-1997), (Hurst A 2003a; Hurst A 2003b; Hickey 

2006) 

 

Wilken’s victims do not fit the traditional profile of violent offenders. His victims were black, 

white and coloured, males and females and their ages ranged between 8 and 42 years. The 

victims were strangers, acquaintances and family. His signature was that he used the victims’ 

clothing to strangle them. He also partook in cannibalism, necrophilia, and incest during the 



30 

series. Wilken was arrested after the murder of his last victim, Henry Alexander Bakers on 22 

January 1997. In fact, it was Wilken himself, acting as a concerned family friend, who 

‘discovered’ the missing boy’s body, after offering to assist the police in their investigation. 

The lead SAPS investigator on this case was disturbed by Wilken’s behaviour during this time 

and officially interrogated Wilken, who confessed to the series of murders and led the police 

to the scenes of his murders. He blamed his offenses on drugs (marijuana and mandrax) and 

on his wife, whom he claimed denied him sex and worked as a sex worker. 

 

At a young age, Wilken and his sister were found in a telephone booth, abandoned by their 

parents. He was raised by foster parents who he said physically, sexually and emotionally 

abused him. At the age of 10, he claimed he was sodomised by a member of his church. He 

failed in school and was sent to reform school where he claimed he was sodomised again. On 

commenting on his childhood, Wilken said, ‘I began to feel like an object, not a person’ 

(Hickey 2006, pg 320). He was drafted into the army and was discharged after 4 months 

because of a suicide attempt. He was married for 9 years and the marriage ended in divorce 

when Wilken claimed his wife was unfaithful. Intermittently, he was treated for various 

psychiatric problems and another suicide attempt. In 1990 he remarried and in 1995 he was 

arrested for sodomising his step children 

 

His first 5 victims were sex workers, including a 14 year old black male sex worker. His last 4 

victims were children aged 13 and younger. He performed necrophilic acts on his 2nd and 5th 

victims, who were both female sex workers and on 2 of his child victims. Necrophilia in 

combination with sexual homicide is a rare and bizarre phenomenon (Stein, Schlesinger & 

Pinizzotto 2010). His 4th victim was a 32 year old black female sex worker. After he killed 



31 

her, he inserted a knife into her vagina, cut off her nipples and ate them. The 7th victim was his 

own 10 year old daughter whom he strangled. Wilken claimed that there were no sexual 

elements in this crime. He said that he killed his daughter to prevent her from suffering as he 

did. Wilken said that he enjoyed the way people’s faces looked when they were strangled. He 

called this the ‘Jelly Bean Effect’ (Hickey 2006 pg 320).  

 

Wilken liked visiting the remains of child victims. He said he covered their bodies with 

branches to ensure that their souls would go to heaven. 

 

‘Boetie Boer’, could be a ‘textbook’ case as identified by Krafft-Ebing, who ascribed the 

following characteristics to sexually motivated serial murderers: They tend not to harm wives 

or girlfriends; they plan their murders; their victims are usually sex workers and they tend to 

humiliate and degrade their victims. The levels of violence expressed in the commission of 

their offenses tend to increase over time. They leave a signature at the crime scene, show 

features of sadism and tend to take trophies. They sometimes revisit the crime scene. They are 

manipulative individuals, who despite the grossly deviant behaviours displayed in the 

commission of their crimes, show no overt signs of abnormality in their everyday social 

interactions (Knight 2006). 

 

2.7  ‘Location, location, location’ - The importance of location in serial murder 

According to Morton (2005), most serial murderers have defined geographical areas of 

operation, defined by an ‘anchor point’ (e.g. place of residence, employment, or residence of a 

relative) in which the murders seemed to be conducted. However, when the confidence of the 



32 

serial murderer has grown through experience or in an effort to avoid detection, serial 

murderers may carry out their operations away from these areas. A study by Lundrigan and 

Canter (2001) reviewed the geographical locations of the disposal of victim’s bodies in 126 

US and 29 UK serial murder cases. The study found that the majority of murderers operated 

within an area that bore a strong relationship to their home. Further studies indicate that the 

majority of the serial murderers appeared to leave the bodies of their victims in areas that were 

readily accessible to them and possibly familiar to them, because of the routine activities that 

they were engaged in (Lundrigan & Canter 2001; Arndt , Hietpas & Kim 2004). Snook, Cullen 

and Mokros (2005) showed similar results in their study of German serial murderers, with 

63% of the murderers living within 10 km of their crime locations. In SA there is a trend 

towards clustering of the crime-scenes around ‘comfort zones’ (Labuschagne 2009). Most 

offenders lack stable employment, thus cannot afford a vehicle to use in the commission of 

their crimes, which compels them to lure and transport the victim by foot and public transport 

to the final crime scene (Labuschagne & Salfati 2015). Interestingly, in SA the most common 

location for crime scenes are outside in the veld (Labuschagne, 2009). In the SA study, 78.1% 

of the crimes occurred outside. In the majority of SA serial murders, the bodies of the victims 

are recovered in the place where the murders occurred (Labuschagne & Salfati 2015).  

 

The following two SA series highlight the importance of location: 

2.7.1 ‘The Newcastle Serial Murderer’- Themba Anton Sukude (2004 - 2005), 

 (Labuschagne 2006; Labuschagne 2010; Labuschagne & Salfati 2015). 

The location that played the main role in this series of murders was a park bordering the town 

of Newcastle in Kwazulu Natal (KZN).  



33 

 

The first incident took place in February 2004. The perpetrator watched a black adult couple 

engaging in sexual intercourse. He then murdered the male victim, using a rock to inflict blunt 

force trauma to the head. He then raped the female victim and let her go. In October 2004, the 

perpetrator watched another black adult couple engaging in sexual intercourse in the same 

park. Once again, he used a rock to the head to beat the male victim to death and raped the 

female victim then her go. In fact, Sukude gave her money for taxi fare to get home. In 

November 2004 the offender killed a black adult male by beating him to death using a rock to 

the head. The body was found in a footpath near the park. In January 2005 an adult Indian 

male was found in the park alive but severely beaten with a rock to the head. He later died 

later in hospital and became the last victim in the series. The distance between the locations of 

the 1st and 3rd incidents was 1.2 km and the distance between 2nd and fourth incident was 50 

m. The perpetrator himself lived close to the central two crime scenes. 

 

2.7.2 ‘The Quarry Serial Murderer’ -Richard Jabulani Nyauza (2002-2006),  

(Labuschagne 2010; Labuschagne & Salfati 2015) 

  

From January to September 2002 the bodies of five unidentified adult black females were 

found along a small river near a highway just outside the city of Pretoria in SA, near a 

township known as Olievenhoutbos, close to the Rossway Quarry. From January to September 

2006 a total of 11 adult black females were murdered, and a l2th case of attempted murder 

occurred. The crime scenes were all extremely close to each other. The greatest distance 

between any two crime scenes was 1.3 kilometers. The closest distance between any two 



34 

scenes was 51 meters. The perpetrator’s signature in this series was the targeting of adult black 

females for sexual murders committed by means of strangulation and leaving their bodies in or 

around the Rossway Quarry. He lured his victims by promising them employment. The time 

gap between the 2002 and 2006 murders was due to the fact that between 2002 and 2006 

Nyauza was in jail awaiting trial for the attempted rape of a minor child, which was unrelated 

to this murder series. He was found not guilty and released. Only five of the sixteen murder 

victims in this series were identified. This series illustrates two crucial aspects that seem to 

recur in SA serial murders: 

 the offender used a con-story to lure his victims, promising them employment  

 all the victims were black females. 

 

2.8 Important aspects of investigations 

The identification of critical features of the serial murderer and the murder series are important 

tools used in the investigation of serial murders. 

 

2.8.1 The offender 

Often in fiction, a central theme is the desire that the serial murderer harbours for him or 

herself to be caught. This would be a wonderful testament as to how the inherent goodness of 

human nature ultimately prevails… if this was true. The experience in the USA is that the 

serial murderer will grow in experience and confidence as he or she becomes more 

experienced in killing and he or she will learn to eliminate or overcome mistakes. Eventually 

the ability to continue to offend without being captured will lead to feelings of empowerment, 

which may lead to high risk behavior, which often leads to mistakes, resulting in the 



35 

identification of the murderer by law enforcement officials (Canter & Wentink 2004; Morton 

2005). There are different theories explored in the literature as to the reason why serial 

murderers want their identities to be known. Amongst the theories is that there may be a 

strong need for notoriety and to ‘stand out’ and be admired (Whitman & Akutagawa 2004).  

 

In SA, in addition to the above factors, it may be the serial murderer’s arrogance, lack of faith 

in the police’s ability to apprehend him and ignorance of the realms of forensic science that 

lead to capture (Labuschagne 2009: Labuschagne & Salfati 2015). This is clearly illustrated in 

the series of the ‘Newcastle Serial Murderer’. Sukude did not hide his identity, nor did he take 

forensic precautions such as using a condom during his rapes to prevent leaving DNA 

evidence; he released his female rape victims and let them live and he did not try to hide or 

destroy any fingerprint evidence (Labuschagne 2006). ‘The Quarry Serial Murderer’ took no 

precautions to hide his identity; he committed his crimes during the day; was seen by 

witnesses with some of his victims; he took no forensic precautions to prevent leaving DNA 

evidence and took traceable items from some of his victims, such as cellular telephones 

(Labuschagne & Salfati 2015).  Sorochinski, Salfati and Labuschagne (2015) found that SA 

serial murderers rarely engaged in behaviours to cover up their crimes and avoid detection.  

 

Unofficial confessions by perpetrators to members of the public, who then come forward to 

present that information to the police, may provide vital clues in the investigation of serial 

murders and may be used as evidence in a court of law (Labuschagne 2010). In the case of the 

‘Newcastle Serial Murderer’, the informal confession made by Sukude to a member of the 

public where he claimed responsibility for the murders in that series, was admissible in court 

(Labuschagne 2006). 



36 

 

2.8.2 The crime 

The identification of a murder series and the investigation of the series to lead to the ultimate 

arrest and prosecution of the serial murderer is a complex process. 

 

The shorter the time between each murder, the easier it is for law enforcement officials to 

connect the crimes (Mott 1999). Researchers have found that the location of the body disposal 

is a better predictor of offenders’ anchor point than the sites from which the victims were 

abducted (Mott 1999) 

 

There are unique factors in SA that impact on the way in which serial murders are perpetrated. 

As stated before, serial murderers tend not to own or have access to vehicles, therefore they 

must lure victims to places they feel are isolated and safe enough to commit their crimes and 

subsequently leave their victim’s bodies. In most cases, these places are out in the open, like in 

veldts (Horning, Salfati & Labuschagne 2015.) In the majority of SA serial murders, the 

bodies of the victims are recovered where the murders took place (Labuschagne & Salfati 

2015). A corpse left in the open decomposes faster than a buried one and predators like insects 

and animals can devour the corpse, which further hastens decomposition, making 

identification very difficult and destroying forensic evidence, thereby hampering 

investigations (Horning, Salfati & Labuschagne 2015.)  Furthermore, the victims are generally 

strangers to the offender and thus there are no known links between them. 

 



37 

2.8.2.1 Linkage Analysis 

The psychology of serial murder and the psychological motivation behind serial murder is an 

integral part of offender profiling. Offender profiling involves describing individual traits of 

the serial murderer, based on the way in which the crimes are perpetrated (Canter et al 2004; 

Labuschagne 2009). Although of academic interest, offender profiling often does not help with 

the objective investigation of serial murder (Labuschagne 2009). The absence of eye witness 

testimony and the lack of forensic evidence in a murder series poses a problem in the 

investigation and prosecution of serial murder, as without these vital elements, there are very 

few ways of linking a series of crimes to an individual. This was the situation before ‘Linkage 

Analysis’. Linkage Analysis is a method of linking a series of crimes to one another and to an 

individual, using the outstanding and unique characteristics of each crime in a series, including 

the MO, signature and the geographical behavioural patterns of the perpetrator (Labuschagne 

2006; Labuschagne 2010). It is essential that Linkage Analysis is performed by an expert who 

has knowledge of the crime being assessed, to determine if the behavior displayed by the 

offender across a series is consistent and unique enough to be relevantly distinguishable from 

other crimes and other offenders (Labuschagne 2010). Linkage Analysis is a tool that can also 

be used by law enforcement officials to identify and investigate serial murder cases more 

proactively and thus allow the more effective use of limited resources. This is especially 

pertinent in SA where limited resources may be a crippling impediment to the functioning of 

every service delivery related government department (Labuschagne 2006; Labuschagne 

2010). The first time Linkage Analysis was successfully used in court was in the prosecution 

of the ‘Newcastle Serial Murder’ in 2006. Linkage Analysis is now recognised and accepted 

as legal evidence in SA courts (Labuschagne 2006; Labuschagne 2010). It has since 



38 

successfully been used other serial murder cases such as the ‘Knysna Serial Murderer’ and the 

‘Quarry Serial Murderer’ (Labuschagne 2010). 

 

2.9 The current situation in South Africa 

SA has one of the highest homicide rates in Sub-Saharan Africa and in the world, with a 

murder rate nine times higher than the international average (Salfati, Labuschagne, Horning, 

Sorochinski & De Wet 2015). There was an increase of almost 900% in the average annual 

recorded serial murder rates from 1990-1996 with approximately five new series identified per 

year (Salfati, Labuschagne, Horning, Sorochinski & De Wet 2015). 

 

The Investigative Psychology Unit (IPU) of the SAPS was established in 1996 to provide 

investigative support, to carry out research and to provide training in psychologically 

motivated crimes, which include serial murder (Labuschagne 2009). The SAPS is one of the 

few law enforcement agencies worldwide to offer investigative psychological services from 

within its structures (Hickey 2006). This unit services the whole of SA and is contacted by the 

SAPS investigators to assist in the investigation of cases falling within the sphere of 

psychologically motivated crimes (Labuschagne 2009). Thus if the SAPS investigators do not 

recognise these cases for what they are, they may not contact the IPU and thereby lose vital 

input in the timeous apprehension of the perpetrators of these monstrous crimes.  

 

Chapter 3: Results 

 



39 

In this chapter, the features of the Moffat Park murder series will be described, including the 

findings of the investigations into each of the victims’ deaths. 

 

3.1  Introduction 

From 19/12/2005 – 05/10/2006, five corpses were discovered in Moffat Park (fig 1), a large 

open veldt area in the south of Johannesburg. Investigations led to the arrest of Richman 

Gcnumuzi Makhwenkwe, the ‘Moffat Park Serial Murderer’, who confessed to the murders on 

15/11/2006. On the 12/03/2008, Makhwenkwe was found guilty of 5 counts of murder, 3 

counts of rape and 3 counts of robbery with aggravating circumstances. 

 

Six forensic medical practitioners from the Department of Forensic Medicine and Pathology, 

University of the Witwatersrand were involved in the investigation of this murder series. Their 

contributions encompassed attending the scenes of death, performing the medicolegal 

investigations on the victims and testifying in court. 

  



Fig 1

 

3.2  

On th

for a 

shallo

(fig 3

of 30

 

  

: Moffat Pa

Victim 1

he 19/12/200

missing per

ow grave in

3). The grav

0 years old (

ark 

1 – black, 

05 at 15h40

rson. Instead

n Moffat Par

ve yielded th

fig 4 and 5)

adult fema

0, Inspector 

d, he found 

rk (fig 2). Th

he decompo

).  

40 

ale 

Grobbelaar 

the decomp

he body wa

sing body o

of the Dog 

posing rema

as covered in

of a black ad

Unit of the 

ains of a cor

n a grey blan

dult female w

SAPS was 

rpse buried i

nket, soil an

with an estim

 

searching 

in a 

nd bricks 

mated age 



Fig 2

Fig 3

2: Shallow g

: Body of v

grave of vict

victim 1 

tim 1 

41 

 

 



Fig 4

Fig 5

 

4: Decompos

5: Decompos

sing body o

sing body o

of victim 1 (

of victim 1 (A

42 

Posterior vi

Anterior vie

iew) 

ew) 

 

 



43 

The body was clothed in a dark blue T-shirt and a grey vest. The hands were tied in front of 

the body with a cloth ligature and then tied to the right leg with a wire.  

The decomposition changes included:  

 green-black discolouration and skin slippage of the face, torso and thighs;  

 bloating of the face, abdomen and genital area 

 maggot infestation of the body cavities. 

 

3.2.1 Post mortem examination results  

A post mortem examination was performed on the 22/12/2005. The findings were:  

 Decomposing body of a black adult female (length: 1.6 m, mass: 55 kg).  

 There was a scalp haematoma of the occipital area. The skull was not fractured. The 

brain was liquefied due to autolysis but no membrane haemorrhages were identified. 

There was extensive contusion of the intercostal muscles of the posterior thoracic cage 

but no fractures of the thoracic cage were identified.  

 Due to the extent of the decomposition, the examination of the genitalia was obscured 

but there was no recognisable trauma identified.   

 A sexual assault kit was performed and blood was retrieved for reference DNA 

analysis. The results of the DNA from the sexual assault kit were inconclusive. 

 The cause of death was unascertained at autopsy 

Using fingerprint analysis, the body was identified to be Makhwenkwe’s girlfriend. They lived 

together for about 1 year prior to her death. According to the confession and witness 

statements, Makhwenkwe was in prison from 27/6/2005 – 17/11/2005, after he was arrested 

for housebreaking and attempted theft. He was found not guilty of the charges and released. 



44 

On his return to the home that Makhwenkwe shared with victim 1, he discovered that she had 

sold all his possessions. He was very angry with her and decided to kill her. Approximately 15 

days after he returned from prison, Makhwenkwe saw his chance. Between 20h00 – 22h00 on 

the day of the murder, victim 1 was walking towards Moffat Park. Makhwenkwe followed her 

(He alleged that he was with another man called ‘Manyana’. The existence of this accomplice 

could never be proven). He then killed her by stabbing her and bound her with a wire to stop 

her from getting away. He then dug a grave with a spade and buried her. He left the spade 

somewhere in an informal settlement. Witness testimony from a friend of Makhwenkwe’s , 

who lived in the same informal settlement set up in the backyard of a house close to Moffat 

Park, stated that the last time he had seen victim 1, she was with Makhwenkwe and they 

walked together in the direction of Moffat Park. Furthermore, on that same day, Makhwenkwe 

returned home without victim 1 and asked the witness if he could borrow a spade 

 

3.3  Victim 2 – unknown black adult male  

On the 26/03/2006, a man collecting scrap metal came across another corpse in Moffat Park.  

The decomposing body of a black adult male with estimated age of 30 years was found lying 

prone in a shallow grave (fig 6). The body was covered in building rubble consisting of rocks 

and pieces of concrete.  

 

 

  



Fig 6

Fig 7

6: Shallow g

7: Body of v

grave of vict

victim 2 

tim 2 

45 

 

 



46 

The body was clothed in white boxer shorts.  The hands were tied behind the back of the body 

with a pair of jeans (fig 7). The decomposition changes included:  

 green-black discolouration and blistering of the front of the body with the limbs and 

the back relatively well-preserved;  

 rigor mortis was slightly present in all muscle groups including the fingers and toes;  

 the skin of the fingers was wrinkled;  

 there were blowflies present;  

 no larvae were seen;  

 there were extensive spider webs across the rocks.  

 

3.3.1 Post mortem examination results  

A post mortem examination was performed on the 28/03/2006. The findings were:  

 Decomposing body of a black adult male (length: 1.69 m, mass: 60 kg).  

 There was a 40 mm laceration of the left occipital area with an underlying 40 mm x 50 

mm scalp haematoma. The skull was not fractured. The brain was liquefied due to 

autolysis but no membrane haemorrhages were identified.  

 Bloodless dissection of the neck was performed. There was a fracture of the greater 

horn of the hyoid bone on the right with surrounding haemorrhage into the strap 

muscles of the neck on the right.  

 There were sub-pleural petechial haemorrhages and the lungs were congested.   

 There was no trauma of the genitalia identified.   

 A sexual assault kit was performed and blood was retrieved for reference DNA 

analysis. The results of the DNA from the sexual assault kit were inconclusive. 



47 

 The cause of death was consistent with strangulation. 

 

According to the confession, Makhwenkwe identified the deceased as ‘Vuyani’ and referred to 

him as ‘a young Venda or Shangaan’. Makhwenkwe stated that victim 2 was victim 1’s 

boyfriend (the implication being that victim 1 had cheated on Makhwenkwe) and that victim 2 

had taken Makhwenkwe’s possessions from victim 1. It was for this reason that Makhwenkwe 

was angry with him and decided to kill him. He strangled the man with a wire which he later 

discarded. Makhwenkwe says he buried the body by digging a little soil then covered the body 

with bricks. He dug the body with a spade that he claimed to ‘always keep with him for work’. 

He then wrapped the body. At this point in the confession he says, ‘I covered all the people’.  

The incident occurred in the early morning around 05h00.  

 

The identity of the victim remains unknown despite investigations, including circulation of 

identikits and fingerprint analysis.  

 

3.4  Victim 3 – black adolescent female 

On the 30/05/2006 at +/- 15h30, a man collecting firewood in Moffat Park came across yet 

another shallow grave. He saw red material and bones protruding out of the sand (fig 8). The 

ground where the shallow grave was found had recently been burned in a veldt fire.  

  



Fig 8

 

A tea

excav

9).  

The g

 

8: Shallow g

am of forens

vated the gr

grave was co

grave of vict

sic officers a

rave which w

overed in br

tim 3 

and police, 

was approxi

ricks and dr

48 

led by a sen

imately 1.68

ry soil mixe

nior registra

8 m in lengt

d with a sm

 

ar in forensic

th, and 45 cm

mall amount 

c pathology

m -50 cm de

of litter. 

, 

eep (fig 



Fig 9

 

 

 

 

 

 

9: Excavated

The grav

arm unde

There wa

There wa

A red sch

‘Unity in

The ches

vest unde

was open

There wa

analysis. 

d grave of vi

ve yielded sk

erneath the b

as a minima

as post-mort

hool blazer w

n Diversity’.

t area was c

erneath. The

n.   

as extensive

  

ictim 3  

keletonised 

body (fig 10

al amount of

tem burning

was identifi

.   

covered in a

e legs were 

e insect infes

49 

remains pos

0).  

f tissue pres

g of the righ

ied in the gr

a white butto

covered in a

station and s

 

sitioned to l

ent on the b

ht arm and so

rave with a s

on-down, lo

a grey long 

samples we

lie on the lef

bones.   

ome of the r

school logo 

ong sleeved 

trouser – th

ere collected

ft side with 

right ribs.  

containing 

shirt, with a

he zip of the

d at the scen

the left 

the words 

a white 

 trouser 

ne for 



Fig 1

 

3.4.1 

Post m

 

 

 

 

 

 

0: Skeleton

 Post morte

mortem exa

Skeletoni

The skull

skull (fig

No ante m

There wa

There wa

and the ri

A key wa

nised remain

em examin

amination w

ised remain

l was covere

g11).  

mortem trau

as no eviden

as post-mort

ight ilium.  

as found in t

ns of victim 

ation result

was performe

ns with minim

ed with long

uma of the r

nce of denta

tem burning

the left trou

50 

3 

ts 

ed on the 01

mal decomp

g African-ty

remains cou

al procedure

g of the bone

user pocket. 

1/06/2006. T

posed sapon

ype hair with

ld be identif

s.  

es of the rig

 

The findings

nified tissue

h a white he

fied. The hy

ght arm and 

s were: 

 present.  

ead band ov

yoid bone w

hand, the ri

ver the 

was intact. 

ight ribs 



51 

 Based on the post mortem findings, the identification features were: body of a black 

female, between 16 and 20 years old, 1.65 m- 1.68 m in length.  

 The estimated post mortem interval was 3 months to1 year.  

 The cause of death was unascertained at post mortem due to extensive decomposition.  

 

Anthropological assessment was performed by a forensic anthropologist from the Department 

of Anatomy, Faculty of Health Sciences of the University of Pretoria which revealed the 

following: 

 Features consistent with an African female 

 Age: 16-23 years old 

 Approximately 162.03 cm (+/- 2.789 cm) in stature.  

 A perimortem fracture of the right proximal tibia was identified.  

 There was post mortem burning of the hands, pelvis, forearms, and ribs.  

 

The school blazer with the logo was essential to unlocking identity of this victim. The blazer 

led the SAPS investigators to the school of the victim. Victim 3 (fig 12) was a 16 year old 

teenager who had been missing since 03/03/2006, 88 days before her body was found. The key 

in her pocket was found to fit the front gate of a house where a friend of victim 3 lived. She 

would often visit the friend after school.  

 

Photo to skull video superimposition was performed by a forensic analyst in the Biology Unit 

of the SAPS in Pretoria, using the skull and a photograph of the deceased taken just before her 

death (fig 12) to positively identify victim 3.  



 

The c

moth

Fig 1

 

In his

on he

raped

took 

 

clothing tha

her as: a whi

1: Skull of 

s confession

er way to sc

d her, strang

place in the

t victim 3 w

ite hair band

victim 3  

n, Makhwen

hool wearin

gled her and

e morning as

was wearing

d, a red scho

 

nkwe said th

ng her red bl

d covered he

s victim 3 w

52 

 on the day 

ool jacket, a

 

        F

hat he had w

lazer. He de

er. He dug a 

was walking 

she went m

a white shirt

Fig 12: Ante

watched the 

ecided to rap

hole and bu

to school.

missing was d

t, grey trous

e mortem ph

girl walk th

pe her. He t

uried her. H

described by

ers and blac

hotograph o

hrough Moff

ied her to a 

He said the in

y her 

ck shoes. 

of victim 3 

fat Park 

tree then 

ncident 



3.5  

On th

 

Fig 1

 

The d

supin

leave

Victim 4

he 14/09/200

3: Body of 

decomposin

ne in a shallo

es scattered 

4 – unknow

06, 2 men c

victim 4 

ng body of a

ow grave un

over the fac

wn black f

collecting ca

a black adult

nder a cluste

ce and torso

53 

female 

ans came acr

t female wit

er of trees. H

 (fig 14).  

ross a furthe

th estimated

Her body w

er corpse in

d age of 40 y

as covered b

n Moffat Par

 

years was fo

by branches

rk (fig 13).  

ound lying 

s and 

 



Fig 1

 

 

 

 

 

 

4: Shallow 

The body

of the bo

A pair of

The body

The hand

grave of vic

y was clothe

dy was nake

f brown trou

y was found

ds were tied 

ctim 4 

ed in a red s

ed.  

users was fo

d lying supin

behind the 

54 

sweater, a bl

ound under t

ne with the h

back with a

lack T-shirt 

the buttocks

hands tied b

a piece of pl

and black s

s.  

beneath the b

lastic (fig 15

 

socks. The l

body 

5).  

ower half 



Fig 1

 

The d

 

 

 

 

 

 

5: Body of 

decompositi

gas and b

bloating o

white mo

there wer

moisture)

there was

there wer

victim 5 

ion changes

blister forma

of the face a

ould growin

re ‘washerw

) 

s maggot in

re maggot e

s included: 

ation of the 

and abdome

ng over the b

woman’s han

festation of 

eggs in the e

55 

skin with fo

en;  

buttocks and

nds’ (wrinkl

f the back, n

external gen

 

ocal skin sli

d posterior t

ling of the s

neck and occ

italia. 

ippage;  

thighs;  

skin from ex

cipital area o

xposure to w

of the scalp;

water or 

; 



56 

 

3.5.1 Post mortem examination results 

A post mortem examination was performed on the 18/09/2006. The findings were:  

 Decomposing body of a black adult female (length: 1.5 m, mass: 46 kg).  

 There were a few grey head and pubic hairs present.   

 There was a dental plate with false teeth attached to the hard palate.  

 Bloodless dissection of the neck was performed. There was extensive haemolytic 

staining of the strap muscles of the neck. There was haemorrhage around the thyroid 

cartilage on the left. There was a fracture of the superior horn of the thyroid cartilage 

on the right. The hyoid bone was calcified and intact.  

 The lungs were congested.  

 Due to the extent of the decomposition, the examination of the genitalia was obscured 

but there was no recognisable trauma identified.   

 There were post mortem fractures of ribs 2 – 5 on the left antero-laterally.  

 A sexual assault kit was performed and blood was retrieved for reference DNA 

analysis. The results of the DNA from the sexual assault kit were inconclusive. 

 The cause of death was consistent with pressure to the neck. 

 

According to the confession, Makhwenkwe called this victim ‘the old woman’. He said she 

was a domestic worker who was a stranger to him. Makhwenkwe tied her to a tree, raped her 

and buried her body. He said he tied her hands with ‘a plastic’. He positively identified the red 

sweater the victim was wearing when she was found. He said he that the only time he used a 



condo

the af

The i

ident

 

3.6  

On th

Fig 1

 

 

 

om in the ra

fternoon. 

identity of th

ikits and fin

Victim 5

he 05/10/200

6: Body of 

The nake

between 

The body

apes of his v

he victim re

ngerprint an

5 – Unkno

06, people w

victim 5 

ed decompo

some bricks

y was cover

victims was 

emains unkn

nalysis.   

own Black 

walking thro

sing body o

s and rubble

ed in a pink

57 

with ‘the ol

nown despit

Female 

ough Moffa

of a black ad

e. 

k dressing go

ld woman’. 

te investigat

at Park found

dult female w

own.  

He said the

tions, includ

d another co

was found l

e incident oc

ding circulat

orpse (fig 16

 

lying prone 

ccurred in 

tion of 

6).   

in 



 

 

 Fig 1

 

The d

 

 

 

 

 

There wa

There wa

17: Legs of 

decompositi

partially 

the remai

wrinkling

there was

there wer

as pair of de

as a white sh

victim 5 

ion changes

skeletonised

ining skin w

g consistent

s fetid plant

re maggots i

enim jeans a

hirt around t

s included: 

d remains w

was desiccat

t with expos

t matter on t

in the body 

58 

and a pink p

the neck tha

with multiple

ted and show

sure to water

the body;  

cavities. 

anty around

at partially c

e post morte

wed green b

r or moistur

d the right an

covered the 

em predatio

black discolo

re;  

nkle (fig 17

chest.  

 

on defects;  

ouration wit

7).  

th areas of 



59 

3.6.1 Post mortem examination results 

A post mortem examination was performed on the 05/10/2006. The findings were:  

 Decomposing partially skeletonised body of a black adult female.  

 The internal organs were mostly absent. The remnants of the internal organs that were 

identified were too decomposed to offer any meaningful comment.  

 Due to the extent of the decomposition, the examination of the genitalia was obscured 

but there was no recognisable trauma identified. The internal reproductive organs were 

identifiable as female.  

 Although the extent of the decomposition obscured the post mortem examination, no 

identifiable trauma was found on the remains. 

 A sexual assault kit was performed and blood was retrieved for reference DNA 

analysis. The results of the DNA from the sexual assault kit were inconclusive. 

 The cause of death was unascertained due to decomposition.  

 

According to the confession, Makhwenkwe did not know the woman. He tied her to a tree and 

raped her. He did not bury her because he was disturbed by people approaching the scene after 

he had strangled her. He said the incident took place at night.  

 

The identity of the victim remains unknown despite investigations including circulation of 

identikits and fingerprint analysis.   

 



60 

3.7 Important aspects of the investigation and the trial 

The SAPS were able to identify and link Makhwenkwe to the murders because of information 

from members of the public. Makhwenkwe had told people living with him in the informal 

settlement about the murders he had committed. When the witnesses came forward with this 

information, Makhwenkwe was arrested and on questioning, he confessed almost immediately 

to all of the crimes.  

Towards the end of the confession, Makhwenkwe agreed to a ‘pointing-out’ where he 

positively identified the locations where the victims had been found. A ‘pointing-out’ is a 

formal police procedure where the offender agrees to point out the locations of the crimes that 

have been committed to an independent member of the police, who is a commissioned officer 

and not involved in the investigation (Labuschagne & Salfati 2015). 

 

The bodies of the first 4 victims were found within a 200 m radius from each other and the 

body of the 5th victim was found approximately 1000 m from the others 

 

Makhwenkwe took cellular telephones from victims 3 and 5 and money from the victims 4 

(R350) and 5 (R100). 

 

On the 12/03/2008, Makhwenkwe was sentenced to 5 life sentences for murder, 20 years for 3 

counts of rape and 6 months for theft. 

 



3.8  

Fig 1

 

Richm

old w

educa

age o

educa

from 

in the

living

arrest

appro

 

Makh

work

garde

All abou

8: The Mof

man Gcnum

when he star

ation. This i

of the offend

ated only to

1996 to 199

e backyard o

g in shacks i

t, he was liv

oximately 3

hwenkwe ha

king at fast f

ened in Joha

ut Makhw

ffat Park ser

muzi Makhw

rted murderi

is consistent

der at the  st

o a primary s

99, then mo

of a house, v

in the same 

ving in a sha

0 minutes to

ad held a nu

food outlets 

annesburg, c

wenkwe  

 

rial murdere

wenkwe was

ing the victi

t with the fi

tart of a mur

school level

oved to Gaut

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62 

cellular telephone as a gift. Thus, Makhwenkwe’s employment profile concurs with the 

findings in the literature that in SA serial murderers are often engaged in casual employment 

or ‘piece jobs’ (Labuschagne 2009). 

 

Other than his arrest for suspected property crime for which he was found not guilty shortly 

prior to the start of the murder series, Makhwenkwe admitted to raping 2 women in 1999 and 

2004 in Gauteng. The SAPS investigators were unable to find evidence of these crimes being 

reported. However, as with Moses Sithole, Kobus Geldenhuys and other serial murderers, it is 

not uncommon to have these offenders first begin with serial rapes before escalating to serial 

murders. 

 

Makhwenkwe mentioned at least 2 relationships with women before victim 1 and these 

relationships each lasted at least a year. He said he enjoyed ‘normal’ sex with women but did 

not elaborate on what ‘normal sex’ entailed. Makhwenkwe did not maintain contact with his 

family when he left the Transkei. After Makhwenkwe’s arrest for the murders, his brother, 

who was interviewed by the SAPS, did not indicate any suggestions of childhood abuse or 

psychological problems. 

 

In his confession, Makhwenkwe says that at the age of 15 or 16, he was forced to have sex 

with a much older woman. He also admitted that he liked to wear women’s underwear and had 

to stop this practice when he started living with other people. 

 

During his confession he was asked about whether he returned to the places where he left his 

victims and he said, ‘Yes. On Sundays. I went to pray there. I felt good but when I am 



63 

between people again I feel dangerous...I prayed for myself so people must not see me that I 

have done the bad things’. Returning to a crime or body disposal scene is a practice noted 

amongst some SA serial murderers such as Stewart 'Boetie Boer' Wilken and other 

international serial murderers.  

 

Makhwenkwe did not do any interviews nor did he talk about the crimes after he was 

imprisoned. He died in Barberton Maximum Security Prison in Mpumalanga province in 2011 

after a prolonged illness. 

 

3.9 Conclusion 

Over a period of 10 months, Makhwenkwe murdered a total of 5 victims in a small 

geographical area. The salient features of the murder series and the findings from the 

investigations will be discussed in the next chapter. 

 

 

  



64 

Chapter 4: Discussion 

The cardinal features of the Moffat Park series will be discussed in this chapter, followed by a 

comparison of the Moffat Park series with the features of serial murder from the FBI serial 

murder symposium. The role of the forensic medical practitioner will be discussed as it relates 

to this series and serial murder in general. 

 

4.1  Modus operandi analysis 

In the evolution of the Moffat Park murder series, certain features in the series remained 

constant throughout, but there were changes in the MO as the series progressed. The 

phenomenon of a change in the MO across a series has been described in the literature (Mott 

1999; Bateman & Salfati 2007; Labuschagne & Salfati 2015; Salfati, Horning, Sorochinski & 

Labuschagne 2015). 

 

The constants in the series were the location of the murders, the subjugation of the victims and 

the way in which the bodies were disposed of. Differences were observed in the motivations 

behind each murder, the methods of murder and victimology. 

 

4.1.1 Location 

Moffat Park played a central role in the series. Like most SA serial murderers, Makhwenkwe 

operated on foot and lived very close to Moffat Park when he perpetrated the murders. Thus 

Moffat Park was Makhwenkwe’s anchor point, not only did it provide him with a hunting 

ground that proffered a wide array of victims to choose from, it also provided a convenient 

way to dispose of his victims. The bodies of 4 out of the 5 victims were disposed of by burial 



65 

in shallow graves. The last victim was not buried because Makhwenkwe was disturbed by 

people passing by the crime scene, so he had to leave in a hurry to avoid detection and thus he 

did not have time to bury her. However, he covered her with a pink gown before he left her. 

This correlates with the literature that most SA serial murders occur out in the open and the 

bodies of the victims are found in the place where they are murdered (Labuschagne 2009; 

Labuschagne & Salfati 2015). 

 

In the confession, Makhwenkwe seemed to emphasise that he ‘covered’ all the victims – this 

may be the psychological expression of a subconscious desire to cover his criminal behaviour.  

 

When discussing victim 2 in his confession, Makhwenkwe states that he used a spade that he 

carried with him to dig the grave. This suggests an evolution in the MO, whereby there is a 

form of pre-planning in that the spade had now become a necessary tool in the commission of 

the murders 

 

The bodies of the first 4 victims were found within a 200 m radius from each other and the 

body of the 5th victim was found approximately 1000 m from the others. This could perhaps be 

a reflection that Makhwenkwe was growing in confidence and was emboldened by his 

perception that his crimes had escaped detection, thus imbuing him with the notion that he 

could expand his territory of murder. 

 



66 

4.1.2 Victimology 

The series consisted of 5 victims. All the victims were black, fitting in with the findings from 

the literature that offenders tend to murder people from their own race (Walsh 2005; Lemmer 

2006). The ages of the victims ranged from 16 to 40 years. Four out of 5 victims were female, 

which is also consistent with the findings that majority of SA serial murder victims tend to be 

black females. The reasons for this could lie in the perception that in SA gender-based 

violence in general may be ‘normalised’. There are very limited social pressures to deter men 

from committing violence against women and culturally, women are often perceived as 

objects and possessions that can be controlled (Horning, Salfati & Labuschagne 2015). These 

factors may be reflected in the fact that SA has one of the highest estimated rates of rape with 

an estimated 561 cases of suspected rape homicide identified in 1999 (a rate of 3.65/100,000 

women aged 14 years and older) (Abrahams et al 2008) and a total of 63,818 sexual offenses 

reported during 2007-2008 (Horning, Salfati & Labuschagne 2015). 

 

Victim 1 was well known to the offender. She was his girlfriend and they lived together. 

Perhaps her murder awakened Makhwenkwe’s thirst for murder? Victim 2 was an 

acquaintance towards whom Makhwenkwe bore a personal grudge. He claimed that his 

girlfriend, victim 1, had been cheating on him with this man and that victim 2 had taken 

Makhwenkwe’s personal possessions. The other 3 victims were strangers to Makhwenkwe, 

but it seems from the confession that Makhwenkwe had watched at least 2 of them and was 

familiar with their routines before he murdered them. In the confession, Makhwenkwe said 

that he had watched victim 3 walk through Moffat Park on her way to school wearing a red 

blazer. Although he says that victim 4 was a stranger to him, he stated that she was as a 

domestic worker. SA serial murderers have been known to murder either a mix of strangers 



67 

and known victims such as Stewart Wilken or only victims known to them such as Robin 

Cloete, ‘The Concordia Serial Murderer’ who murdered 3 women, 2 who were his intimate 

partners and one who was the second victim’s mother. (Labuschagne 2009). Similarly, having 

male and female victims in a single series is not unheard of, such as ‘The Wemmerpan Serial 

Murderer’, Cedric Maake, who murdered 35 victims, males and females, across different race 

groups,  in Wemmerpan, Johannesburg from 1995 – 1997 (Hickey 2006). 

 

A total of 3 of the 5 victims remain unidentified, which is a common feature found in SA 

ser