Advancing our understanding of urban informality using a multi- actor perspective: The case 
of Operation Clean Sweep (2013), Johannesburg.  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Puleng Makhetha 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Engineering and Built Environment, School of 
Architecture and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in partial 
fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Development Planning. 

 



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Declaration 

I declare that this research report is my own unaided work. It is submitted for the degree of 
Master of Science in Development Planning to the University of the Witwatersrand, 
Johannesburg. It has not been submitted before for any other degree or examination at any 
other university. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Puleng Makhetha 

 

 

 

______________________ 

28 November 2022 

 

 

 



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Abstract 

Perspectives on urban informality vary, with some being concerned with the ways in which 
unserved members of the urban population meet their need for housing or an income, whilst 
others view it as a failure to plan. However, for the purpose of this research, urban informality 
was unpacked by considering the political and social aspects of it- to reveal the various actors 
involved in it and their roles and interests. To achieve this, various sources of literature were 
consulted, and an analysis of urban informality- in the form informal street trading was 
conducted using the political and social aspects as a lens. What emanated from this 
endeavour is a set of actors involved in informal street trading, grouped according to their 
characteristics. The way they relate to one another- which is fluid based on their interests, 
was also highlighted. This information on the actors involved in informal street trading was 
translated into a conceptual framework. 

 

Operation Clean Sweep- which is a policy approach employed by the City of Johannesburg in 
2013 to manage informal street trading, was used as a case study. To paint a picture of the 
operation, written accounts on it were considered, which included journal articles, papers 
from reputable research institutions and journalistic reports. These allowed for the events 
prior, during and after the operation to be mapped. The accuracy of the information gathered 
on the operation was corroborated using data triangulation. Once a consistent storyline of 
the operation had been established, the social and political aspects of urban informality were 
used as a lens to identify the different actors involved in it. Finally, the conceptual framework 
developed to map the actors involved in informal street trading was augmented, to include a 
similar set of actors identified in Operation Clean Sweep. These two sets of actors emanating 
from literature and those involved in Operation Clean Sweep were juxtaposed and their 
similarities and differences were noted.  

 

The outcomes of the research revealed the prevalence of a multiplicity of actors involved in 
informal street trading, as captured in literature on informal street trading- and confirmed 
through an analysis of Operation Clean Sweep. Furthermore, it becomes evident that this 
myriad of actors have a common interest- despite their heterogeneity and the different roles 
they assume, which is gaining access to limited prime urban space. The fluid nature of their 
relationships was also revealed. The outcomes emanating from the study highlight the value 
of understanding the multifaceted nature of urban informality and the limitations of applying 
policy approaches in a linear fashion.  

 

Key words: urban informality, informal street trading, actors, interests, urban space 

 

 

 



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Acknowledgements  

I would like to extend my gratitude and acknowledgement to my supervisor- Sylvia Croese for 
her invaluable insights, without which this research would have not been possible.  



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Contents 
Chapter 1: Introduction ..................................................................................................... 9 

1.1. Perspectives on urban informality ................................................................................ 9 

1.2. Background...............................................................................................................10 

1.3. Problem statement ....................................................................................................10 

1.4. Rationale ..................................................................................................................11 

1.5. Main research question ..............................................................................................11 

1.6. Research sub- questions .............................................................................................11 

1.7. Methods...................................................................................................................12 

a. Establishing an understanding of informal street trading ..................................................12 

b. Painting a picture of Operation Clean Sweep ...................................................................12 

c. Using the conceptual framework as a tool for analysis ......................................................12 

d. Ensuring representation................................................................................................13 

e. Reasons for not conducting interviews............................................................................13 

1.8. New Informal Trader Policy for the City of Johannesburg ...............................................13 

1.9. Study limitations .......................................................................................................14 

1.10. An overview of the remaining chapters ......................................................................15 

a. Chapter 2: A multi- actor perspective on urban informality ...............................................15 

b. Chapter 3: Informal street trading and Operation Clean Sweep .........................................15 

c. Chapter 4: A comparative analysis of the actors identified in literature on urban informality 
and those involved in Operation Clean Sweep.....................................................................15 

d. Chapter 5: Lessons gleaned from applying a multi- actor perspective on urban informality ...15 

Chapter 2: A multi- actor perspective on urban informality...................................................16 

2.1. Introduction..............................................................................................................16 

2.2. The conceptualisation of urban informality...................................................................17 

2.3. Considering the political and social aspects of urban informality .....................................20 

2.3.1. The prevalence of various actors involved in urban informality ....................................20 

2.3.2. Heterogeneity of the actors involved informality ........................................................20 

2.3.3. The relationship between the state and informality ....................................................21 

2.4.  Actors involved in informal street trading ....................................................................21 

2.4.1. The State ...............................................................................................................22 

a. The heterogeneity of the state .......................................................................................22 

b. Approaches employed by the state to managing informal street trading.............................22 

c. The production of informality and legitimacy by the state .................................................23 

2.4.2. Informal street traders ............................................................................................24 

a. The heterogeneity of informal street traders ...................................................................24 



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2.4.3. Street trader organisations ......................................................................................25 

a. Heterogeneity of informal street trader organisations ......................................................25 

2.4.4. Formal Business ......................................................................................................26 

2.5. Conceptual Framework ..............................................................................................27 

Chapter 3: Informal street trading and Operation Clean Sweep .............................................29 

3.1. Introduction..............................................................................................................29 

3.2. A brief history on informal street trading in the City of Johannesburg ..............................29 

3.3. Informal street traders operating in the City of Johannesburg .........................................29 

3.4. Promoting an environment conducive to creating a world class city ................................30 

3.4.1. City Improvement Districts.......................................................................................30 

3.4.2.  Bringing order to the streets by confining informal street trading to designated areas ...31 

3.5. City of Johannesburg Street trading by- laws and the Business Act ..................................32 

3.6. Operation Clean Sweep ..............................................................................................32 

3.6.1. How Operation Clean Sweep came about ..................................................................32 

3.7. Actors involved Operation Clean Sweep, and their roles and interests .............................34 

3.7.1. The state................................................................................................................34 

a. The Role played by the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality and its entities in 
managing informal street trading ......................................................................................34 

b. The heterogeneity of the City ........................................................................................35 

c. The interests of the City and its entities...........................................................................36 

3.7.2. The private sector ...................................................................................................37 

a. The role assumed by the Private sector in managing informal street trading .......................37 

b. The heterogeneity of the private sector ..........................................................................37 

c. The interests of the private sector ..................................................................................38 

3.7.3. Informal street traders ............................................................................................38 

a. The impact of Operation Clean Sweep on informal street traders.......................................38 

b. Heterogeneity of street traders......................................................................................39 

c. Interests of informal street traders .................................................................................39 

3.7.4. Informal street trader organisations..........................................................................40 

a. The role performed by street trader organisations ...........................................................40 

b. The heterogeneity of street trader organisations .............................................................40 

c. The interests pursued by street trader organisations ........................................................40 

3.7.5. Formal businesses ...................................................................................................41 

a. Formal and informal continuum .....................................................................................41 

3.8. The aftermath of Operation Clean Sweep .....................................................................42 

3.9. Contravention of the Business Act ...............................................................................44 



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3.10. Conclusion ..............................................................................................................44 

Chapter 4: A comparative analysis of the actors identified in literature on urban informality and 
those involved in Operation Clean Sweep ...........................................................................45 

a. The State.....................................................................................................................46 

4.1. The different entities of the state as captured in literature .............................................46 

a. The different entities of the state operating in the City of Johannesburg and involved in 
Operation Clean Sweep ....................................................................................................46 

4.2. The private sector and the advent of City Improvement Districts (CIDs) ...........................47 

a. The private sector and the emergence of CIDs as captured in literature ..............................47 

a. The private sector and the emergence of CIDs in the City of Johannesburg..........................47 

4.3. Informal street traders ...............................................................................................48 

a. Informal street traders as captured in literature...............................................................48 

b. Informal street traders operating in the inner- city of Johannesburg ..................................48 

4.4. Street trader organisations .........................................................................................49 

a. Street trader organisations as captured in literature.........................................................49 

b. Street trader organisations operating in the inner- city of Johannesburg ............................49 

4.5. Formal businesses .....................................................................................................50 

a. The formal and informal continuum as captured in literature ............................................50 

b. The formal and informal continuum between businesses in the inner- city of Johannesburg .50 

Chapter 5: Lessons gleaned from applying a multi- actor perspective on urban informality.......51 

5.1. The multiplicity of actors involved in informal street trading and the way they relate to each 
other ..............................................................................................................................51 

5.2. Competition over prime urban space ...........................................................................52 

5.3. The power of collective effort .....................................................................................52 

5.4. The usefulness of applying a multi- actor perspective to urban informality.......................53 

Appendices .....................................................................................................................55 

A- Ethics Certificate .......................................................................................................55 

B- Plagiarism declaration ...............................................................................................56 

References ......................................................................................................................57 

 

 

 

 

 

 



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List of figures  

Figure 1: Conceptual Framework………………………………………………………………………………………..24 

Figure 2: Key events of Operation Clean Sweep………………………………………………………………….39 

Figure 3: An overview of insights gleaned from the management of informal street trading in 
the inner- city of Johannesburg and Operation Clean Sweep………………………………………………43 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



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Acronyms 

CID- City Improvement District 

CJP- Central Johannesburg Partnership 

COJ- City of Johannesburg 

CUBES- Centre for urbanism and the Built Environment Studies 

DED- Department of Economic Development  

GDED- Gauteng Department of Economic Development  

JDA- Johannesburg Development Agency 

JPC- Johannesburg Property Company  

JMPD- Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department  

MMC- Member of the Mayoral Committee  

MEC- Member of the Executive Council  

QLFS- Quarterly Labour Force Survey 

SAITF- South African Informal Trading Forum 

SANTRA- South African National Retail Alliance  

SERI- Socio- Economic Rights Institute of South Africa  

SESE- Survey of Employers and the Self- Employed  

WIEGO- Women in Informal Employment: Globalising and Organising  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 
 
 
 



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Chapter 1: Introduction 
 

This chapter will be introducing the notion of urban informality, represented in the form of 
informal street trading in the inner- city of Johannesburg and the importance of considering 
the social and political aspects of it in order to reveal the multiple actors involved and their 
roles and interests. It will then move on to discuss the City of Johannesburg’s attempt at 
managing informal street trading, in the form of Operation Clean Sweep and end off with an 
overview of the rationale for the research, the main research question and sub- questions 
and methods.  

 

1.1. Perspectives on urban informality  
There are different ways of defining urban informality and each advances our understanding 
of it. It can be presented as being concerned with the housing or economic sector, serving as 
a means of either a livelihood or attainment of commodities or as an outcome concerning a 
legal status (Banks, Lombard and Mitlin, 2020). Banks et al., 2020).  However, for the purpose 
of this research focus is on the multiplicity of actors involved in urban informality- particularly 
informal street trading, and the roles they assume and the interests they pursue. To achieve 
this, the political and social aspects of urban informality- which Banks et al. (2020) highlight 
as key in revealing the prevalence of the actors involved beyond the poor, were considered. 
These aspects of urban informality were used to analyse Operation Clean Sweep- which is the 
City of Johannesburg’s policy response to managing informal street trading. The outcomes of 
this analysis have proven to be useful in shifting the conceptualisation of urban informality 
beyond an association with the poor and marginalised, to include other actors who engage in 
it for reasons other than survival. Additionally, they have illuminated the nature of the 
relationships between the different actors- which is fluid in nature and highlighted the 
continuum between informal and formal activities.  

 

The choice to focus on informal street trading- as opposed to any other informal sector, is 
because it is a phenomenon that characterises cities in South Africa and serves as a means of 
livelihood amidst high levels of unemployment in the country (Broadway, 2017). Willemse 
(2011) sees informal street trading serving two benefits, one being that it contributes towards 
job creation and another is that it serves as an income generating activity. Arias (2019)  
emphasises the contribution that street trading makes to the South African economy by 
highlighting the R51.7 billion expenditure in the informal economy recorded in 2004. 
Furthermore, Fourie and Skinner (2018) indicate that informal businesses provide a means of 
a livelihood and income to more than 2.5 million workers and business owners. Lastly, 
Peimani and Kamalipour (2022) demonstrate the importance of understanding street trading 
by drawing on links that it has with the Sustainable Development Goals concerned with 
poverty alleviation and economic prosperity- to mention a few. The contribution that informal 
street trading makes and the value of advancing our understanding of it can therefore not be 
denied.  Given the contribution that informal street trading makes to the economy and 



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poverty alleviation, Modiba (2022) highlights the importance of finding approaches to 
managing this activity in a manner that recognises its value. Du Plessis, Ngcobo and Fuo (2022)  
further add that the establishment of a relationship of mutual understanding between the 
state and street traders, would assist in promoting the local economy.  

 

Lastly, Operation Clean Sweep was used as a case study because it is an event that negatively 
impacted informal street traders. Applying a social and political lens to understanding the 
actors involved in the operation was useful in illuminating the different layers of informal 
street trading and the considerations that policy must make to ensure relevant solutions.  

 

1.2. Background  
The City of Johannesburg embarked on a Mayoral campaign referred to as Operation Clean 
Sweep in 2013, which was intended to be a crackdown on illegal informal street trading in the 
inner- city of Johannesburg (Pieterse, 2017). This operation took place on the back of several 
plans and policy documents concerned with inner- city regeneration efforts, considered as 
necessary to address crime and grime- and create a world class city (SERI, 2015). Examples of 
such plans include the 2007 Inner City Regeneration Charter, which called for urban renewal 
and regeneration and associated unmanaged informal street trading with littering (ibid); and 
the Inner- City Management strategy, which was concerned with removing informal street 
trading taking place in areas identified as mayoral priority areas (Arias, 2019). Operation Clean 
Sweep set out to remove stalls in the inner city, that were in violation of municipal by- laws 
and prior to its execution, the City held discussions with informal street trader organisations 
and agreed that registered street traders would not be affected (Social Law Project, 2014). 
However, all street traders were removed irrespective of their operating status (ibid), which 
brings the legal grounds of the operation and the true intentions behind its implementation- 
into question. Approximately 6000 traders were removed from where they were operating, 
and their goods were confiscated (ibid). 2000 of these traders were affiliated with street 
trading organisations and were operating legally (ibid). The effects of the operation were felt 
by both street traders, who lost their ability to generate an income and formal businesses 
that benefited from the foot traffic generated by the informal street traders (Arias, 2019).  

 

1.3. Problem statement  
Predominant perspectives on urban informality are concerned with the way the marginalised 
devise ways to meet their needs, which include- but are not limited to employment and 
housing. Additionally, a dichotomy is often drawn between the informal and formal ways of 
meeting these needs. The heterogeneity of the actors involved in informal activities, the roles 
they assume and their interests is not always considered. This results in a linear application 
of policy responses aimed at managing informal activities, that does not recognise the 
different ways the actors involved will be impacted. Additionally, the ways the actors interact 
with each other is not recognised and results in a lost opportunity to capitalise on the 
prevalence of symbiotic relationships presented in the form of a continuum between informal 



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and formal activities. A link that Rogan and Skinner (2019) believe is worth getting a deeper 
understanding of, to aid the development of more refined policy approaches. The 
implementation of Operation Clean Sweep by the City of Johannesburg bears testament to 
this, as it resulted in a strained relationship between informal street traders and the City- as 
the former lost the ability to generate an income. Furthermore, the linkages between 
informal street traders and formal businesses were negatively impacted, resulting in a loss of 
income for both. Applying the political and social aspects of urban informality to the case of 
Operation Clean Sweep is therefore useful in revealing the multifaceted nature of urban 
informality and the way the actors involved were impacted differently by the policy response 
employed.  

 

1.4. Rationale  
This research is not intended to examine the informal street trading policy for the City of 
Johannesburg (CoJ). Rather, it sets out to assess the practice of informal street trading and 
the attempt by the CoJ to manage it through Operation Clean Sweep, which is a policy 
response implemented to address informal street trading in the inner- city of Johannesburg. 
The myriad of actors involved in informal street trading- either in pursuit of a livelihood or for 
other purposes including managing it, and their roles and interests are identified using the 
political and social aspects of urban informality as a lens (Banks et al., 2020). This approach 
to analysing informal street trading, using the case of Operation Clean Sweep, has been useful 
in highlighting the multifaceted nature of this activity, presented in the form of a multiplicity 
of actors assuming different roles and interests. It becomes clear in the research findings that 
the actors identified are impacted differently by the operation and this highlights the risk of 
simple conceptualisations of informal street trading, which result in the development and 
application of linear and one- size approaches towards managing it. A sentiment shared by 
Kamalipour and Peimani (2019), who state that the built environment must be influenced by 
an in- depth understanding of how street trading manifests in public space; in the form the 
actors involved in informal street trading.  

 

1.5. Main research question  
Who are the various actors involved in Operation Clean Sweep and how were they impacted 
by the operation- based on the roles that they assumed and their interests?  

 

1.6. Research sub- questions  
• What were the objectives of Operation Clean Sweep, how was it implemented and 

what were the outcomes?  
• Who are the various actors that were impacted by the implementation of Operation 

Clean Sweep, and what were their roles and interests?  
• How do the actors involved in Operation Clean Sweep compare to those involved in 

urban informality- as identified through literature?  



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• What key insights emerge from considering the actors involved in Operation Clean 
Sweep and their roles and interests, and how do these contribute to the 
understanding of urban informality and the management thereof? 
 

1.7. Methods  
a. Establishing an understanding of informal street trading  
For this research, the literature that has been considered is that of urban informality in the 
global South, as it is more relevant to the South African context and thus the City of 
Johannesburg. The research method used for the study entailed a review of academic 
literature on ‘urban informality’ to obtain a comprehensive and consolidated perspective on 
it, particularly as it relates to the actors involved in informal street trading and their roles and 
interests. In addition, the review assisted in establishing a base on current perspectives held 
on urban informality and the ways in which considering the actors involved in informal street 
trading will advance the understanding of the concept. Most of the sources used are academic 
journals on urban informality and informal street trading specifically, spanning from the early 
2000s all the way through to 2020. Considering material within this timeframe was useful in 
providing an early conceptualisation of informality and what it has come to mean to date. 

 

The social and political aspects of urban informality were used as a lens to analyse and map 
the actors involved in informal street trading. The outcomes that emanated from this analysis 
and mapping revealed the multi- faceted and heterogeneous nature of urban informality- 
presented in the form of informal street trading, and the various actors involved and the 
fluidity of their relationships- based on the interests they are pursuing. This information was 
translated into a conceptual framework which was later used as a tool for analysis. 

 

b. Painting a picture of Operation Clean Sweep 
As it relates to Operation Clean Sweep, academic literature and published reports from 
credible research institutions- providing information on the operation, its objectives and 
envisaged outcomes were analysed. Journalistic accounts of the operation were also 
consulted. Due to the secondary nature of some of the information on Operation Clean 
Sweep, data triangulation was applied to compare the different accounts on the operation, 
to ensure consistency and validity across the different sources (Noble and Heale, 2019). It 
must be highlighted that some of the detailed aspects of the operation could not be included 
in the research as they were either not adequately explained or did not consistently feature 
across the sources used. 

 

c. Using the conceptual framework as a tool for analysis 
The conceptual framework, which maps the actors involved in informal street trading and 
their interests- as per literature, was further enhanced with the findings emanating from an 
analysis of the actors involved in informal street trading in the inner- city of Johannesburg 



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and Operation Clean Sweep. This juxtaposition between the two sets of actors revealed the 
multiplicity of actors involved in informal street trading and how they relate to one another 
based on their interests. It further assisted in drawing similarities and differences between 
them.  

 

d. Ensuring representation  
To ensure that the voices of less powerful or marginalised actors- such informal street traders, 
are represented in the study, documented accounts on Operation Clean Sweep by research 
entities such as the Centre for Urbanism and the Built Environment Studies (CUBES), Socio- 
Economic Rights Institute of South Africa (SERI) and Women in Informal Employment: 
Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO) were used. These institutions have been approached by 
informal street traders and their organisations to assist with research efforts or legal 
representation, and their publications have been valuable in providing an account of the 
experiences of informal street traders in the inner city of Johannesburg. Additionally, a 
newspaper article, reporting on the operation was used to provide a journalistic account of 
the operation. It captured the mood following the implementation of the operation and 
featured interviews from those impacted by it. 

 

e. Reasons for not conducting interviews 
The method adopted to conducting the research was concerned with reviewing a wide array 
of written sources. The intention was not to conduct interviews, but to rather collate 
information from diverse sources, especially as it relates to painting a picture of Operation 
Clean Sweep, before and after its implementation. The sources used include academic 
accounts of the operation, research endeavours on the operation by research institutions- 
featuring interviews from the street traders impacted; and journalistic accounts- capturing 
the aftermath of the operation and the general mood following its execution. Data 
triangulation was then used to establish consistency across the sources. The review of the 
various sources provided a strong base of the operation and the actor analysis was then 
applied. Although it was not within the scope of this research, conducting interviews with the 
actors involved in the operation is an apt point of departure for future research endeavours, 
as this would add texture to the research.   

 

1.8. New Informal Trader Policy for the City of Johannesburg  
According to an undated media statement issued on the City of Johannesburg’s website, an 
update to the Joburg Informal Trader Policy by the Department of Economic Development is 
underway, however it is not clear when it commenced (www.joburg.org.za). It is also 
mentioned that workshops with trader organisations and other relevant stakeholders started 
in March and would continue up until June 2021 (ibid). A separate CoJ webpage provides a 
notice dated 18 June 2021, which confirms that an online review session on the draft informal 
trader policy was held with stakeholders of the City of Johannesburg on the said date 
(www.joburg.org.za). Furthermore, it mentions that the public was given 30 days to provide 



14 
 

inputs on the draft informal trader policy, which were due on the 30th of June 2021 (ibid). Due 
to the current draft status of the latest Informal Trader Policy and iterations that will ensue 
following public consultations, the policy could not feature in the present research. 

The final updated Informal Trader Policy would have been useful to include in the research in 
order to assess the way informal street trading is understood as it relates to the multiplicity 
of the actors involved in it, its relationship to the formal sector and whether previously held 
aspirations of transforming the City of Johannesburg into a world class city- which come with 
restrictions on where informal trading can take place, are still held. These insights would have 
painted a picture of what has informed the new informal trader policy and the extent to which 
the outcomes of this study can inform it, especially as it relates to the multiplicity of actors 
involved in informal trading- who stand to be impacted differently based on the policy 
response implemented.  

 

1.9. Study limitations 
The limitations, related to the content considered in the study and the shortcomings that 
emanate from solely relying on secondary data, can be summarised as follows: 

• The Joburg Informal Trader Policy is currently under review and undergoing several 
iterations - based on inputs received from public consultative processes. It would have 
been useful to review the final Informal Trader Policy, to assess the extent to which it 
considers the multifaceted nature of informal street trading in terms of the various 
actors involved in it and their roles and interests. However further information on the 
Policy under review could not be obtained, following an unsuccessful attempt at 
getting hold of the City using the details provided on its media statement concerning 
the policy update. Although this represents a gap in the study, it is does not take way 
from the intellectual contribution that the research makes. This is because the current 
scope of the study is not intended to do a deep- dive into policy, but rather reveal the 
interpersonal aspects of the actors involved in informal street trading and how 
approaches employed to managing it affect them in varying ways. However, 
considering the final Informal Trader Policy is an aspect of this research that can be 
expanded on in future, especially if the intention is to analyse the legislative side of 
informal street trading.  

• Relying on secondary data has proven to be challenging in some instances, as there 
have been some gaps in information that made it difficult to draw conclusive 
conclusions. This has in turn made using data triangulation difficult in some respects- 
particularly in cases where different sources of information did not present a 
consistent message on the sequence of events that ensued prior to, during and post 
Operation Clean Sweep.  

 



15 
 

1.10. An overview of the remaining chapters  
a. Chapter 2: A multi- actor perspective on urban informality  
This chapter reviews literature on urban informality, represented in the form of informal 
street trading in the inner- city of Johannesburg and highlights the importance of recognising 
the multiple actors involved in it. It moves on to discuss each actor in greater detail, including 
the role and interests that they pursue in informal street trading. The heterogeneity among 
the actors also becomes evident. The chapter ends off with a conceptual framework, 
demonstrating the actors involved in informal street trading and how they relate to one 
another. It becomes evident that informal street trading is comprised of a myriad of actors- 
either informing, influencing or being affected by the manner in which informal street trading 
is managed.   

 

b. Chapter 3: Informal street trading and Operation Clean Sweep  
This chapter provides an overview and context on informal street trading in the inner- city of 
Johannesburg and a detailed account on Operation Clean Sweep, implemented by the City of 
Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality, to manage informal street trading. The actors 
involved in informal street trading in the inner city of Johannesburg and Operation Clean 
Sweep are identified, including their roles and interests and the chapter ends with an analysis 
of the aftermath of the operation.  

 

c. Chapter 4: A comparative analysis of the actors identified in literature on urban 
informality and those involved in Operation Clean Sweep  
This chapter compares the actors captured in literature on urban informality, with those 
involved in informal street trading in the inner- city of Johannesburg and Operation Clean 
Sweep, to identify similarities and areas of difference. The outcomes emanating from the 
comparative analysis either echo what is already contained in urban informality literature or 
add to the existing body of knowledge based on additional insights gleaned from analysing 
the actors involved in informal street trading in the inner- city of Johannesburg and the 
operation.  

 

d. Chapter 5: Lessons gleaned from applying a multi- actor perspective on urban informality  
This chapter provides a high- level overview of the overall themes and insights that have 
emerged from analysing the multiplicity of actors involved in informal street trading and their 
respective roles and interests.  It concludes with a reflection on the value that this type of 
analysis adds to future policies and approaches concerned with managing informal street 
trading.  

 

 

 



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Chapter 2: A multi- actor perspective on urban informality  
2.1. Introduction  
Perspectives on urban informality abound and each one represents an opportunity to 
understand different aspects of it- which are concerned with attaining a livelihood or meeting 
a need for shelter. However, this research is concerned with the meaning of urban informality 
beyond economic and spatial considerations, to include the way informal practices extend 
beyond the poor, to include the prevalence of other actors such as the state, middle to high- 
income urban residents and business interests (Banks et al., 2020). Additionally, in line with 
extending the conception of urban informality beyond the poor, Roy (2009) cautions that 
associating informality with the poor masks the ways it is used by the wealthy and powerful- 
such as the state, to perpetuate ambiguity on the management of informality by criminalising 
some forms of it while turning a blind eye at others. As a result, this study not only extends 
the analysis on urban informality past an association with the poor, but also looks at the ways 
in which more powerful and influential actors use informality to pursue their interests. 

 

The above is achieved by considering the conceptualisations of urban informality, as coined 
by various authors- mainly concerned with the social sciences. The ways in which economics 
and politics inform and influence urban development have also been noted. Focus is placed 
on the informal economic sector- particularly informal street trading taking place in the global 
South. However, insights provided by Haid and Hilbrandt (2019) on urban informality and its 
relationship with the state- based on the global North are also considered; although there 
may be contextual differences with the global South. This is because Haid and Hilbrandt 
(2019) mention that the findings made on urban informality, despite their geography, 
contribute to the overall body of knowledge on the subject. In her work entitled ‘Informal 
street vending: a comparative literature review’ Recchi (2021) agrees with the sentiment that 
studying informality- specifically street vending, in both the South and North provides a 
holistic understanding of it. She states that there is value in studying informal street trading 
in both parts of the world- especially the ‘understudied’ north, because it is an activity that is 
growing everywhere in the world and not just in developing countries. Her study notes some 
differences and similarities in informal street trading between the South and North- using the 
same analytical lens and highlights areas for future research (ibid).  

 

The remainder of the chapter moves on to discuss the roles assumed by the actors involved 
in urban informality- represented in the form of informal street trading and their interests, as 
identified in literature. What becomes evident is that informal street trading is multifaceted 
in nature and is made up of an ecosystem comprised of various actors, who relate to one 
another in various ways.  Furthermore, it becomes clear that the actors involved in informal 
street trading do not function as a coherent whole and can be further divided into sub- 
categories based on several characteristics they exhibit- such as registered versus 
unregistered informal street traders. Revealing the dynamic nature of informal street trading 
in terms of the actors involved, their relationships and interests pursued is useful in advancing 
our understanding of it beyond its association with the poor or marginalised. 



17 
 

2.2. The conceptualisation of urban informality 
Various authors offer different ways of understanding urban informality, with Keith Hart 
providing early insights into it through the work he conducted in Ghana in the late 1960s. He 
was concerned with urban informality- presented in the form of the informal economy, using 
the context of southern Ghana (Skinner, 2008). In his work entitled ‘Informal Income 
Opportunities and Urban Employment in Ghana’ he cautions against using western tools to 
analyse income and expenditure in cities of the south and demonstrates how doing so does 
not accurately reflect the context on the ground (Hart, 1973). He achieves this by firstly 
painting a picture of the informal economy in urban Ghana, which is heterogeneous in terms 
of the size and scale of the enterprises run by the urban working class, the commodities 
traded and the workers’ ability to change between different informal jobs (ibid). Secondly, he 
discusses the imbalance between the limited income generated from formal employment and 
expenditure, and the way the urban working class overcomes this imbalance by taking on 
additional jobs in the informal sector (ibid). Lastly, he draws links between formal and 
informal economic activities, and how money generated in both the informal and formal 
sector is spent within the sectors interchangeably (ibid). His observation of urban informality 
is useful in demonstrating how income is generated, supplemented and injected into both the 
informal and formal economy; and the need to ensure that the measurement of economic 
activities in cities of the south is carried out in a context specific way. Yusuff (2011) discusses 
the heterogeneity of informal businesses- in terms of differentiated labour required for 
different types of activities and the distributive links between informal and formal businesses. 
Additionally, he highlights how formalising informal activities may result in an exploitative 
relationship, evidenced in how the formal sector saves on costs by using informal workers to 
distribute their goods to wider markets (ibid). Like Hart (1973), he analyses urban informality 
using an economic lens. On the other hand, Banks et al. (2020) expand on the concept of 
urban informality beyond economic conceptions, to include the politics and relationships that 
are involved in it. The various approaches and lenses used to understand urban informality 
will now be explored, with the aim of creating a context on what urban informality represents, 
the reasons that are attributed to its emergence and the value of noting the prevalence of a 
multiplicity of actors involved in it and their interests. 

 

Banks et al. (2020) mention that it is important not to confine the exploration of informality 
to narrow sectors- such as the economic and housing sector and as a means to a livelihood, 
as these conceptualisations confine it to the urban poor and excludes powerful actors 
involved in informal activities. As a result, Banks et al. (2020) advocate for the expansion of 
studies on informality- to include the social and political relations between actors ranging 
from the state to those operating within economic, spatial and political spaces; and the 
examination of the relationships that exist among them, for purposes of distributing 
resources or attaining and maintaining power. In line with the approach suggested by Banks 
et al. (2020), this research will be concerned with exploring the myriad of actors involved in 
informal street trading. This will be achieved by extending the analysis beyond informal street 
traders pursuing a livelihood, to include other actors involved for purposes of extracting and 
exploiting at the exclusion of others (ibid). Furthermore, Banks et al. (2020) assert that urban 



18 
 

informality takes place on different urban scales and for the purpose of this research, the 
urban scale that will be considered is that of the City of Johannesburg metropolitan area. This 
will be achieved by paying attention to the policy response employed in this area, to 
addressing urban informality in the form of informal street trading.  

 

An important influence for Banks et al’s (2020) understanding of urban informality is the work 
of Roy (2005) who discusses two schools of thought on urban informality, comprising of one 
that views it as a product of uncontrollable migration; while the other recognises it as a 
proactive way in which the urban poor make a living (ibid). She notes that the common thread 
that runs between both conceptualisations is that they associate informality with poverty and 
regard it as being separate from formality (ibid). As a result, they fail to recognise the 
production linkages that exists between the formal and informal sectors (Roy, 2005). 
Additionally, Roy (2009) discusses the state’s hand in producing informality- which is found 
to apply double standards to managing it. Here Roy- in both accounts, begins to expand the 
conceptualisation of urban informality beyond the poor by emphasising the importance of 
noting the relationship between the formal and informal sector and the involvement of the 
state in producing informality in pursuit of its interests. 

 

As it relates to geographic aspects of urban informality, Haid and Hilbrandt (2019) call for a 
broadened understanding of this phenomenon beyond the global South, to include cities of 
the North and emphasise that doing so makes the study on urban informality much richer; in 
line with sentiments shared by Recchi (2021). Their focus on urban informality is based on the 
global North and they provide valuable insights on the relationship between the state and 
informality, and how the former is not a coherent entity- but is rather made up of 
heterogeneous actors pursuing various interests (ibid). This perspective adds value to studies 
conducted on the global South, as it broadens the concept of the state and its relationship 
with urban informality and demonstrates how the phenomenon of the state representing 
different interests is not unique to the global South- but is also prevalent in the North. The 
various roles assumed by the state, as offered by Haid and Hilbrandt (2019) will be discussed 
further, as their analysis proves to be useful in illuminating the plurality of the state and its 
relationship with urban informality.  

 

Lindell (2019) provides a different insight on urban informality, which is concerned with the 
way street workers have transformed urban space to accommodate their livelihoods. She also 
highlights how they must contend with other urban actors- such as the state or private 
developers, who are preoccupied with notions of creating a modernist city, which is free of 
informal activities (ibid). She mentions that efforts by the latter, to eliminate informal 
activities are often thwarted by street workers who have devised ways to navigate spatial 
regulation by drawing on their relations with a variety of actors, or by making use of movable 
infrastructure which allows them to conduct their work in a flexible manner (ibid). Willemse 
(2013: 170) refers to the street traders’ ability to move and avoid evictions as ‘mobile trading’. 



19 
 

Furthermore, Recchi (2021) mentions that in addition to avoiding being evicted, mobility 
enables traders to operate below the radar by becoming less visible. Another added benefit 
of mobility is that street traders can find customers by moving to places where there is 
activity, something that working from a fixed market does not allow (Ndletyana, 2013).  
Ndletyana (2013) provides an example of how street traders would conduct their business in 
proximity to a hub of activity- such as selling food to labourers at a construction site; and will 
look for another area to service once the activities of the construction site are concluded and 
the labourers move elsewhere. This demonstrates how mobility allows street traders to move 
to places that offer a customer base. 

 

Similar to the assertions made by Lindell (2019) on the state’s desire to create world class 
cities based on modernist planning prescripts, Kamete (2013) discusses the misplaced fixation 
that authorities in sub- Saharan African cities have with modernist planning approaches and 
the desire to create order, which Modiba (2022) finds to be apathetic to street trading. 
Rogerson (2008) contributes to Kamete’s (2013) discussion by referring to how an image of 
an orderly European city tends to be pitted against that of a disorderly African one. Benit- 
Gbaffou (2018) adds that the major gap in modernist planning prescripts lies in its inability to 
recognise contextual challenges felt by cities located in the South- which range from high 
levels of poverty to unemployment. Roy (2005) suggests that these modernist planning 
notions, which have informed international best practice, must be replaced with a more 
realistic approach to planning- based on the realities and context on the ground.  She asserts 
that this can be achieved by ‘replacing best practice models with realistic critique’ which 
encourages learning from what is currently not working as a result of applying planning 
models considered as best practice (Roy, 2005: 156). Additionally, Kamete (2013) advises that 
authorities must rather focus on the opportunity presented by informality by recognising the 
void that it is filling- in meeting the needs of an unserved urban poor; and admit that it is 
growing due to the inability of the formal system to provide housing and employment. He 
highlights that this is the case in South Africa, where the national and local government is 
concerned with creating a world class modern city, as opposed to channelling efforts into 
creating a city that can accommodate most of its residents (ibid).  

 

It is therefore clear that urban informality holds different meanings, depending on the 
approach applied to understanding it. The approaches that have been discussed include using 
different schools of thought as a lens or noting the political and social aspects of it- in addition 
to spatial and economic considerations. Additionally, the limitations with associating urban 
informality with the marginalized have been revealed and the failure of modernist 
approaches to planning- including their relevance in managing informality, have been 
highlighted.  

 



20 
 

2.3. Considering the political and social aspects of urban informality  
The following section discusses the prevalence of a myriad of actors involved in urban 
informality and the double standards applied by the state- when managing it. Furthermore, 
the heterogeneity of the actors identified is elaborated on. 

 

2.3.1. The prevalence of various actors involved in urban informality 
To reveal the prevalence of other actors involved in urban informality- beyond an association 
with the poor, it is useful to consider the political and social aspects of it- as advocated for by 
Banks et al. (2020). Lindell (2019) supports this approach from a spatial perspective and 
asserts that understanding the spatial politics of street work is useful in revealing the myriad 
of actors involved in transforming urban spaces. She further states that such an approach also 
brings to the fore the irregular ways in which regulations are enforced within different spaces 
and on different urban actors; and the ways street workers navigate such regulation- and at 
times challenge it, by organising themselves in an effort to maintain their legitimacy and right 
to the city (ibid).   

 

2.3.2. Heterogeneity of the actors involved informality  
Lindell (2010) highlights that informal economies are not coherent, but are rather 
heterogeneous, as they comprise of a variety of groups possessing different levels of income 
and ability to participate in the economy. In line with this, Yusuff (2011) discusses 
differentiated labour in the African informal sector- comprising of those running enterprises 
requiring a certain degree of skill, family businesses and those engaging in survivalist 
activities. Furthermore, Banks et al. (2020) highlight this difference by regarding informality 
as representing a site wherein various actors devise strategies to either extract, exploit or 
exclude those that may not have power or influence. This demonstrates the heterogeneity of 
the actors operating in urban informality, and the fact that not all of them are poor or are 
operating under dire conditions. Lindell (2010) adds to the point made on the heterogeneity 
of street workers by highlighting that they exhibit different identities and pursue different 
class interests. This recognition of ‘difference’ addresses what Yusuff (2011) notes as missing 
in dependency theory, which is the acknowledgement of the various actors participating in 
informality- beyond the poor, and the fact that not all informal operations are survivalist.  

 

To further understand the heterogeneity of the actors participating in informality, it is useful 
to note that their interests differ as well. Banks et al. (2020) highlight this point by 
emphasising the importance of conducting a differentiated analysis on the actors involved in 
informality, to reveal those engaging in informal activities in pursuit of a livelihood or to meet 
their needs for shelter, and those that use informality as a loophole to pursue their interests- 
which include securing a position of power or evading costly regulatory requirements. This 
therefore reveals how the motivation to engage in informal activities varies among both 
formal and informal actors, and in line with this, Haid and Hilbrandt (2019) indicate that 



21 
 

informality and illegality do not mean the same thing, as those pursuing formal activities- 
regarded as legal, may be doing so in informal ways.  

 

2.3.3. The relationship between the state and informality 
In terms of the type of actors involved in urban informality, Banks et al. (2020) highlight that 
both the elite and urban poor take part in informality. However, these actors appear to be 
treated differently when it comes to their transgressions, as Kamete (2013) points to how 
instances of corruption or tax invasion performed within the formal sector are remedied by 
applying penalties to the guilty parties involved- as opposed to dubbing the formal sector in 
its entirety as undesirable. Whereas informal activities by the marginalised are met with more 
radical measures- which vary from eradicating it to formalising it (ibid). This suggests that 
there is little to no tolerance towards informal activities, hence the heavy- handed efforts 
towards addressing it; whilst the formal sector appears to be immune from being eliminated- 
even when illegal acts are performed (ibid). This aligns to what Roy (2005: 156) dubs as the 
state creating the ‘unplanned and unplannable’ which she illustrates by referring to how 
formal housing built in the absence of planning controls- using informal subdivisions is 
permitted by the state, whilst squatter settlements built on invaded land are considered as 
illegal. This demonstrates how the state applies rules in an inconsistent manner, between 
formal and informal urbanites. Pezzano (2016) echoes these sentiments by indicating that this 
is how the state in sub- Saharan Africa maintains the role of determining what is formal and 
legal, in a way that favours the urban elite and side-lines those engaging in informal activities.  

 

It is therefore clear that there is a prevalence of multiple actors involved in informal activities, 
and the type of actors and nature of informal activities varies. Another important point to 
note is the fact that activities regarded as illegal are not only confined to informality, but also 
include activities taking place in the formal sector- which are pursued in an informal manner. 
The following section will now turn to the various actors involved in urban informality, and 
specific reference will be made to informal street trading.  

 

2.4.  Actors involved in informal street trading  
This section unpacks the various actors involved in urban informality- particularly informal 
street trading, and the web of relationships among them. It becomes clear that in some cases, 
the different groups of actors identified can be further divided into sub- actors. This is because 
although they might represent a collective, they are heterogeneous in terms of the roles they 
play and interests they pursue. An example of this is the heterogeneity evident among street 
traders, who are made up of those who are registered, and others who are not- with the latter 
having to navigate the insecurities that come with being unregistered. Another example is 
that of the state pursuing different interests, which vary from using the informal economy for 
individual accumulation or as a way of securing votes (Lindell, 2010). In addition to identifying 
the various actors, the relationships among them are also considered, in line with the 
assertion made by Pezzano (2016) who notes that to understand the politics of informality,  



22 
 

one must understand the relationships among the actors involved, in terms of the way they 
collaborate or compete with each other.  

 

2.4.1. The State 
a. The heterogeneity of the state  
Haid and Hilbrandt (2019) mention the importance of recognising the state’s heterogeneous 
nature and the various interests that it may be representing when formulating policy and 
related responses. Pezzano (2016) adds that the state is responsible for defining what is 
formal and legal in sub- Saharan Africa and does so to the benefit of urban elites. To further 
highlight the heterogeneity of the state, Skinner (2019) states that the government 
represents a contested landscape comprising of varying interests between bureaucrats, 
politicians, and different departments. It is therefore clear that the state is not set up in a 
uniform way but is instead made up of various horizontal and vertical structures. Similarly,  
Haid and Hilbrandt (2019) outline the different parts of the state, as comprising of various 
departments and spheres of government, and mentions that each represents actors holding 
conflicting interests and assuming various positions and levels of authority. They indicate that 
due to this myriad of actors, the state’s actions may be marked by contradictions and 
inconsistencies, and in some cases- create loopholes (ibid). As it relates to their assessment 
of the state, they mention that although it is based on cities of the global North, the findings 
they make contribute to the overall body of knowledge on urban informality and its 
relationship with the state (Haid and Hilbrand, 2019). Banks et al. (2020) also highlight the 
different levels of the state as comprising of the local, municipal and national levels; and 
indicate the importance of considering the political aspects of urban informality to illuminate  
the political and social exchanges that take place between these different levels of the state.  

 

b. Approaches employed by the state to managing informal street trading  
As it relates to street trading, Pezzano (2016) mentions how it has always been an area of 
contention for authorities concerned with adhering to modernist planning transcripts, during 
colonial and post- colonial times. In their quest to control street trading taking place in key 
public areas, they developed punitive measures towards controlling it- which denied street 
traders access to such spaces (ibid). Pezzano (2016) mentions how the modernist approach 
to planning continues in modern African cities, which are preoccupied with either eliminating 
or formalising informal activities. He points to some of the ways local authorities respond to 
street traders, which include harassing them or evicting them from the spaces they occupy 
(ibid). Kamete (2013) mentions other examples which include the state temporarily allowing 
informality to continue in spaces that are considered not to be strategic or collaborating with 
street traders by nudging them towards taking on the characteristics of formal businesses, so 
that the vision of a modern city can be gradually achieved. In terms of evolution, Benit- 
Gbaffou (2018) highlights that there has been a shift in international thinking on how some 
basic needs ought to be managed and addressed- an example being in- situ upgrading in the 
case of informal settlements. However, street trading remains behind as it relates to being 
managed progressively (ibid). Rogerson (2016) adds that policies concerned with managing 



23 
 

street trading in urban Africa remain unchanged and outdated- and continue to be embedded 
in modernist planning principles. 

 

Based on the above, it is clear that the approaches employed by city authorities to address 
informal street trading vary from repressing it- to accommodating it with the aim of ultimately 
formalising it; in line with modernist planning prescripts, which continue to be the dominant 
mode to planning in cities of the global South. 

 

c. The production of informality and legitimacy by the state 
Banks et al. (2020) mention that the state’s ability to remain relevant is brought about by the 
continued pursuit to create formal modern cities. They mention that the quest to formalize 
cities helps the state maintain its role of setting the rules that enable markets to function 
(ibid). Roy (2005) adds that the ability for the state to set the rules places it in a position of 
power, as it can make decisions on what is considered as legitimate and apply rules differently 
to the various actors involved in urban informality. As a result, Haid and Hilbrandt (2019)  
cautions against viewing informality as a survival strategy adopted by the poor and calls for 
the recognition of the state’s involvement in creating informality and subscribing to some 
informal activities in some cases. These insights demonstrate the plurality of the state and its 
entanglement with informality. Similarly, Lindell (2019) mentions that the state is responsible 
for producing informality in some instances, and highlights that this goes against the 
prescripts of modernist planning- which hinge on the assumption that informality emanates 
from a failure to plan. She mentions that the state produces informality to create an 
opportunity for the elite to take part in informal processes, an activity that Kamete (2013: 28)  
coins as the ‘informalisation of formality’. Another way the state is found to create a 
conducive environment for informality to thrive, is by formulating policy that is not easy to 
enforce, leaving room for abuse and thus failing to protect actors in marginalized positions- 
operating in the informal economy (Yusuff, 2011). 

 

As it relates to the legitimacy of informal street traders, Haid and Hilbrandt (2019) indicate  
that legitimacy is socially produced, through tension between the state and citizens; with the 
latter challenging the legitimacy of the state on the one hand and the state determining which 
practices and activities are deemed as legitimate on the other hand.  Pezzano (2016) echoes 
similar sentiments by discussing how the state’s idea of legitimacy functions to suit its 
interests, as it can either elect to legitimise informal street trading by formulating policy 
concerned with formalising it into the formal sector; or intentionally create uncertainty on 
what is deemed legal, to maintain power over informal street traders.  

 

The state’s ability to determine what is deemed permissible or not and create inequality by 
allowing some informal activities to persist over others can be viewed as creating room for 
‘gray space’. Yiftachel (2015) defines gray space as the space between what is regulated and 



24 
 

accepted and that which is not allowed nor eradicated and considers it to be helpful in getting 
us to understand the struggles of the marginalised, who do not enjoy full access to urban 
resources (ibid). In the case of informal street trading, gray space can be seen in how the 
state’s decision on what is legal or not, relegates some informal street traders to an illegal 
status. Additionally, based on the state’s policies- informal street traders are often denied full 
access to prime urban space as seen in the City’s approach to confining traders to formal 
markets. The state’s ability to determine the rules on development to the detriment of others 
echoes Yiftachel (2009), who states that planning has tools that can be used to perpetuate 
and maintain inequality.  

 

It is clear from the above that the state can produce informality for its benefit and formulate 
rules that support this end. In addition, it can use its position to determine what is legitimate 
and formulate policy that would support its stance at the detriment of denying some residents 
access to resources and thus relegating them to operating within gray space. 

 

2.4.2. Informal street traders  
As captured in her work on ‘street work in the global South’, Lindell (2019) highlights the fact 
that cities in this part of the world are made up of diverse street economies, comprising of 
people who have occupied spaces with high levels of foot traffic- such as sidewalks and 
transport hubs to pursue street work due to having limited options to generating an income. 
She further discusses the way these actors- often marginalised groups, have transformed 
these spaces to suit their needs, in terms of their livelihood practices and social interactions 
(ibid). However, their activities are regarded as chaotic and in conflict with orderly 
development (ibid). As a result, efforts have been made by powerful actors- such as the state 
or political elite, to repossess these spaces through the enforcement of regulations or spatial 
interventions (ibid).  

 

As it relates to the relationship between the state and informal street traders, Pezzano (2016) 
mentions that the latter capitalise on the plurality of the state and the different actors 
occupying the different spheres of government, to pursue their interests and claim their right 
to the city.  

 

a. The heterogeneity of informal street traders 
Like the state, informal street traders are also heterogeneous, and they range from those who 
are registered and find themselves having to navigate both the unjust laws enacted by the 
state and strained relations with unregistered informal street traders, to the latter who are 
not registered and must navigate the insecurity that comes with their status (Lindell, 2019). 
Lindell (2019) highlights that unregistered traders make use of movable infrastructure to be 
mobile and flexible in their operations.   



25 
 

The tension between registered and unregistered street traders can be referred to as 
defensive urban citizenship, which Yiftachel (2015) coins as politics among the marginalised 
which translate into tensions rising over limited resources- such as urban space. In the case 
of informal street trading, tensions rise between registered and unregistered traders because 
the former operate in an environment wherein they have to contend with the rules and laws 
enacted by the state- some of which limit their access to prime urban space and confine them 
to markets. The tension arises when unregistered street traders, as insecure their as their 
operations are- can be mobile (Lindell, 2019) and operate in prime areas without being 
constrained to an immobile market. This creates unfair competition and results in defensive 
urban citizenship, where registered traders fight over limited access to prime urban space by 
calling for more stricter measures against unregistered traders.  

 

The above indicates differences in the identities and access to space faced by street traders 
and the value of understanding this heterogeneity, to ensure that policy responses aimed at 
addressing informal street trading, are appropriate and respond to the various dynamics that 
have been outlined.  

 

2.4.3. Street trader organisations  
Lindell (2010) discusses the prevalence of street trader organisations in the South, that are 
responsible for representing informal workers and advocating for the recognition of the 
economic contribution they make, using various channels- including the courts. She highlights 
how these organisations are different, as they represent diverse actors in the informal 
economy, who are organised based on various aspects- such as the income they generate or 
their gender (ibid).  Lindell (2010) further mentions how these organisations are forging 
alliances with other entities such as social movements and non- governmental bodies- to form 
powerful networks. However, she cautions against viewing these networks of informal actors 
as representing a unified entity with common interests (ibid). Instead, she highlights that the 
establishment of organised efforts can deepen inequality or differences, as they represent 
members exhibiting varying characteristics (ibid).  

 

a. Heterogeneity of informal street trader organisations  
Lindell (2019) discusses the various roles that street trader organisations can assume, 
depending on the interests they are serving. In some instances, these organisations can be 
instrumental in protecting street workers and advancing their rights against repressive 
policies; whilst in other cases their efforts can fail to bring about the desired outcomes of 
spatial inclusion (ibid). Lindell (2019) also mentions how these organisations can be used as a 
tool by the state, to advance the latter’s policies. 

 



26 
 

It is therefore clear that street trader organisations play an important role in representing 
informal street traders, however it is important to note that their efforts are driven by the 
interests they are representing.   

 

2.4.4. Formal Business  
In addition to recognising the prevalence of various actors, Banks et al. (2020) mention that a 
continuum exists between the formal and informal sector, and Yusuff (2011) affirms this 
assertion by referring to the prevalence of distributive linkages between formal businesses 
and informal street traders; with the former benefiting from the foot traffic generated by 
informal activities. However, Banks et al. (2020) highlight that although efforts have been 
made to advance the understanding of informality beyond the ‘formal and informal 
dichotomy’ in theory, not much change has been realised through policy and practice. In 
addition, as much as a mutually beneficial relationship exists between the operations of the 
formal and informal sector, Yusuff (2011) cautions against the assumption that formalisation 
would result in the formal sector imparting knowledge and experience to the informal sector. 
He substantiates this by highlighting the exploitative ways in which the formal sector uses 
informal workers to supply their goods to wider markets in an effort to cut costs (ibid). This 
highlights the importance of recognising both ends of the scale when it comes to the 
relationship between the formal and informal sector, as the two can either have a mutually 
beneficial relationship- or one that is exploitative. Holness, Nel and Binns (1999) mention 
other types of relationships between the formal and informal sector, which include parasitism 
and mutualism. Parasitism is however beyond the scope of this research, as it is concerned 
with how a sector such as informal street trading makes use of the city’s facilities without 
contributing towards its upkeep- in the form or of paying for rent or rates (ibid). Rather, this 
study concerns itself with the opportunities presented by informal street trading- that must 
be recognised and supported, which are evident in the mutual relationships held between 
formal business and informal street traders. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



27 
 

2.5. Conceptual Framework  
 

 

Figure 1: Conceptual framework 

 

The conceptual framework indicated above is informed by the political and social aspects of 
urban informality- that Banks et al. (2020) state as being key in revealing the various actors 
involved in urban informality- beyond the poor.  Establishing the universe of actors involved 
in urban informality allows the analysis to move on to identifying their characteristics,  
conditions under which they operate, the interests that they are pursuing and the ways in 
which they are connected to one another. 

 

The conceptual framework further illustrates how the various actors involved in urban 
informality are heterogeneous as the categories of actors identified can be further divided 
into sub- categories. Furthermore, the type of informal activities that they pursue vary among 
them, both within and outside their categories. This highlights the multiplicity of actors 
involved in urban informality and the fluidity of their relationships- based on the various 
interests they are pursuing.  

 



28 
 

Having sight of the multifaceted nature of urban informality and the multiplicity of actors 
operating within it- pursuing particular interests and relating to another in various ways, is 
useful in highlighting the complexity of urban informality. Furthermore, these insights serve 
as a useful tool for analysing the City of Johannesburg’s response to informal street trading- 
in the form of Operation Clean Sweep, to reveal the actors involved, their interests and 
relationships among them. The outcomes from the analysis will advance our understanding 
of informal street trading and ensure that future policy responses are appropriate.   

 

The following chapter will be providing an overview of informal street trading in the City of 
Johannesburg and delve deeper into Operation Clean Sweep- in terms of how it came about 
and its outcomes. The actors involved in the operation- and its aftermath, will also be 
discussed. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



29 
 

Chapter 3: Informal street trading and Operation Clean Sweep  
3.1. Introduction 
This chapter provides an overview of informal street trading in the City of Johannesburg, 
which is referred to as the ‘City’ in this report, while recognising that it represents various 
actors and interests. This is carried out by providing a brief history on the emergence of 
informal street trading, the size of the sector and the various tools that the City has devised 
in responding to it. The remainder of the chapter provides background on Operation Clean 
Sweep, which is a policy response implemented by the City to address informal street trading; 
and its objectives and outcomes are discussed. This is followed by a detailed analysis of the 
various actors involved in Operation Clean Sweep, and their respective roles and interests. 
The chapter concludes with an outline of the aftermath of the operation.  

 

3.2. A brief history on informal street trading in the City of Johannesburg 
The City of Johannesburg has been marked by informal trade for many years, dating back to 
the 1950s, when this activity took place in the form of ‘coffee cart vendors’ who had to have 
licences to operate (Beavon and Rogerson, 1986; Arias, 2019). Arias (2019) attributes the 
subsequent decline in the number of these vendors to the fact that some of them were 
migrant workers who were not awarded licenses to operate and could therefore not continue 
with the trade. As a result, the migrant workers resorted to less regulated work, in the form 
of street hawking of other goods (ibid). SERI (2015) notes that this approach of partially 
accommodating street trading, based on the awarding of a limited number of permits and 
trading spaces continues to be a prevalent mode used by the City to manage informal street 
trading. It has been found to reproduce informality by creating scarcity of legal trading 
environments to a majority of informal street traders (ibid). Bénit- Gbaffou (2020) echoes 
similar sentiments by highlighting how the state can either expand or reduce the size of 
informality, by determining the number of authorised street traders- which renders the rest 
unauthorised.  

 

In 1993, 15 000 people were recorded to generate an income on the streets of greater 
Johannesburg through survivalist activities, with 4 000 of them operating in the inner- city 
and 45% of them being foreign nationals (Bremner, 2000). This was followed by a marked 
increase in the number of inner- city traders in 1999, which more than doubled to 10 000 
people (ibid). This increase in informal street traders post- apartheid, is attributed to reasons 
that include changes in policy- which migrated from being repressive to tolerating or 
promoting informal trading, a shrinking formal economy and increased migration (ibid). 

 

3.3. Informal street traders operating in the City of Johannesburg 
According to a report concerned with unpacking the South African informal economy- using 
data from the Quarterly Labour Force Survey (QLFS) and the Survey of Employers and the Self-
Employed (SESE) for the years 2013 and 2019 respectively, it is reported that the majority of 
employment in South Africa falls within the formal sector, at 71.2 % and 68.5% respectively 



30 
 

for the years under review (Statistics South Africa, 2020). The informal sector was found to 
be the second highest employer trailing in at 15.5% and 18.3% respectively (ibid). These 
sectors are followed by private households and the agricultural sector (ibid). It is therefore 
clear that on a country level, the informal sector plays a material role in employment creation. 
As it relates to Johannesburg, which is the capital of Gauteng- housing 4.5 million people, a 
range of 12 000 to 15 000 street traders are found to be operating there (Arias, 2019). Their 
countries of origin include Zimbabwe, Malawi and Mozambique; whilst others come from 
provinces within South Africa, which include Limpopo, Mpumalanga and KwaZulu Natal (ibid). 

 

When it comes to the reliability or visibility of the total number of street traders operating in 
the inner- city of Johannesburg, Bénit- Gbaffou (2020) states that this information, and 
supporting maps are hard to come by. She highlights how the outcomes from a census 
conducted by the City’s Department of Economic Development (DED) and the Metropolitan 
Trading Company (MTC) in 2008 does not reveal figures on street traders operating in the- 
inner- city, while in some instances provides high- level percentages. As it relates to the 
number of registered versus unregistered informal street traders operating in the inner- city 
of Johannesburg, Bénit- Gbaffou (2020) mentions that City officials are more interested in the 
number of registered traders operating legally- and include them in their plans. The rest of 
the street traders are left to be addressed through law enforcement (ibid). Bénit- Gbaffou 
(2020: 15) refers to the hesitancy of taking stock of the number of unregistered street traders 
as the ‘politics of un- mapping’ and attributes it to the state wanting to avoid acknowledging 
illegal street traders, in an effort to evade having to be accountable for them. Mitullah (2004)  
shares a similar sentiment on the difficulty of estimating the number of street traders 
operating either in a country or city; however she attributes it to the constantly changing 
number of street traders operating at a given time- which is influenced by the time of the day 
or a particular season during which they operate. Rogan and Skinner (2019) on the other 
hand, highlight that it is easy to become preoccupied with the ‘numbers’ associated with the 
size of- and the tax contribution that the informal sector should be making. They highlight 
that the fixation with the numbers clouds the important role the informal sector plays in 
poverty alleviation and moves attention away from the need to support it, through measures 
such as the provision of infrastructure- in the form of toilets and storage facilities (ibid). 

 

3.4. Promoting an environment conducive to creating a world class city  
3.4.1. City Improvement Districts 
Arias (2019) discusses the establishment of the Central Johannesburg Partnership (CJP) in the 
1990s, which was responsible for supporting formal businesses and the establishment of City 
Improvement Districts (CID) in the inner city of Johannesburg. Didier et al. (2012) discuss how 
the need for CIDs was elevated by the showcasing of images of urban centres in decay- such 
as the portrayal of the Johannesburg city centre during the 1990s (ibid). CIDs are public spaces 
within the inner city- where businesses are located and are privately managed through a 
private partnership with the City, with the intention of creating aesthetically pleasing business 
districts (Arias, 2019). They are concerned with the provision of added services, aimed at 



31 
 

regenerating commercial and residential parts of the city considered to be in a poor state 
(Didier et al., 2012). They were lauded as having the ability to address urban problems- 
presented in the form of decay, informal trade and crime (ibid). Their upkeep was maintained 
through the payment of an additional tax by a majority of property owners- 51% or more, in 
addition to payments made towards municipal rates and taxes (Bénit- Gbaffou, 2020).  

 

As it relates to informal street trading, Pezzano (2016) saw the emergence of CIDs as a tool 
used to transform urban space and influence decisions on the limited number of traders that 
could be accommodated. Kamete (2013) criticises this fixation with creating world class cities, 
based on planning approaches imported from the global North and applying them to the 
global South, at the expense of informal street trading. In response to this, both Kamete 
(2013) and Roy (2005) call for context specific approaches to planning cities, taking the role 
that the informal sector plays in job creation into account. Rubin (2018) shares the sentiment 
on developing context specific approaches to addressing urban informality, and states that 
policy and legislation that does not take the lived realities of the marginalised into account 
becomes difficult to implement, because they are not responsive to the fluid needs of the 
intended beneficiaries.  

 
3.4.2.  Bringing order to the streets by confining informal street trading to designated areas  
In line with the establishment of City Improvement Districts (CID), aimed at creating 
aesthetically pleasing world class cities, the City of Johannesburg established the 
Johannesburg Development Agency (JDA) in early 2000 (Arias, 2019). The JDA was responsible 
for identifying mayoral priority areas for the development of precinct- based planning (ibid). 
To achieve this, the Inner- City Management strategy was developed, which was concerned 
with removing informal street trading taking place in the identified priority areas (ibid). Like 
CIDs, the objectives of the Inner- City Management strategy was to restrict the places where 
informal street trading could take place, and confine it to designated trading places (Arias, 
2019). However, Bénit- Gbaffou (2020) mentions that the importance of street trading as a 
means of livelihood and poverty alleviation became recognised in the mid- 2000s, and this 
was evidenced through public policy documents developed at the time- which included the 
2007 Inner City Regeneration Charter. The latter was formulated through a consultative 
process, spanning from November 2006 to June 2007, held among a range of inner- city 
stakeholders (Inner City Regeneration Charter, 2007). However, a closer look at the charter 
reveals that although informal street trading is recognised for its ability to create 
employment, it is also presented as an impediment to pedestrian movement, vehicular traffic 
and waste management (ibid); all of which appear to build a case towards the management 
and confinement of street trading to designated areas- in line with the suggestions put 
forward in the charter. SERI (2015) criticises the Inner City Regeneration charter as being 
preoccupied with improving the aesthetics of the city of Johannesburg as opposed to 
livelihoods. It further highlights how the charter associates the poor management of informal 
street trading with the inability to manage waste, and that this assumption served as one of 
the key issues that Operation Clean Sweep was intended to address (ibid). The association of 



32 
 

street trading with litter and the need to remove it as a result, is reminiscent of the 
justification provided for efforts to eradicate the coffee- cart trade, which was premised on 
the fact that it was unhygienic and had the potential to result in public health crises- such as 
tuberculosis (Beavon and Rogerson, 1986). However, SERI (2015) refutes the association 
made between informal street trading and the inability to manage waste by clarifying that 
informal street traders in the inner- city of Johannesburg could not maintain cleanliness 
within their workspaces because they were not provided with the infrastructure required to 
do so- such as sanitation, refuse removal services and litter bins. 
 

3.5. City of Johannesburg Street trading by- laws and the Business Act 
The street trading by- laws for the City of Johannesburg (CoJ) came into effect in May 2004, 
and they were informed by the Business Act 1991, which grants the local authority power to 
determine where and how trading can take place (SERI, 2015). Therefore, respective 
municipalities are responsible for formulating and implementing informal street trading by- 
laws, however on condition that they do not prohibit the activity completely (Arias, 2019). 
The main focus of the by- laws has been on managing the way informal street trading takes 
place- with the aim of eventually incorporating it into the formal economy (ibid). However, 
Yusuff (2011) highlights that incorporation into the formal economy is not always beneficial, 
as it may lead to exploitation of the informal sector- which includes the use of cheap labour 
by formal businesses as a cost saving method. He further highlights that the plan to 
incorporate the informal sector into the formal one assumes that the two are mutually 
exclusive and highlights the limitations to this, by pointing out the prevalence of distributive 
linkages between formal businesses and informal street traders (ibid). Additionally, SERI 
(2015) emphasises the limitation with basing policy on the assumption that the informal and 
formal sectors operate separately from each other, by referring to some of the lived realities 
of street traders. One of which pertains to the link that exists between the formal and 
informal sectors, evidenced through farmers facilitating the registration of street traders, 
prior to setting up a distribution relationship with them- for the sale of their produce (ibid). 
Rather, Anyidoho and Steel (2016) discuss the opportunity presented by the links existing 
between the two sectors, which can be proactively supported by the government and other 
relevant actors through the provision of supporting infrastructure and access to trading space. 

 

3.6. Operation Clean Sweep 
3.6.1. How Operation Clean Sweep came about  
The City of Johannesburg embarked on a Mayoral campaign referred to as Operation Clean 
Sweep in 2013 (Pieterse, 2017), and it was marked by the forced removal of more than 6000 
street traders operating in the city centre (Arias, 2019). The operation was said to be 
concerned with addressing the state of lawlessness in the inner city- attributed to illegal 
trading and the invasion of buildings (Pezzano, 2016). The City also associated the poor 
management of informal street trading with the inability to manage waste (Inner City 
Regeneration Charter, 2007) and therefore believed that the execution of Operation Clean 
Sweep would also address the waste issue (SERI, 2015).  



33 
 

In addition to addressing grime and crime in the city, the operation was regarded as a way to 
bring order to the city, by removing some street trader stalls that were in violation of the 
municipal by- laws- including those on pavements or in proximity to government buildings 
(Social Law Project, 2014). The clearing of trading areas regarded as being in violation with 
street trader by- laws was viewed as a way to bring order to the city and enable access to 
facilities, which could be enjoyed by its inhabitants (ibid). However, Arias (2019) questions 
‘who’ the inhabitants are that get to benefit from an orderly city- and to whose exclusion. 
Furthermore, SERI (2015) highlights that the inception of the operation was inspired by a 
desire to improve the appearance of the inner city, and this indicates the City’s attachment 
to modernist planning precepts- concerned with creating orderly world class cities. According 
to SERI (2015), it is this fixation with creating world class cities that led to the removal of 
informal traders from the central business district- irrespective of their trading status and in 
contravention of the City’s by- laws and Business Act. 

 

According to Pieterse (2017), the operation initially had support from a range of stakeholders 
which included inner- city businesses and trader organisations, as it came with the promise 
of removing illegal street trading from the inner- city streets. Social Law Project (2014)  
mentions that prior the execution of the operation in October 2013, the City held discussions 
with informal street trader organisations, wherein it assured the latter that registered street 
traders will not be affected. However, what ensued was the removal of street traders 
operating in the central business district by the Johannesburg Metro Police Department 
(JMPD)- which was responsible for enforcing the City’s by- laws (SERI, 2015). All traders were 
removed irrespective of their operating status (Pezzano, 2016). Bénit- Gbaffou (2020)  
highlights how the act of relegating the management of informal street trading to the police- 
which manifests in the form of violence and corruption, is not unique to South Africa but is 
also prevalent in other cities around the world. In addition to being evicted, the street traders’ 
goods were confiscated and out of the over 6000 street traders removed, more than 2000 
were affiliated with street trading organisations- namely the South African Informal Trading 
Forum (SAITF) and the South African National Retail Alliance (SANRA) (Social Law Project, 
2014).  

 

The operation received media coverage and criticism, with one of the prominent media 
houses branding it as a ‘Dirty Affair’ and sharing an account of a street trader who had to sell 
his computer in order to continue to send his children to creche and buy food for his family 
(Tolsi, 2013). The extended impact of the operation on the families supported by the informal 
street traders is further elaborated on in an article that classified it as not only being 
concerned with cleaning up the city- but also wanting to rid it of the poor (Nicolson and 
Lekgowa, 2013). As far as formal businesses are concerned, an owner of a pie shop reported 
that prior to their removal, street traders and their customers purchased pies from his shop 
and the removal of the former resulted in a decline in his sales (Tolsi, 2013). Similarly, Social 
Law Project (2014) refers to the formal businesses that were impacted by the operation and 
cites that they were affected because they benefited from the foot traffic generated by street 



34 
 

trading activities, and the purchases made by the traders themselves. Therefore, although on 
the face of it- the operation appeared to have achieved its goal of making the city’s streets 
less congested, the formal and informal sectors suffered a loss in terms of generating an 
income (ibid).  

 

3.7. Actors involved Operation Clean Sweep, and their roles and interests 
This section maps the actors involved in Operation Clean Sweep- which is referred to as the 
‘operation’ from here onwards and outlines the roles that they played and their interests. The 
nature of the relationships among these actors are also noted. Lastly, the impact of the 
operation on the actors identified becomes evident and is important to note- as it highlights 
the significance of recognising the multiplicity of actors involved in informal street trading, 
the different ways policy and related approaches affect them and the limitations of applying 
policy approaches in a linear fashion. 

 

3.7.1. The state 
a. The Role played by the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality and its entities in 
managing informal street trading 
The Business Act of 1991 grants the local authority the power to determine when and how 
street trading can take place, and this is translated into street trading by- laws which must be 
developed and implemented by the local authority (SERI, 2015). In the case of the inner- city 
of Johannesburg, the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality- hereon referred to as 
the ‘City’, is responsible for managing informal street trading. To fulfil this role, the City 
established the Metropolitan Trading Company (MTC) in the late 1990s, which at the time 
served as the operational arm of the Department of Economic Development (Bénit- Gbaffou, 
2015). The MTC was tasked with managing markets- wherein street traders were housed and 
taxi ranks, with the intention of generating an income from rentals charged for the use of 
these spaces, by traders and taxi owners respectively (ibid). However, the MTC’s functions 
were transferred to the Johannesburg Property Company (JPC) in 2013, which was mandated 
to manage the City’s assets, in the form of its land and property- including trader markets 
(ibid). This move maintained the management of street trading to confining it within markets, 
at the exclusion of those operating on the street and pavements (ibid). Pezzano (2016) 
highlights that this approach to confining street trading to linear markets renders traders 
operating outside of these spaces as illegal, thus making them vulnerable to abusive and 
repressive treatment. As it relates to the enforcement of by- laws, Bénit- Gbaffou (2020) 
mentions that it was carried out by the Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department 
(JMPD) and that the approach to managing street trading using law enforcement further 
entrenches a restrictive approach towards it. The Gauteng Department of Economic 
Development (GDED) also appeared to play a role in informing how street trading should be 
managed, and it achieved this by formulating and workshopping the Gauteng Employment 
Growth and Development strategy (Pezzano, 2016). What was refreshing about this strategy 
was the fact that it recognised the income generating role that informal street trading played 
and called for the creation of a conducive environment and supporting legislation for informal 



35 
 

street trading (ibid). The GDED criticised the City for the repressive approach it was taking to 
manage informal street trading and these sentiments were shared by the street trader 
organisations (ibid). It will later become clear how the street trader organisations capitalised 
on the differences in opinion that the province and City held on managing informal street 
trading and the true intentions behind the GDED’s drive to supporting the street trader 
organisations.  

 

The execution of Operation Clean Sweep in the inner- city of Johannesburg provides a 
practical demonstration of both a restrictive approach towards street trading and abuse by 
law enforcement, and SERI (2015) provides an account of this in the words of a middle- aged 
street trader, by the name of Sizani. She is a mother of two, who witnessed the execution of 
the operation and saw the confiscation of stock by the JMPD- which was ultimately not 
returned, and the police becoming physical with young male traders.  

 

Notwithstanding the City’s mandated role to managing informal street trading, the inception 
of Operation Clean Sweep was by the City’s political leadership represented by Ross Greef- 
who was a Member of the Mayoral Committee (MMC) at the time, responsible for 
development planning (Pezzano, 2016). It is mentioned that two reports were released in 
October 2012, from the office of the MMC, outlining the operation within the City’s strategy 
(ibid). The operation was presented as being concerned with restoring order and addressing 
lawlessness in the inner- city, which was attributed to illegal trading and dumping- to mention 
a few (ibid). Prior to the implementation of the operation, City officials attempted to get into 
an agreement with street trader leaders- to remove traders considered illegal (unregistered) 
(ibid) and it is not clear whether the City was successful in these efforts. However, it is stated 
that opposition by street traders against the operation became pronounced following its 
implementation- which saw the JMPD remove all traders irrespective of their operating status 
(ibid).  

  

b. The heterogeneity of the City 
Considering the above, it is clear that the management of informal street trading in the City 
of Johannesburg included various actors who performed different roles. The City was involved 
in formulating the informal trading policy