i 
 

 

The influence of linguistic and descriptive meaning of personal names in the 

individual’s identity among Xhosa society. 

 

Nosiphiwo Rachel Mazaleni. 

 

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of 

Arts in the Faculty of Humanities, School of Language, Literature and 

Media. The University of the Witwatersrand. 

 

Supervisor: Dr. E.B Zungu 

 

March 2022 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



 
 

ii 
 

 

DECLARATION 
 

I, Nosiphiwo Rachel Mazaleni, hereby declare that THE INFLUENCE OF LINGUISTIC AND 

DESCRIPTIVE MEANING OF PERSONAL NAMES IN THE INDIVIDUAL’S IDENTITY 

AMONG XHOSA SOCIETY is my work. That it has not been submitted before for any degree 

or examination in any other university, and that all sources used or quoted have been indicted and 

acknowledged as complete references. 

 

__________________________                                               _____________________ 

Nosiphiwo Mazaleni                                                                      Date 

 

 

 

 

 

                                                                                                                      



 
 

iii 
 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 
 

Firstly, I want to thank God for giving me the strength to finish this dissertation, I would not have 

done this without Him by my side. He is a faithful God because it’s His doing that enabled me to 

complete the dissertation. He carried me through all the difficult times.  

I would like to thank my supervisor Dr Zungu for her guidance and commitment. Your assistance 

has made it possible for me to produce this work. Your words of encouragement were not in vain, 

and I don’t doubt that your reward will be from the Lord.  

I am also grateful to my mom, Nomaza Zelta Mazaleni, for her undying support. I am blessed to 

have her in my life. I also wish to thank my daughter, Likuye Elihle Mazaleni, I am grateful for 

your support. You made it so easy for me to be your mom. You are an amazing child!  To all my 

family members I am glad that you all believed in me.  

 

 

 

 

 

                                                              

 

  

 

 

 

 



 
 

iv 
 

Abstract 
 

IsiXhosa is a dialect of the Nguni language. It is primarily spoken in South Africa's Eastern and 

Western Capes. The Xhosa people employ language symbols to build their culture and 

communicate highly valued social principles such as ubuntu (humanity). Their oral traditions have 

been handed down through the meanings of names, histories, proverbs, idioms, puzzles, songs, 

and praise poems. Elders name their children with phrases borrowed from oral idioms and assist 

them in adhering to societal norms and beliefs. 

During South Africa's colonialism, the entrance of European settlers with a different culture and 

values quickly affected Xhosa society and customs. Since certain, if not all, oral traditions, 

including the previous naming system, did not meet the approval of the new masters, the 

population was obliged to adopt a new naming system. On the other side, the end of apartheid in 

the 1990s ushered in a new age of indigenous cultural resurgence and a trend toward reverting to 

traditional isiXhosa naming customs. 

The study investigates the influence of linguistic and descriptive meaning of personal names on 

an individual's identity in Xhosa society. Additionally, it investigates the genesis and 

conceptualisation of isiXhosa names about isiXhosa oral literature. An interview with IsiXhosa-

speaking individuals was undertaken to determine whether the meanings of Xhosa names influence 

the individual's identity. Additionally, the study demonstrates how naming traditions played a 

significant and defining role in the Xhosa people's oral history. Additionally, it served as a 

mechanism for recording occurrences occurring around the time of birth. The study discovered 

that an individual's surroundings affect their identity. 

 



 
 

v 
 

Figures 

  

Figure 1.1. Statistics SA, 2011. The map depicts Xhosa-speaking people in South Africa.         6 

 

                         

 

 

 

 

 

  

 



 
 

vi 
 

Keywords 

 

Influence 

IsiXhosa names 

Descriptive names 

Linguistic names 

Rites of passage 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 



 
 

vii 
 

List of Tables 
 

Table 5.2.1     Summative social names                                                                                 52 

Table 5.2.2      Warning names                                                                                               54 

Table 5.2.3     Reflective social names                                                                                    57-58 

Table 5.2.4    Expectations/aspirations names                                                                        60 

Table 5.2.5    Behaviour linguistic and proverbial names.                                                      62 

Table 5.2.6    Birth order names                                                                                              66-65 

Table 5.2.7   Names given after a significant event                                                                66-67 

Table 5.2.8   Female gender role names                                                                                  69 

Table 5.2.9   Male gender role names                                                                                      71  

Table 5.2.10 Dance-related names                                                                                           74 

Table 5.2.11 Politically inspired names                                                                                   76-77 

Table 5.2.12 Biblical names                                                                                                     80 

Table 5.2.13: Nicknames from human behaviours                                                                   82 

Table 5.2.14 Names taken from body parts                                                                              83-84           

Table 5.2.15 Animal metaphors used as nicknames                                                                 85-86                                                

 

 

 

 



 
 

viii 
 

TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 

DECLARATION........................................................................................................................... ii 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................................ iii 

Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... iv 

Figures ............................................................................................................................................ v 

Keywords ...................................................................................................................................... vi 

List of Tables ............................................................................................................................... vii 

TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................................................................................... viii 

Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1 

1.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 1 

1.2 Historical overview of Xhosa society .................................................................................................. 3 

1.3 Research Problem ............................................................................................................................... 7 

1.4 Research Aim ...................................................................................................................................... 8 

1.5 Objectives............................................................................................................................................ 8 

1.6 Research Questions ............................................................................................................................ 8 

1.7 Research Hypothesis ........................................................................................................................... 8 

1.8 Background and contextualisation ..................................................................................................... 9 

1.9 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 12 

Chapter 2: Literature Review .................................................................................................... 13 

2.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 13 

2.2.2 Euro-western naming and African naming. ................................................................................... 14 

2.2.3 Importance of meaning in African names. ..................................................................................... 16 

2.2.4 Child-naming activity amongst AmaXhosa .................................................................................... 17 

2.2.5 Socio-cultural significance of names .............................................................................................. 18 

2.2.6 Historical significance of names ..................................................................................................... 18 

2.2.7 Symbolic significance of names ..................................................................................................... 19 

2.2.8 Bridal naming kwaXhosa reflecting new identity. ......................................................................... 20 

2.2.9 Naming of graduate-initiates reflecting new identity. .................................................................. 21 

2.2.10 Ancestral veneration in the personal names. .............................................................................. 22 

2.3 Rationale ........................................................................................................................................... 23 

2.4 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 23 



 
 

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Chapter 3: Theoretical framework, Research design, Research methodology, and 

Pragmatic meaning. .................................................................................................................... 25 

3.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 25 

3.2 Theoretical framework ..................................................................................................................... 25 

3.3 Research design ................................................................................................................................ 26 

3.4 Research methodology ..................................................................................................................... 27 

3.5 Pragmatic meaning ........................................................................................................................... 28 

3.6 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 29 

Chapter 4: Naming in the Xhosa society as one of the components of oral literature. ........ 30 

4.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 30 

4.2 Definition of folklore ......................................................................................................................... 31 

4.3 Oral literature ................................................................................................................................... 31 

4.4 Proverbial names .............................................................................................................................. 31 

4.5 Songs (iingoma)................................................................................................................................. 33 

4.6 Kinship group praises (Iziduko) ......................................................................................................... 35 

4.7 Xhosa folktale (‘myth’, ‘eventuation’ and ‘fabulation’) .................................................................... 35 

4.8 Riddles (amaqhina) ........................................................................................................................... 36 

4.9 Oral poetry (izibongo) ....................................................................................................................... 38 

4.10 Proverbs and idioms (amaqhalo nezaci) ......................................................................................... 42 

4.11 Linguistic names (literal meaning) .................................................................................................. 43 

4.12 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................................... 43 

Chapter 5: Analysis of desk research ........................................................................................ 45 

5.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 45 

5.2 Social names in the Xhosa society .................................................................................................... 46 

5.2.1 Summative social names in the Xhosa society........................................................................... 47 

Table 5.2.1 Summative social names .................................................................................................. 47 

5.2.2 Normative social names in the Xhosa society ............................................................................ 49 

Table 5.2.2 Warning names ................................................................................................................ 50 

5.2.3 Reflective social names (iziteketiso) in the Xhosa society ......................................................... 52 

Table 5.2.3 Reflective social names .................................................................................................... 53 

5.2.4 Blessing declarations names in the Xhosa society ..................................................................... 54 

Table 5.2.4: Expectations/aspirations names ..................................................................................... 55 

5.2.5 Named after the behaviour of the parent. ................................................................................ 56 



 
 

x 
 

Table 5.2.5: Behaviour linguistic and proverbial names. .................................................................... 56 

5.2.6 Birth order names in the Xhosa society ..................................................................................... 59 

Table 5.2.6 Birth order names ............................................................................................................ 59 

5.2.7 Naming after an event in the Xhosa society. ............................................................................. 60 

Table 5.2.7 Names given after a historical event ................................................................................ 60 

5.2.8 Xhosa names that describe female beauty ................................................................................ 62 

Table 5.2.8: Female gender role names .............................................................................................. 63 

5.2.9 Xhosa names that describe male beauty and gender roles ....................................................... 64 

Table 5.2.9: Male gender role names ................................................................................................. 65 

5.2.10 Names taken from Xhosa music and dance. ............................................................................ 67 

Table 5.2.10: Dance-related names .................................................................................................... 67 

5.2.11 Politically inspired names in the Xhosa society ....................................................................... 68 

Table 5.2.11: Politically inspired names .............................................................................................. 69 

5.2.12 Names given to Christian missionaries/preachers................................................................... 72 

Table 5.2.12: Biblical names................................................................................................................ 73 

5.2.13 Nicknames taken from certain behaviours in the Xhosa society ............................................. 74 

Table 5.2.13: Nicknames from human behaviours ............................................................................. 74 

5.2.14 Nicknames taken from body parts in the Xhosa society .......................................................... 76 

Table 5.2.14: Names taken from body parts ...................................................................................... 76 

5.2.15 Names taken from animal metaphor in the Xhosa society...................................................... 77 

Table 5.2.15 Animal metaphors used as nicknames ........................................................................... 78 

5.3 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 78 

Chapter 6: Conclusion and Recommendations ........................................................................ 81 

6.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 81 

6.2 Contribution to onomastic research ................................................................................................. 82 

6.3 Recommendations ............................................................................................................................ 82 

Bibliography ................................................................................................................................ 84 

Appendix A: XHOSA VERSION INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ............................................. 95 

Appendix B: ENGLISH VERSION INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ......................................... 95 

Appendix C: Permission letter ................................................................................................... 96 

Appendix D: Participants information sheet ............................................................................ 99 

Appendix E: Participants information sheet translated into IsiXhosa ................................ 101 

Appendix F:  Consent form ...................................................................................................... 103 



 
 

xi 
 

Appendix G: consent Form translated into IsiXhosa ............................................................ 105 

Appendix H:  Letter of Acknowledgement ............................................................................. 107 



 
 

1 
 

  Chapter 1: Introduction 
  

1.1 Introduction 

African societies have similar naming processes and customs, which are shaped by a variety of 

sociocultural factors and serve as a symbol of identity. As a result, language and culture have a major 

influence on the selection of names. According to Chauke (2017), children in African societies have 

meaningful names. A person's name is a sociocultural expression and clarification of his or her self-

concept. Names are more than ambiguous abstract concepts; they carry significant and symbolic 

connotations. According to Umorem (1973), African people have a popular view that a person's name 

is a critical component of African culture that defines African personalities. African people think that 

the given name is intended to differentiate one person from another based on the uniqueness of his or 

her personality. According to Mwaniki (2012), names are not only used for identification purposes 

but also to enforce ethical norms and societal ideals indirectly. According to Ubhakwe (1982), African 

names are a component of African cultural history that have a large influence on an individual's 

identity. According to Nze (1989), this is because each person's name shapes and develops their 

identities. 

Names uniquely identify individuals and connect them to name-bearers, including those projected (by 

name bearers) and perceived (by the communities over which the name bearers preside) 

(Zungu,2021). The name denotes the member's unique identity and serves as a reminder that the 

member is a part of social life. The identity of a person defines who they are. The term identity refers 

to a person's name, roots, culture, origin, and attire. The society in which we live is always evolving, 

our identity is not static (Machaba,2004). This research will focus on the influence of linguistic and 

descriptive meaning of personal names on an individual's identity in Xhosa society. Batoma (2009, 

p.18) “The meanings of isiXhosa names fall into two major categories: surface (linguistic) meanings 

and underlying (descriptive) meanings”. As established with the example of Sipho, names in the 

linguistic category convey a straightforward meaning that is dependent on the name's precise 

linguistic definition as a common term in the language. Simelane (2014) adds that no one has a name 

without a rationale, and no name exists without an explanation or justification in AmaXhosa. As a 

result, Xhosa people value the significance of their given names highly. 



 
 

2 
 

 According to Brennen (2000, p.144), “identity is a generally stable self-image comprised of thoughts, 

attitudes, habits, and beliefs that remain relatively intact throughout time”. A person's name contains 

vital information about their nationality and native language, in addition to being an integral part of 

their identity. This is shown in names such as Nombeko (IsiXhosa for mother of respect), Lufuno 

(Tshivenda for love), and Puleng (Sesotho for in the rain) Names can disclose a great deal about a 

person's gender (Nobuhle- mother of beauty); religion (Sihlezinenkosi- we dwell with the Lord); 

Nomfundo (mother of education- which reflects neutrality and sophistication). A name is granted as 

a representation of the social contract between the individual and society. On one hand, imparting the 

name establishes the individual's existence while simultaneously recognizing the society's obligations 

to the name-bearer. A child's given name helps differentiate him or her from other children. As a 

result, society will be able to view and treat children as unique persons with distinct needs and 

emotions. Due to the given name, the individual becomes a part of society's history, and his or her 

actions become distinct from those of others. According to Dundes (1973), he believes that identity 

is a reciprocal process that occurs on two levels: the level at which the individual or group projects or 

perceives itself, and the level at which the reader or recipient perceives it. 

Society and languages, including names, have a close relationship. According to Nicolaisen (1976), 

names are a significant component of the language. The acquisition of language, another characteristic 

of humans, has provided man with the ability to name. According to Machaba (2004, p.29), “names 

are displayed in language, but they serve more than just as linguistic elements. Not only are names 

linguistic, but various naming practices adopted by people from various cultural and religious 

backgrounds demonstrate social and psychological issues”. 

Rites of passage are crucial in African socialization because they illustrate many stages of an 

individual's growth, as well as their relationship to and functions within a wider community. The 

transition from childhood to maturity is the most critical stage for AmaXhosa, as it is at this point that 

they become fully institutionalized in the group's culture's principles. As a result, rites of passage play 

a key role in the growth of personality and identity. Tajfel (1979) a social identity theorist, subscribes 

to this position. The names granted on male graduate-initiates (amakrwala) kwaXhosa during 

ukwaluka (initiation) are a prescriptive expression of a broader community's ideals. The bridal naming 

ceremony marked the start of a new chapter in a woman's life. Previously, the woman's sense of 

identity was tied to her homestead as a daughter of so-and-so, but now she adopts her husband's 

homestead and her given duty as a wife. Rather than simply being a name, these names given to 



 
 

3 
 

newlyweds are frequently instructions on the bride's duty in the family or even community. According 

to Zungu and Maphini, (2019) amaXhosa’s bridal names can be used to symbolize familial discord in 

rare instances. Brides are supposed to live up to their given names. Turner (2001) asserts that these 

people (graduate-initiates and brides) are presumed to be adults who must adhere to specific 

customary and ethical standards. Will the bride's inherent nature be altered if she is given the name 

Nobubele (kindness), even though she is naturally unkind? Do brides and graduate-initiates regard 

their new names as a representation of their identities? 

While naming is a universal cultural practice, it encompasses naming patterns and types of names that 

are prevalent in all African societies. In Western English, naming is essentially a system of reference 

rather than symbolisation; given names are usually meaningless and have no relation to the name's 

owner (De Klerk, 1996). For instance, infant names are predictable in most Western nations. There 

are only a few sociocultural factors that influence the naming dynamics of these societies. In Africa, 

a person's name might provide valuable information about that individual (Yusuf, Olatunji and Issah, 

2014). 

1.2 Historical overview of Xhosa society 

The Xhosa-speaking people are South Africa's second-largest language group. Amazulu is South 

Africa's largest ethnic group, followed by AmaXhosa (Statistics SA, 2011). Nearly 7 million people, 

or approximately 18 percent of South Africa's population, speak the Xhosa language, which 

incorporates several clicks sounds. According to Simelane (2014, p.1), “isiXhosa-speaking people are 

part of the Nguni family, which includes amaXhosa, amaZulu, amaNdebele, and amaSwati. The 

Nguni are Bantu-speaking people who live in the south-eastern Bantu region, which also includes the 

Sotho (Setswana, Southern Sesotho, and Sepedi). AmaXhosa is spoken in all provinces of South 

Africa, although IsiXhosa is largely spoken in the Eastern and Western Cape provinces, and to a lesser 

extent in other provinces”. 

The Xhosa people are divided into several chiefdoms. They are named after a heroic Xhosa ancestor 

from the distant past. Only two of the oldest chiefdoms, the Gcaleka and Rharhebe, can trace their 

ancestors back to him. They are sometimes referred to as Xhosa proper to distinguish them from the 

many other Xhosa speakers. Thembu, Bomvana, Mpondo, and Mpondomise are the other major 

Xhosa-speaking chiefdoms. The Mfengu, who fled Xhosa territory from the north in the 1800s, and 

the Bhaca, Bhele, Zizi, Hlubi, and Qwati are among the less closely related Xhosa speakers. They are 



 
 

4 
 

all found primarily in the Eastern Cape, though they can be found throughout South Africa. Each of 

these chiefdoms speaks a slightly different dialect or variation of Xhosa, but they can all communicate 

with one another. The first Xhosa dialect to be written down was among the people of Rharhebe chief 

Ngqika. This became the Xhosa standard (Kaschula, 2001). 

 

 

Figure 1.1.: Statistics SA, 2011. The map depicts Xhosa-speaking people in South Africa. 

The Xhosa language contains click sounds borrowed from Khoisan languages. Khoisan people 

including both Khoekhoe and San (Bushman) people, were among the earliest inhabitants of Southern 

Africa. Their language and culture have had a strong influence on many people in the region. Three 

basic clicks are used when speaking Xhosa. The first “C” (front click), as in icici (an earring). This 

click is produced by placing the tip of your tongue behind your upper front teeth and then suddenly 

pulling the tongue downward. The lips should be formed into a smile but only slightly parted. The 

second click is “q” (top click), as in iqaqa (skunk). The tongue is placed against the middle of the 

roof of your mouth and then quickly moved downward. Here the lips keep an O shape, and the mouth 

is opened while producing the sound. The third click is “x’’ (side click), as in uxam (water lizard). 

The tip of the tongue is placed on the front part of the roof of the mouth. The tongue is pulled 

downward and backwards, allowing air to escape on both sides of the tongue (Kaschula, 2001). 



 
 

5 
 

 These basic clicks, used in combination with certain consonants, create other types of clicks. For 

example, ingca (grass) uses “c” and “ng” to form the “ngc” click, and igqirha (doctor) uses the “gq” 

click. The name Xhosa is similar, but those who have not learned the click pronounce the word “caw-

suh” or “haw-suh”. Xhosa is a tonal language. Thus, the word uyagula can have two completely 

different meanings depending on how it is pronounced. If the second la syllable is lengthened, then it 

is a statement: “He or she is ill” but if the tone rises at the end, then it is a question: “Is he or she ill?’’ 

(Kaschula,2001). 

Each Xhosa chiefdom is comprised of several clans. Each clan is composed of people who share a 

common male ancestor. Clan members do not marry for familial reasons. According to Myburgh 

(1981), the most often used phrases ikhaya (home) and umzi (homestead) might refer to a single 

household unit, a bigger family unit, a clan, a tribe, or a nation. Marriage was viewed as a contract 

between two families, rather than between individuals, as it is now, and polygamy was considered 

acceptable. Myburgh (1981) defines a family as a father, a mother, married sons with wives, and 

unmarried children. The authority of the father was the most powerful unifying element. He 

contributed with dowry payments and arranged for the marriages of his children. In the patrilineal 

society, a woman's social status was much lower than that of a man. Regardless of her worth, the 

woman lacked the patriarch's power and respect. These lineages, together with big clans created by 

groupings of related lineages, were the Xhosa social organization's centre point (Myburgh, 1981). 

During the 1600s and 1700s, the Xhosa-speaking people lived on the mountain slopes of the Amatola 

and Winterberg mountains in the Eastern Cape. Numerous streams in the area drain into the Xhosa 

territory large rivers, notably the Kei and Fish rivers. Due to their fertile soils and sufficient rainfall, 

the river basins are good for farming and grazing. For the bulk of Xhosa people, cattle herding was 

their primary source of income. Cattle were utilized as a symbol of prosperity, a medium of 

transportation, and a means of exchange for brides. They were also significant economically and in 

terms of crop cultivation (crops such as umbona [corn], amazimba [sorghum], amathanga [pumpkin] 

and icuba [tobacco] thrived in years with adequate rainfall). Men worked in a variety of jobs, 

including game hunting, woodworking, and ironworking (Byrnes, 1996). 

The Xhosa were one of the first Bantu groups in Southern Africa to receive European settlers in the 

17th century, residing near the shore. Due to their early and sustained contact with educators and 

traders, the Xhosa were able to distinguish between the ‘westernised people’ (Amagqobhoka) who 



 
 

6 
 

had embraced Western civilisation and the ‘red people’ (Amaqaba) who adhered to traditional 

customs and identified with the traditional red ochre, used to dye clothing, and decorate the body. 

Mgqwetho's poem that was written in 1929 makes a clear distinction between Westernized and 

conservative subcultures. The poem condemns the Westernised for their unwarranted pride in 

insulting ochre-clad traditionalists. 

The traditional IsiXhosa culture was exposed to Western influence, and customs were put under 

enormous pressure at the beginning of the twentieth century, which was visible in every sphere. When 

South Africa became industrialised and urbanised, many rural Xhosa people migrated to cities. There 

were many job opportunities in cities such as Kimberley and Johannesburg, and no education or 

experience was required. These cities provided low-wage labour in mines and other low-wage jobs. 

As men were away from home for extended periods due to the growing demand for migrant workers, 

the earlier forms of Xhosa homestead identities became complicated. As Westernisation gained 

traction in the minds of African people who are responsible for defending those values, cultural values 

began to deteriorate and become less important. 

Simelane (2014) asserts that the twentieth century saw a substantial transformation in Xhosa 

traditional culture, with Western belief systems and cultural norms gaining a stronger hold on 

traditional Xhosa beliefs. The Xhosa people were devout followers of a divinity known as Qamata. 

Additionally, Xhosa people thought that their ancestors worked as mediators between the living and 

the dead, as their customs and traditions indicated. their ancestors punished people who did not 

precisely follow specified social behaviours. Nowadays most Xhosa people are Christians because of 

the influence of the Western belief system. According to Ngcingca-Ndolo (2008), a long time ago 

most Xhosa people strictly adhered to their norms and traditions since it was believed that any 

misfortune, such as family illness or failure to attain success in life, was the consequence of ancestral 

punishment. The Xhosa recorded their ancestors' engagement through oral poetry, myths, folktales, 

legends, proverbs. Jordan released “the wrath of the ancestors” in 1940, a translation of Ingqumbo 

Yeminyanya's original work. Jordan's book is rich with Xhosa cultural allusions. The book paints a 

broad picture of the subject because one of the central themes is the explanations given for the 

occurrence of any tragedy in an individual's or family's life; these are presented as manifestations of 

the ancestor’s wrath because of certain rituals or customs being disregarded, (Simelane, 2014) writes. 

Jordan (1940) asserts that sickness, famine, and childlessness were all considered to be common 



 
 

7 
 

plagues used by the ancestors to punish the disobedient. This engendered fear, or, for want of a better 

term, ‘reverence’, by emphasising the need of following rituals precisely. 

“The Xhosa people have been and continue to be in a state of transition, having been exposed to the 

influence of Westernisation in all its forms”, writes (Neethling 2005, p.55). Traditional naming 

practices have been significantly influenced by Western education, both in terms of people's names 

and geographic features. As a result of the adoption of European naming practices, the old naming 

tradition has almost been eradicated. 

According to Zeka (1992), Yintoni ebubuhedeni ekuthini umntwana nguMfundo, nguNtsikelelo, 

nguLelo? yintoni ebubuKristu umntana xa ethiywa ngokuba nguBenny, nguJames, nguCharlie? 

(What distinguishes Mfundo, Ntsikelelo, and Lelo as heathen names? And what is it about Benny, 

James, and Charlie that is so Christian?). According to Zeka (1992), the original language does not 

influence the meanings of names but is considered when assessing if a given name is Christian or not. 

The language of powerful colonial officials and European missionaries was English, which functioned 

as the master code (Tisani, 2000). 

The elders used proverbs to name their children and to assist them in adhering to social norms and 

values. Proverbial and linguistic names are among the IsiXhosa names originating from oral literature. 

The meaning embedded in Xhosa names is analysed to acquire a better understanding of the role and 

influence of traditional culture on the isiXhosa naming process. 

1.3 Research Problem 

The problem is that for the Xhosa people the meaning of a name is more important than its 

pronunciation, length, or attraction and English parents prioritize aesthetics and personal preferences 

when it comes to naming their children. According to (Simelane, 2014), most Xhosa personal names 

were meaningful when given to a newborn child or at various rites of passage, such as bridal names, 

initiatory names, or even societal nicknames. Certain scholars uncovered an odd connection between 

a person's name and identity (Fromm, 1995). They further assert that people with similar names share 

similar characteristics. according to Turner (2001), theorizes that a person's name might influence 

their potential to achieve. The purpose of this study is to determine whether the linguistic and 

descriptive meanings of names influence individual identities in the Xhosa society. 



 
 

8 
 

1.4 Research Aim 

The study aims to establish whether the identities of individuals are influenced by the linguistic and 

descriptive meaning of personal names in the Xhosa society. 

1.5 Objectives 

• To investigate whether the identities of individuals are influenced by the linguistic and 

descriptive meaning of personal names in the Xhosa society. 

•  To examine if individuals with the same name turn out to have similar identities (morals, 

values, etc.). 

• To examine if the meaning of a name affects one’s life. 

• To investigate whether children grow up to understand the meaning their names carry and the 

role they are supposed to play in society, or the family based on the meaning of their names. 

1.6 Research Questions 

• How are the identities of individuals influenced by the linguistic and descriptive meaning of 

personal names in the Xhosa society?  

• What are the chances of individuals with the same name having similar identities in the Xhosa 

society? 

• How does the meaning of a name affect one’s life in the Xhosa society? 

• To what extent do children grow up to understand the meaning their names carry and the role 

they are supposed to play in society, or the family based on the meaning of their names? 

 

1.7 Research Hypothesis 

The purpose of this study is to determine the influence of linguistic and descriptive meaning of 

personal names on an individual's identity in Xhosa society. According to Pfukwa (2007), naming 

and renaming become means of asserting and rewriting one’s identity. Naming someone is both a 

declaration of freedom from the wider social authority and a statement of personal preference on one's 

identity. According to Zungu (2020), the name bestowal is a symbolic agreement between society and 

the person. On one hand, by conferring the name, society validates the individual's existence while 

also admitting its obligations to the name-bearer. The child's name distinguishes him or her from 

others; as a result, society may identify and deal with the child as an individual with unique needs and 

feelings. Through the name, the individual becomes a part of the society's history, and his or her acts 

become distinct from those of others. 



 
 

9 
 

According to Akinnaso (1980), the fundamental purpose of individual naming in all cultures is to 

provide a symbolic system for individual identification; this symbolic system is typically historically 

constructed, socially maintained, and based on shared assumptions and expectations among members 

of a particular community. Magini (2010) asserts that all Xhosa names have meaning; parents name 

their children with special intent; each name tells a narrative. Magini (2010) continues by stating that 

one can determine if the parents are religious by looking at their names, which include Nobandla 

(congregation) and Kholekile (faith), as well as the family responsibilities they perform, which include 

Phelo (last born), Aphelele (many boys in the family meaning that is enough). Meyiwa (2014), on the 

other hand, takes a contrary position because she realized through her research of Zulu herbalists’ 

names that not all names have meaning and that some are meaningless. The purpose of this study is 

to determine whether the linguistic and descriptive meanings of individuals' names influence their 

identities in Xhosa society. 

1.8 Background and contextualisation 

Typically, African names have a literal meaning and a tale attached to them. Through the meaning of 

a name, individuals can convey information about their family’s history. African names, according to 

Obeng (2001), are critical conduits for discussing African societies. They serve a variety of purposes, 

including depicting human relationships, social roles, pointing to the hopes, dreams, and aspirations 

of name users (name-givers and name-bearers), and depicting African perceptions of cosmic elements 

such as the sun, moon, wind, and rain, among others. African names may convey not just geographical 

origins, but also people’s anxieties, religious beliefs, life, and death philosophy. At the time of birth, 

the child's name may convey information about major cultural or socio-political events. 

Naming practices are important to Xhosa people because they represent their everyday cultural values 

and traditions. According to Mandende (2009), preliterate societies used personal names to record 

significant occurrences. “Names have a particular meaning, and parents, relatives, and well-wishers 

exercise extreme caution when naming their children or an individual”, (Madubuike, 1976, pp.13-14) 

adds. Therefore, names are more than simply labels that individuals bear. Names have a considerable 

lot of societal weight. The Xhosa people are well-known for their oral tradition. 

Oral tradition is a tradition of cultural transmission that occurs verbally between generations 

(Finnegan, 1970). The messages or testimonies are orally delivered by speech or song and may take 

the shape of folktales, proverbs, ballads, songs, or chants. Naming practices are ingrained in the 



 
 

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isiXhosa cultural system and are a vital aspect of oral tradition. In his research of the meaning of 

personal names, Kimeyi (1989) revealed that, like oral literature, personal names are important 

resources in ethnography, ethnology, and ethnohistory. When names from cultures without written 

records are investigated, they can assist scholars in reconstructing people's cultural and historical 

history, much like oral literature (myths, legends, folktales, and proverbs) can. As such, the purpose 

of this study is to ascertain if IsiXhosa’s names generated from oral literature influence an individual's 

personality. 

Africans choose names according to their social status, mental condition, position, and birth 

circumstances. People must perceive the world through the eyes of the name-giver, from their 

perspective, and with the same intensity with which the name-giver sees the injustices mirrored in 

that name. According to Obeng (2001, p.5), “name bearers thereby operate as conduits for the 

messages contained in their names to be transferred from sources to their destinations”. As a result, 

the bearer of a given name serves as a fictional epicentre or addressee. Okpewho (1992) discovered 

that in many traditional African societies, elders, particularly men, were considered more qualified 

than members of other societies to identify and use proverbs for their children. Their age and 

experience were considered adequate to enable them to appreciate the full meaning of proverbial 

wisdom and child naming. As a result, they were able to impart their wisdom to younger members of 

society (Mpungose, 2010). 

Thus, African names are ingrained in sociocultural discourse and are intrinsically related to the life 

of name-bearers. They contextualize meaning within local socio-cultural and communication 

contexts, and to comprehend or provide context-sensitive interpretations for them, one must consider 

the world view of the name-giver, as well as the world views of the other discourse participants and 

the larger community. Naming your child is extremely important in African culture. Numerous 

variables influence the choice of a name. According to Chuks-Orji, (1972, p.77), 

“The naming of a child, then, has as its purpose the recognition of a new personal presence 

incarnates within the community. The ceremonies and customs associated with birth lead the 

child normally and naturally to his absorption into the community in which he will ultimately, 

as an adult, find his fulfilment through his active functioning in the total society”. 

 



 
 

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Chuks-Orji (1972, p.86) emphasizes that “a name is not only an identifying tag in the African 

tradition, now as it was yesterday. It is a record of family and community history, a distinct personal 

reference, an indication of the present status and an enunciated promise of future accomplishment”. 

Traditionally, the Xhosa children were taught how to behave through stories with life lessons. The 

Xhosa family gathered around the fire after the day's work, and the young children waited with bated 

breath. However, the elders eventually began telling stories with the opening sentence. Kwathi ke 

kaloku ngantsomi (It occurred in a magnificent narrative...), pausing in the midst to extinguish the 

flames, then resuming. Meaningful character names, melodies, proverbs, and poetry were included in 

the narrative. uMakhulu (grandmother) was frequently the storyteller. Riddling relates to children as 

an activity but suggesting and expounding on child naming is associated with elders, particularly men. 

The elders chose the children's names, and they typically chose meaningful ones. 

Giddens (1997) defines education as the process by which information is transmitted directly from 

one generation to the next. While education happens in all societies, it is not until the modern age that 

it takes the shape of school education, a structured educational setting in which individuals spend 

years of their life. According to several studies, traditional oral teaching was pragmatic and informal, 

since children watched adults' behaviour or told stories with life lessons. Additionally, formal 

education was available through rites of passage and oral folklore instruction. 

The end of oral traditions and verbal art is believed to have been exacerbated by European settlers in 

the 18th century, who brought a new formal educational system that focused on reading. As the system 

became outmoded, traditional names, as well as traditional culture, values, and morality, were swiftly 

abandoned. Numerous African names were omitted to remain marketable in the colonial labour 

market. Since the development of new channels of communication, such as the media, culture has 

altered swiftly. 

Each society has its own set of rules and values for raising children. There were, nevertheless, 

substantial disparities in each homestead's values and practices. According to Zeka (1992), the child 

was pulled into the society from the day he or she was born, riding on the back of his or her mother 

about the homestead, and was subsequently left in the care of older children. As girls got older, they 

were taught conventional social behaviour standards. As the proverb Amathole alandela oonina (The 

calves follow their mothers) indicates, females learn through imitating and modelling their behaviour 

after those around them. Additionally, as the English proverb states, like father, like son. 



 
 

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According to Bosch and De Klerk (1995) in their article Naming in two cultures: English and Xhosa 

practices, the meaning of a personal name is more important to Xhosa parents, whereas English 

parents prefer names chosen for their aesthetic appeal or personal whim. The above proves 

unequivocally that Xhosa parents place importance on the meaning of a name than on its 

pronunciation, length, or appeal. 

By the late twentieth century, according to Makgamatha (1998) individuals started recovering their 

African names and labelling their European names as slavery badges. The resurrection of historic 

naming practices requires a greater awareness of their roots as well as the usage of linguistic and 

descriptive names in the current day. As a result, this study's objective is to improve our knowledge 

of Xhosa names. 

1.9 Conclusion 

In African societies, naming practices are impacted by a range of sociocultural influences. As a result, 

language and culture exert a strong influence on naming. “It's critical to note that isiXhosa names 

have two distinct meanings: the surface (linguistic) meaning and the underlying (descriptive) 

meaning” (Batoma, 2009, p.18). As the instance of Sipho demonstrates, names in the linguistic 

category convey a simple meaning that is contingent on the name's exact linguistic definition as an 

ordinary word in the language. No one provides a name arbitrarily, and no name exists without an 

explanation or justification, according to AmaXhosa. As a result, they place a premium on the 

meaning of their given names. 

Xhosa speakers are South Africa's second-biggest language group. Simelane (2014) asserts that most 

Xhosa personal names are important when given to a newborn or at different rites of passage, 

including bridal names, initiate names, or even societal nicknames. Certain researchers noticed an 

odd link between a person's given name and their identity (Fromm, 1995). They further assert that 

individuals with identical names share similar characteristics. The purpose of this study is to discover 

if the linguistic and descriptive meanings of individuals' names influence their identities in Xhosa 

society. 

 

 



 
 

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Chapter 2: Literature Review 
  

2.1 Introduction 

African names, according to Madubuike (1976), are given in the hope that the children will follow 

their names. Parents, for example, can name their child Mpumelelo (prosper) because they want him 

to succeed in life. “Some people say there is nothing in a name”, writes (Madubuike, 1976, p.7). This 

is a blatantly false statement. It's difficult to think of anything one can do nowadays that doesn't 

involve the use of a name. A man without a name is a man without anything in our modern society, 

with its strong economic structure. People, organizational groups, and various types of businesses are 

all identified by one or more names. Names are used to identify countries, towns, cities, and villages. 

Names are used to project an individual’s identity and reveal the family’s social affiliation. Name-

bearers’ identities give them a place in society and connect them to the society in which they live. “A 

name is a social peg; it expresses a cultural or social perspective of the name of the owner of the 

name”, writes (Pfukwa and Barnes, 2007, pp.98-9). Naming and renaming become a process of 

claiming and rewriting one’s identity. Naming oneself is both a declaration of freedom from the wider 

societal authority and a statement of personal identity. 

According to Chuks-Orji (1972), once a child is named, he or she is considered a person. The 

individual role, according to social identity theorists, is subsumed under the idea of group role because 

people identify themselves in terms of their social group membership and enact roles as part of their 

acceptance of the normative expectations of in-group members (Turner, 2001). According to Joseph 

(2004, p.46), “group identities, particularly national and ethnic identities, serve a beneficial purpose 

by providing people with a sense of who they are and their place in a community, without which they 

might experience a sense of alienation with devastating results”. 

Numerous scholars have examined Xhosa’s names and culture in general, including (Jordan, 1940), 

(Mesatywa, 1954), (Opland, 1983), (Ntshinga, 1995), (Bosch and De Klerk, 1995), and, more 

recently, (Neethling, 2003; 2005; 2007), but little research has been conducted on the linguistic or 

descriptive meaning of Xhosa names. 

The review of the literature is organized around five primary themes. The review begins with a 

comparison between Euro-western naming and African naming, followed by an examination of the 

relevance of meaning in African names. Child-naming activity among AmaXhosa, to offer a 



 
 

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straightforward examination of Xhosa naming practices beginning with the child’s birth. It is 

interested in the sociocultural, historical, and symbolic meanings of names. It explores bridal naming 

in kwaXhosa as a reflection of a new identity and graduate-initiate naming. Then it delves into the 

veneration of ancestors in personal names.  

The cultural value of Xhosa names may be viewed through two lenses: their literal or symbolic 

meanings and what they reveal about people’s history and culture. Due to the cultural connotations 

of proper names, it is critical to incorporate cultural knowledge into research on names and naming 

practices. 

2.2.2 Euro-western naming and African naming. 

According to Nicolaisen (1976, p.154), “in Europe and societies descended from Europe, few parents 

name their children because they recognize the lexical meaning of the name and believe it is 

appropriate”. Despite numerous books on how to name your baby, it is doubtful that there are many 

‘Peters’, ‘Rachel’, and ‘David’ around who were named as “pearls”, “high goddesses”, or “resolution 

helmets”. “The criterion most frequently used to differentiate African and Western names is their 

meaning”, (Herbert and Bogatsu, 2001, p.3) write. African names are meaningful, and African-

speaking people can identify that meaning. On the other hand, Western names are virtually 

meaningless to current speakers. Many people have a deep dislike for English names due to their 

apparent meaninglessness. 

Euro-western names have little or no linguistic meaning for the great majority of Africans. According 

to Egejuru (1993), he was given the name John at baptism, but everyone called him Jiwudu, his birth 

name. Except for Christians familiar with the narrative of John the Baptist, no one understood what 

it meant. John’s lexical meaning is distinct from his onomastic meaning. The associative meaning, 

which is distinct from the lexical meaning, refers to the connotations associated with a particular 

name. Since most Euro-western names have lost their lexical meaning, these names frequently carry 

associated connotations. For some people, some Euro-western names have meaning, yet are 

semantically ambiguous for others. The name’s meaning is determined by the individual's knowledge. 

For instance, the biblical name Mary relates to Jesus’s mother. Christian parents are more likely to 

understand this connection and appropriately name their children. As previously stated, lexical and 

dictionary meanings are interchangeable. According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary, the meaning 

of Peter is a typical American citizen. In Europe and the West, certain names have no lexical or 



 
 

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associated meaning. This is because some of these names originate from extinct languages rather than 

from English. When a language dies or evolves, the incoming language either retains its names or 

adapts them phonologically (Egejuri, 1993). 

Certain Euro-western names given to Africans are purely onomastic; for example, a parent may name 

his child Johnathan without being aware of the name's lexical or connected implications. To many 

Africans, Euro-western names have minimal lexical meaning, if any since they acquire onomastic 

meaning only when employed in meaning to a person. 

Most Africans are familiar with names that have been translated straight from African languages to 

Euro-western languages. Euro-people seldom give these names to their children. Among these names 

are Hope, Goodness, Magnificence, and Wiseman. These are African names, not Euro-western ones. 

These names may have developed because of parents who were dissatisfied with the meaning of most 

Euro-western names and sought to give their children names not originating from African languages. 

As previously said, children’s names are influenced by the status of society. When these names 

(directly translated from African languages) were provided, most schools required scholars to have a 

Euro-wester. These names illustrate an era of African naming innovation. Additionally, they indicate 

changes in traditional African societies, African blending of Euro-western and African languages, and 

how Africans exploited this blending to develop their naming patterns. For the sake of clarity and 

differentiation, these names shall be referred to as Afro-western names in this study. Mbongeni (Zulu) 

is thankful, Nobuhle (Isixhosa) is beautiful, and Kamogelo (Sotho) is accepted. On the surface, these 

names appear to be Euro-western, however, they are pure African names translated into English. 

According to Golele (1993, p.85), “names in Africa reflect the society or community in which they 

are found”. In Euro-Western names don’t necessarily reflect the community in which they are found. 

African names can occur in a variety of contexts, including social, economic, political, and legal 

situations. The names of the children in a particular family can be used to learn about the family’s 

historical events. For example, if a boy is named Phelo (last born), the language speaker (the origin 

of the name) understands that the boy is the last born in that family. Kurhula (to be quiet) is a Tsonga 

name and suggests that the child’s birth was uneasy, so the name was given to him. The Tswana name 

Thakgatso (happiness) implies that the family was happy that the child was born. As a result, the child 

was given this name because she provides happiness to her parents. 



 
 

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2.2.3 Importance of meaning in African names. 

Individuals’ names are widely used to identify, and their semantic content should not be overlooked. 

In his investigation of personal names, (Jordan, 1940) discovered that names perform numerous tasks. 

Personal names, from the perspective of the name-giver, may hold considerable importance and 

reflect the giver's psychological and social background. 

According to Neethling (2007), the ‘meaningfulness’ of African names is a well-known characteristic 

of such names. This is especially true for Xhosa and Zulu names. Nothing may be called without an 

explanation or rationale, according to AmaXhosa and Zulus. As a result, people value the importance 

of their given names highly. According to De Klerk (1999), naming in Western English societies is 

primarily a system of reference rather than symbolisation, and the given name is usually meaningless, 

bearing no logical relationship to the individual to whom it refers. 

According to the research of Xhosa names, their meanings are often straightforward and 

approachable, with intricate facts about their bearers usually offered. They corroborate (Neethling, 

2005) results on naming in the Xhosa society. Neethling (2005) concurs that the meaning is typically 

straightforward and comprehensible. He draws broad generalizations from the structure of many word 

categories that make up Xhosa names. He demonstrates his claim by examining the lexical meaning 

and linguistic structure of his Xhosa first name. (Neethling, 2005, p.23): 

“Most Xhosa first names are gender-specific and are often morphologically marked as such. 

Xhosa names are frequently distinguished by markers that indicate whether the name is male or 

female. As a result, having female counterparts for males or vice versa is very common. As a male 

name, Nyaniso (truth) may have a female counterpart, Nonyaniso (truth), which is distinguished 

by the marker No-”.  

The term ‘lexical meaning’ relates to the core meaning of the components of a name. The word 

‘literal meaning’ is another way of saying ‘literary meaning’ (Louwrens, 1993). The lexical meaning 

of a name is concerned with the word's initial meaning before it became a name: it is still viewed as 

a pure linguistic element capable of being subjected to linguistic analysis (Louwrens 1993). 

It is critical to remember that the meaning of Xhosa names may be classified into two categories: 

surface (linguistic) meaning and underlying (descriptive) meaning (Batoma,2009). As seen above 

with Nonyaniso, linguistic names have a straightforward meaning derived from the name's literal 

linguistic definition as a popular phrase in the language. 



 
 

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There will be an examination of both surface and underlying names. The underlying names commonly 

contain metaphors and figurative phrases that may need the activation of distant reference connections 

(oral literature) and alternative interpretations to discern their associated meanings; otherwise, they 

are semantically opaque. On the other hand, modern personal names contain meanings that are either 

intuitive or semantically clear. This is because most personal names are derived from descriptive 

common names in oral or written form that have a linguistically accessible or traceable meaning. 

According to Kimeyi (1989), a name’s linguistic meaning might be confusing for the following 

reasons: A name may be a loanword, or a word taken from another language; it may originate in a 

secret language, be the genesis of a dialect, or be the consequence of linguistic evolution. 

2.2.4 Child-naming activity amongst AmaXhosa 

Traditionally, naming a child did not need complex rituals or a specified time. It may take days or 

weeks to acquire a name. Particularly with a child born away from the paternal household as a 

firstborn (Zeka, 1992). The child's birth name must be his or her first name, followed by additional 

transitional names at a later period. The Xhosa people, in general, continue to acquire names 

throughout their lifetimes as a signal of significant life changes referred to as ‘rites of passage’. As 

with Western parents, Xhosa parents are expected to name their children at birth to meet contemporary 

birth registration standards. Although registered names are the names that appear on all official 

papers, such as school reports and hospital cards, Xhosa parents continue to place importance on 

meaning when naming their children. 

Numerous criteria were considered while naming Xhosa children. Neethling (2007: p.3) “finds seven 

distinct naming categories in his analysis, including expectations/aspirations, thankfulness to 

God/ancestors, family composition/extension, circumstances surrounding birth, death, survival, and 

consolation, commemorative names, and derogatory/negative names”. Dickens (1985), who studied 

Zulu personal names, suggests that the following patterns should be followed when choosing personal 

names in Zulu society: a synoptic history of the child's birth circumstances; the emotions associated 

with the birth; the family's attitude toward the birth; the location of the child's birth; his/her position 

in the family; the time the child was born; the parents' spiritual attitudes; the child's appearance at 

birth; and the parent’s wishes for the child. 

This illustrates that personal name studies have historically been essentially lexicographic exercises; 

that is, academics of personal names have been primarily concerned with the spelling and origin of 



 
 

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names. While most scholars agree that names are culturally significant and reveal information about 

the thoughts, feelings, and events surrounding a child's birth, little research has been conducted to 

determine whether the linguistic or descriptive meaning of Xhosa names influences an individual 

identity. 

2.2.5 Socio-cultural significance of names 

According to Raper (1983), certain cultures place a higher premium on name significance and 

meaning than others. Names can have mystical meanings in societies with a unified cultural 

framework, such as Jewish, Greek, Roman, Indian, Asian, and African societies. The biblical allusions 

reflect a Jewish tradition of naming children according to their birth circumstances. Biblical names 

such as Isaac, Joseph, Jacob, and Lazarus all have a ritual, cultural, and historical connotations that 

influence how people live and act in their times. “Jabez was more revered than his brothers, and his 

mother called him Jabez because of the sadness she bore him”, (King James Bible, 1 Chronicles 4:9). 

 

Given that culture is believed to account for between 25% and 50% of our fundamental values, this 

relationship between personal names and culture is significant (for such estimates, see Haire, 1966). 

Additionally, personal names can disclose information about a culture's values, worldview, and 

methods of knowledge and education transfer. Names, as well as their meanings, are extremely 

important in the Xhosa culture because they convey information about people's interactions with their 

culture and other people, expressing wish fulfilment and the attitude of the name-giver. 

 

Elders were viewed as cultural caretakers, reinforcing similar values through oral art like proverbs 

and idioms. As a result, personal names descended from oral traditions were intricately tied to 

individuals' culture and belief systems. If the bearer of the name lived up to the name, he or she 

received the honour. The Xhosa people, according to Neethling (2003), were fond of saying 

Ulilandele igama lakhe (He followed his name) when a child behaves according to the bestowed 

name.  As a result, it was thought that following your name (ukulandela igama) was the fulfilment of 

fate. 

 

2.2.6 Historical significance of names 

African people’s given names function as a medium of communication and a record of historical 

occurrences. According to Musere (1999), personal names serve as historical recollections of events 



 
 

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that occurred at the time of the child’s birth and are used to pass on societal standards to children. In 

most traditional African societies, personal names have developed into short stories. Mandende 

(2009) revealed that Africans were conscious of their environment and wanted to document it through 

personal names. African traditional people used names to keep track of significant events in their 

history and daily lives. According to Batoma (2006) events, especially historical events, are related 

to time and place. This integration of time and space is enabled by human beings being assigned a 

name that acts as a visual representation of the event's words. This circumstance involves an active 

interpretation of the name on the part of the historian, as well as the reconstruction of oral histories. 

 

 The moon was meticulously examined and tracked as a fundamental indicator of time and seasons. 

Pregnant women used the moon to calculate their due date. Names can serve as a record of major 

events in a family's history, such as their excitement at having a boy and subsequently a girl, their 

aspirations to continue the family line, marital difficulties, the mother's unpleasant pregnancy, and 

the arrival of a child later in life. 

 

2.2.7 Symbolic significance of names 

Historically, Africans have used language symbolically to convey profound meaning and conceal 

critical secrets. Though most of the isiXhosa names have become self-explanatory over time, oral 

tradition has preserved most traditional names. Batoma (2006, p.2) claims that, 

“The linguistic meaning of a name does not encompass the entire meaning of that name, 

because language signs are infused with symbolic meanings that speaking societies associate 

with events and their experiences with these events. At the symbolic level, names are a 

collection of signs used by members of the society to engage in verbal acts”. 

 

According to Batoma (2006), the link between symbolic aspects and linguistic of onomastic 

meaning is complicated, and its precise nature varies according to the onomastic tradition under study. 

These two elements are mutually reinforcing in most African cultures. 

Names with hidden meanings are proverbial names. Proverbs are a form of symbolic language. 

African people are known for their proverbial profusion and proverbial names. In comparison to 

Western means of communication, African language communication, as shown by Xhosa culture, is 



 
 

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extremely metaphorical. When giving proverbial names, no regard was made for structure, length, 

alphabetical position, or parenthesis; none of these linguistic considerations was made. Isolenkosi (the 

chief's eye) demonstrates that they are not monosyllabic terms, but rather shorter names of larger 

phrases designed to communicate deeper meanings and comments on socio-cultural concerns. 

The cultural meaning of the proverbial name may be completely appreciated only when its cultural, 

semiotic, and historical connotations are considered. Rather than a base term, their meaning is derived 

from their cultural story. While the bulk of Xhosa names are gender particular, proverbial names are 

not technically gendered restrictive, they do represent cultural idealistic gender requirements. The 

metaphor in the names alludes to a certain sociocultural viewpoint. For example, during the conflict, 

only men of the Xhosa tribe fought, while women and children sought refuge in the forest. As a result, 

the name of a male child would relate to the battle, as opposed to the name of a female child, which 

would be associated with flowers, a sign of beauty. Understanding the patriarchal system or cultural 

standards may thus assist in establishing the gender of a name that is not morphologically defined. 

When naming their children, Xhosa parents place importance on meaning, whether linguistic or 

descriptive. 

2.2.8 Bridal naming kwaXhosa reflecting new identity. 

According to Zungu and Maphini (2019), the bride’s re-naming represents a new stage and change in 

her life. It represents family acceptance. In Xhosa societies, renaming a bride does not mean that the 

previous name is no longer used. The new name is used in cultural ceremonies and within society, 

but the old name is still used on official documents. As a result, the use of the new name represents 

mutual respect between the bride and her in-laws. Calling brides by their original names, according 

to the Xhosa people, is a sign of disdain for the bride and suggests the caller's illicit intentions toward 

the bride. In African cultures, it is customary to avoid using a bride’s name. The re-naming ceremony, 

which includes the sacrifice of goats, is used to introduce brides to the ancestral spirits of their new 

home. When a woman remarries someone else, she is given a new name from the new family and the 

ancestors must be notified that a new member has joined the family. 

When a bride's husband passes away then her husband's brother assumes control, the bride is not 

renamed (a practice known as ukungena). Ukungena happens when a man marries a widow after 

moving into the home of his deceased brother or cousin. When a husband dies, his brother is 

responsible for all the husband’s responsibilities, including caring for his late brother's wives and 



 
 

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children. According to Brown (1956), when a spouse dies and an approved relative remarries the 

widow and children, the approved relative fathers’ additional children for the deceased man. Ilobola 

is not compensated by the pro-husband. In most African societies, death does not usually mark the 

end of a marriage. The payment of lobola and the slaughter of the goat to welcome the wife into the 

groom's family cements the surviving spouse's relationship with their in-laws forever.  

In African society, marriage is a lifelong commitment for a bride. When a woman marries, she 

becomes part of her husband's family, which she remains until her death. This name represents the 

name-giver's desires for the name-bearer. In the Xhosa renaming of abatshakazi (brides), name-givers 

want brides to behave according to their newly acquired names. When a family member names a child 

in many African societies, the name symbolizes events that occurred during or shortly after the child's 

birth; this also occurs when the bride joins the family. The older women have a cultural duty to rename 

the bride considering the homestead’s circumstances and current position. Additionally, they 

communicate their expectations of the umtshakazi (brides), as well as the function they are expected 

to play by the culture, through the name given to them (Zungu, 2019). 

Bridal naming is still a common practice kwaXhosa. The new name is referred to as igama lasemzini 

(name of the marital homestead), while the old name is referred to as igama lasekhaya (name of the 

bride's maiden home). When a bride arrives at her in-laws' home for the first time, her relatives, 

particularly older women, would be present to greet her and teach her new name, the rules of her new 

home, and how to behave like a proper Xhosa bride. The renaming of Xhosa brides remains unaffected 

by cultural evolution, modernisation, or time (Zungu, 2019). The bride's name is said to have been 

given to mould her life and values into those of the umzi (marital homestead). The bride’s new identity 

is regarded as a guiding principle that will help her perform her duties in her marital homestead. 

2.2.9 Naming of graduate-initiates reflecting new identity.  

Initiation rituals are activities held in a community to commemorate the start of a new phase in an 

individual’s life (Davies, 1994). He continues by stating that the initiation ritual involves people 

transitioning from one social position to another. Such transitions may include the shift from 

adolescence to adulthood. Additionally, Birx (2006) asserts that rites of passage are used to 

commemorate the movement of people from one life stage to the next and that these rights reflect 

changes in individuals' lives while validating their identity and standing in the community. While 

Ntombana (2009) concurs with the preceding writers, he adds that Xhosa initiation is a rite of passage 



 
 

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with a significant educational component that does not exist in isolation but helps all Xhosa social 

systems.  

Being a graduate-initiate (ikrwala) is an important stage in the Xhosa initiation ritual. According to 

Cox (1998), this is the stage at which an initiate is introduced to society with a new position, a new 

name, new clothing, and new rights and responsibilities. Turner (1967) assumes that these people 

(amakrwala) are adults who must adhere to certain customary and ethical standards. Shaw (1997) 

states that when Xhosa initiates return home from initiation school, they undergo a six-month 

procedure during which elders teach them masculine rituals. During this phase, the Xhosa graduate- 

initiates are referred to as amakrwala. 

Their new name refers to one of the concerns highlighted by Cox (1998) as defining amakrwala. This 

new name indicates a new sense of self-worth and a new degree of accountability within society. Most 

African people think that a person’s name and the names of his or her family influence their lives 

(Neethling, 2007). According to Akinnaso (1980), the fundamental goal of a name is to provide all 

cultures with a symbolic system of personal identity. 

2.2.10 Ancestral veneration in the personal names. 

African people regard their ancestors as guardian angels because they are close to God. They are 

believed to be capable of rewarding suitable behaviour and chastising those who do not behave 

appropriately (Ngidi,2012). According to Bhengu (1975), names bind people to their living relatives 

and ancestors. As a result, maintaining this bond with the ancestors is vital. According to Ngidi 

(2012), personal names serve as a barrier to insulting the ancestors. When vengeance is not an option, 

choosing a name to show your anger is a simple solution. Between family members and the rest of 

society, names serve as a medium of communication. 

Zungu (2019) asserts that the ancestors are a feature of existence in Africa. Their truth and existence 

have not been questioned, and they continue to influence people on Earth, for better or worse. 

Therefore, the forefathers remain an integral part of contemporary society. According to Ngidi (2012), 

the names of children in polygynous households represent the link between the living and the 

deceased. This relationship must be preserved at all costs to ensure the calm of the household. 

Polygynous names are meant to prevent conflict between opposing people, for example, the name 

Yekezakhe (not worried about her affairs). This name was given to a boy whose mother thought her 

co-wife was more interested in what was happening in her house. In polygynous households, names 



 
 

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serve as an indirect remark or reaction to socio-cultural events occurring in the society at the time of 

the bearer's birth (Ngidi,2012). Consider the name Fikelephi (how did she get there?). This name was 

given to a girl by her mother, who was anxious about her child being born into an unhealthy 

homestead. 

2.3 Rationale 

My work contributes to the academic literature on Xhosa personal names and naming practices by 

addressing a knowledge gap. In Xhosa society names are believed to influence the bearer's identity, 

but little research has been conducted to demonstrate this, and my study will fill that gap. When Xhosa 

people give a child a name, they hope that the child will one day demonstrate a specific character 

quality and that the child would grow up respecting his or her parent’s desires and expectations. When 

this occurs, the amaXhosa speak the phrase ulilandele igama lakhe, which translates as he followed 

his name. According to AmaXhosa, a person’s name has a tremendous influence on their general 

lifestyle and life chances. Despite the sociocultural importance of naming in Xhosa society, a little 

sociological study has been undertaken on the influence of linguistic and descriptive meaning 

of personal names on individual identity in Xhosa society. In her study, Simelane focused exclusively 

on the sociocultural implications of Xhosa proverbial names. 

In South Africa, onomastics is a relatively recent discipline of study. South Africa's apartheid regime 

came to an end in 1994, bringing with it a slew of socio-political developments. Recent naming and 

entity renaming are instances of these shifts but amaXhosa have always placed importance on 

meaning when it comes to naming. In Xhosa society, names are considered seriously due to their 

socio-cultural significance. The study’s objective is to educate people about Xhosa naming and 

determine whether a name’s meaning has an influence on one’s life in the Xhosa society. 

2.4 Conclusion 

The review of literature is divided into five categories. The review begins with a comparison between 

Euro-western and African naming, followed by an examination of the relevance of meaning in African 

names. Child-naming activity among AmaXhosa, to offer a straightforward examination of Xhosa 

naming, practices beginning with the child's birth. It examines the sociological, historical, and 

metaphorical value of names. It looks at bridal naming kwaXhosa as a reflection of a new identity 

and graduate-initiate naming as a reflection of a new identity. Then it delves into the veneration of 

ancestors in personal names. 



 
 

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For the bulk of Africans, Euro-western names have little or no lexical meaning. According to 

Neethling (2007), the meaningfulness of African names is a well-known characteristic of such names. 

This is particularly true when it comes to Xhosa names. Numerous things were considered when 

naming a Xhosa child. In his research, Neethling (2007) denotes seven distinct naming categories: 

expectations/aspirations; thanks to God/ancestors; family composition/extension; birth conditions; 

death, survival, and consolation; commemorative names; and derogatory/negative names. Dickens 

(1985), who studied Zulu personal names, suggests that when personal names are chosen in Zulu 

society, the following patterns emerge: a synoptic history of the child's birth circumstances; the 

emotions associated with the birth; the family's attitude toward the birth; the location of the child's 

birth; the child's position in the family; the time of the child's birth; the parents' spiritual attitudes; the 

child's appearance at birth; the parents' wishes for the child. According to Raper (1983), certain 

cultures place a higher premium on the importance and meaning of names than others. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



 
 

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Chapter 3: Theoretical framework, Research design, Research 

methodology, and Pragmatic meaning. 

 

3.1 Introduction  

This chapter details the research design and methodology used to examine the influence of linguistic 

and descriptive meanings of personal names in the Xhosa society. It discusses both the research design 

and the data collection method, which is through interview questions. It also discusses the theoretical 

framework that serves as the foundation for the research. The primary method was used. Kothari 

(1985) defined primary data as those that are obtained for the first time and hence possess a unique 

identity. On the other hand, secondary data are those that have already been gathered and statistically 

analysed by another party. 

A desk research study was done to determine the influence of linguistic and descriptive meaning of 

personal names in the Xhosa society. The study's fieldwork took place in the Eastern Cape, in rural 

areas of uGatyane (Willowvale). 

3.2 Theoretical framework 

This study employed a sociocultural approach and social identity theory. Social identity, according to 

social identity theorists, is a person’s consciousness of his or her membership in a social category or 

group (Hogg, 1988). A social group is defined as a collection of people who have a shared social 

identity or who perceive themselves to be members of the same social category (Stets, 2000). As 

(Hogg, 1988) notes, social categories are ways in which people understand their membership in a 

structured society. According to McCalls and Simmons (1978), naming incorporates everything else 

in identity theory. 

According to a central tenet of social identity theory, individuals are inherently driven to establish 

positive uniqueness. In other words, individuals aim for a good self-concept. Individuals’ social 

identities (as described by the interpersonal-intergroup continuum) may define and inform them to 

varying degrees, and it is further deduced from social identity theory that individuals aspire to attain 

or retain a good social identity. Names serve to differentiate people and to identify those who carry 

them. They recognise an individual’s distinctiveness and place him or her within a group. The 

meaning of a name identifies a collection of traits associated with the name; it defines the name’s 

origins, bearer's behaviour, and talents. Everyone’s identity is unique, but names are unique only if 



 
 

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no one else has the same name. A given name gives the bearer a feeling of self-identity in society. 

While identity theory has emphasised the importance of interpersonal interactions within groups, 

social identity theory has emphasised group behaviour and intergroup relations. According to social 

identity theorists, the notion of a role is subsumed under the concept of a group because people 

identify themselves in terms of their social group membership and enact roles as part of their 

acceptance of the normative expectations of ingroup members (Turner, 1982). 

Stets (2000) defines identities as self-perceptions that develop because of self-categorisation or 

identification in terms of membership in distinct groups. Social identification theory is concerned 

with intergroup connections, or how people learn to identify with one group over another (Turner, 

1982). In Xhosa societies, the naming procedure is the same. When it comes to naming, the Xhosa 

people are more concerned with the meaning of a name than with its looks. Xhosa parents may name 

their children in anticipation of them fulfilling a certain function in society or the family. This is a 

deeply embedded idea in traditional societies' thinking. 

The sociocultural method is pertinent since it explains the linguistic and descriptive content of 

personal names about isiXhosa traditional oral literature. Translations beyond the reference (social 

values, beliefs, practices, and culture) are regarded as misleading in the socio-cultural perspective. To 

understand Xhosa’s names, the researcher must be conversant with the cultural context of the child's 

birth. To completely develop social identity theory and the cultural approach, it is crucial to 

acknowledge that the meanings of people’s names frequently form an integral part of their cultural 

history. Personal names convey critical cultural information in preliterate societies such as the Xhosa 

society, where socio-cultural events were commonly documented in oral literature. The Xhosa people 

have always regarded their name meanings to be an integral part of their cultural history, which they 

have passed down through generations assuring the survival of this rich historic, cultural, and 

symbolic heritage. The social identity and sociocultural method will help in determining if personal 

names influence an individual's identity in Xhosa society. 

3.3 Research design 

A qualitative design technique was employed to collect information regarding the meaning of names 

in Xhosa society, as well as other aspects of Xhosa culture. Generally, indigenous knowledge and oral 

literature have been included in name research as interpretive tools. 



 
 

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3.4 Research methodology 

The current study employed a qualitative approach to its investigation. Mokala (2020) thinks that 

qualitative research is necessary for this study since the objective is to comprehend and analyse the 

meanings linked with the Xhosa people's names. Leedy (1993) states that when data is verbal, the 

approach is qualitative, and the emphasis is on humans: interpersonal interactions, personal values, 

meanings, beliefs, ideas, and feelings. A quantitative approach is based on numerical data analysis, 

whereas the qualitative approach presents data in the form of words. 

The objective of the qualitative research approach is to observe phenomena in their natural 

environment to make sense of them in terms of the meaning that people attribute to them. It entails 

no interference or alteration of the environment under study. The researcher examined whether the 

linguistic and descriptive meanings of individuals’ names influenced their identities in Xhosa society. 

Qualitative research can be used to investigate people's experiences or perspectives; in this case, the 

study is conducted without affecting the environment to collect naturally occurring data in a natural 

setting, and the researcher also has no influence on the environment but will observe and interview 

participants. The qualitative research approach is ideal for this study because it examines if the 

meaning of a name has an influence on one's life and to what extent do children grow up to 

understand the meaning of their names or the part they are expected to play in society. 

The data was collected in the rural areas of uGatyane (Willowvale) in the Eastern Cape. During the 

interviews, the covid-19 regulations were observed. To collect participants’ ideas and attitudes, in-

person interviews were conducted. Specifics were requested of the interviewee. The unstructured 

interview resembled a conversation between two people in which the direction is defined by what is 

said and fascinating ideas are explored without the interviewee being aware of the questions that 

would be asked in advance. Pre-prepared questions were used to keep the interview on track. In 

actuality, the entirely unstructured interview proved impracticable because the process's objective was 

to elicit knowledge on a certain subject. The semi-structured interview is a hybrid of unstructured and 

structured interviews in that the researcher is permitted to use broad prompts and may reconstruct or 

clarify the meaning of a question if there is any doubt. If it appears that a question is improper for a 

particular interviewee, it was eliminated. However, the interviewer occasionally introduced additional 

questions to elicit further information. Personal interviews were often realistic since they allow for 

in-depth investigation of themes while maintaining total control of the discussion by the interviewer. 



 
 

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When the study field is still being established, unstructured interviews are more beneficial, but 

structured interviews are usually employed once prior research has been done. Due to the intricacy of 

the topics to be asked, this study relied heavily on unstructured, open-ended interviews. 

The primary rationale for this option is that the area under investigation has not yet been well defined. 

It was agreed early in the study that the phrasing and format of the questions would be carefully 

reviewed to guarantee that each interviewee responded with the same understanding of the subject. 

Additionally, when dealing with oral literature, face-to-face interaction enables the interviewer to 

probe for replies related to the research hypothesis. In answer to the question, the setting permitted 

the employment of nonverbal communication techniques such as hand gestures. Before replying, the 

researcher gave participants sufficient time to gather their views on the subject and then recorded their 

answers. 

3.5 Pragmatic meaning 

Raper (1987) divides pragmatics (or associative) meaning into four categories: connotative, affective 

or emotive, social or stylistic, and phonic associative. Connotative meaning encompasses information 

about the referenced thing. Individual emotions (whether positive or negative) directed at an entity 

give rise to affective or emotional meaning. The four components of a naming system are concerned 

with connotative meaning: a name, a name-bearer, a name-giver, and the context in which names are 

employed. For instance, in a polygynous household, the father named a girl Thangithini (what do you 

want me to say?) since he was unsure how to help while his women were continuously bickering over 

trivial matters. In Xhosa society, the name takes on pragmatic meaning. In Xhosa society, no name 

exists without an explanation or reason. The Xhosa people provide names for blessing statements, as 

well as names for events. The social identity theory postulates a strong connection between society 

and a language that contains names. Within the Xhosa community and society at large, names serve 

as important markers for differentiating one individual from another. 

A proper name, it has been said, is a meaningless mark that we identify with the concept of the item 

in our brains, such that whenever the mark hits our eyes or arises in our thoughts, we recall that object 

(Mill, cited in Gardiner 1940, p.38). According to some linguists, proper names lack meaning since 

the meaning of certain names is not readily apparent. According to Raper (1987), there are several 

possible explanations for why the meaning of names is not always obvious: the name, or a portion of 

it, may be in an unknown language; the name may be so old that the word(s) from which it is derived 



 
 

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is no longer in common use, or the name may have been so greatly adapted (some say corrupted) that 

it is no longer recognisable. 

3.6 Conclusion 

The study's fieldwork took place in the Eastern Cape in rural areas of uGatyane (Willowvale). The 

current study employed a qualitative approach because the objective is to understand and interpret the 

meanings connected with the Xhosa people's given names. The study employed a sociocultural 

perspective and social identity theory. According to social identity theorists, social identity is a 

person’s consciousness of his or her membership in a social category or group. As mentioned in the 

research, the sociocultural method is significant since it offers linguistic and descriptive substance for 

personal names about isiXhosa traditional oral literature. 

During the interviews in rural areas of uGatyane (Willowvale), the covid-19 regulations were 

observed. In-person interviews were done to obtain participants’ ideas and attitudes. Unstructured 

interviews were more beneficial since the study field has not been adequately defined. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



 
 

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Chapter 4: Naming in the Xhosa society as one of the components of 

oral literature. 

 

4.1 Introduction 

The chapter analyses the meanings of Xhosa names, knowledge systems, and modes of thought (as 

documented in Xhosa oral literature), all of which contribute to the corpus of indigenous knowledge 

that informs and organises Xhosa society. For thousands of years, the amaXhosa have had a strong 

oral tradition that has governed how knowledge is delivered throughout Xhosa culture. Numerous 

elements of oral literature serve as historical markers of culture and society. This chapter also 

discusses the relationship between oral literature, descriptive names, and linguistic names. According 

to Mabeqa (1998), the name is a component of oral literature. To provide a culturally relevant 

definition of Xhosa personal names, it is necessary to evaluate isiXhosa names about all its other 

manifestations within a larger Xhosa culture, rather than focusing just on the names themselves. 

The Xhosa people’s history, culture, and customs are depicted in folktales and oral literature. Folklore 

is a word used to refer to a collection of ancient stories and beliefs. All Xhosa oral genres include 

prose narrations (iintsomi), proverbs and idioms (amaqhalo nezaci), riddles (amaqhina), songs 

(iingoma), and praise poetry (izibongo) (Ntshinga, 1995). While African names are an integral part of 

oral art, they are rarely referenced in their components (Mabeqa, 1998). Oral art is means of 

communication that is used to convey and reinforce the cultural, social, and moral values that underpin 

a society's morals, ethos, ideals, culture, direction, perceptions, traditions, and values (Magwaza, 

2004). 

The society’s language for promoting, warning, and condemning its people influences their identities 

and moral value systems. As a result of this mixing process, individuals acquire self-awareness and a 

sense of belonging. As the proverb Amathole alandela oonina (calves emulate their mothers) says, 

children of oral literature gained knowledge by experience. Children learn through observing and 

imitating their parents. Additionally, younger members of the society were exposed to and engaged 

in participatory education through ceremonies, rituals, initiation, recitation, and demonstration. This 

education emphasized proper name usage. In intellectual training, riddles, proverbs, storytelling, and 

narrative relays were all used (Ntshinga, 1995). Additionally, the mythology, culture, and customs of 

the Xhosa people have been studied. This strategy has the benefit of extracting trustworthy data from 

already held beliefs and sensibility. Folklore is an essential, if not important, component of isiXhosa 



 
 

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naming since Xhosa’s names are frequently buried within this body of indigenous wisdom that 

transmits values, cultural beliefs, and rituals, as well as documents historical events. The current 

research emphasises and describes the importance of Xhosa oral literature as a means of transferring 

the meaning of linguistic and descriptive names. 

4.2 Definition of folklore 

Folklore is a type of literature based on oral tradition. It is a form of oral communication. According 

to Hurston (1969), folklore is a form of self-discovery for humans, the earliest creative art in which 

they shape and rationalise the natural laws that surround them. Folklore, as defined by Ben-Amos 

(1971), is a body of knowledge and a kind of art that expresses a particular mode of collective and 

spontaneous cognition. He defines folklore as the potential for oral transmission. AmaXhosa’s 

communication was mostly oral. AmaXhosa’s communication was mostly oral. Oral traditions and 

values, as well as memories of significant events, were passed down from generation to generation. 

According to Neethling (2007, p.1), “every nation or tribe has its folklore...its folktales which attempt 

to explain to the people its past through legends as well as historical traditions... It has its heroes, 

whose glory and worthy acts of valour have been preserved in their eulogies, praises, and blame 

poems, war songs, lullabies...and proverbial expressions”. 

4.3 Oral literature 

The presence of a variety of genres either orally or in writing attests to the richness of Xhosa oral 

literature. Each genre has its distinct style and material. Oral storytelling (iintsomi), songs (iingoma), 

proverbs and idioms (amaqhalo nezaci), riddles (amaqhina), and names (amagama) are some of these 

genres (Ntshinga, 1995). Most of these genres use theatrical aspects such as metaphorical language, 

physical movement, and vocal performances. In contrast to written literature, oral art is widely 

accessible and cannot be independently verified by its producers. Additionally, the term refers to an 

oral literature style. It is critical to remember that a person’s given name serves as a container for 

Xhosa people’s emotions, hopes, concerns, aspirations, views, and experiences. As a result, reading