URBAN CULTURE A Basotho Cultural Centre Ahaka M. Tseki 0209195w A design project submitted to the Faculty of Engineering and Built Environment, University of the Witwatersrand, in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Mater of Architecture (Professional) Declaration This document is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree: Bachelor of Architecture or Master of Architecture [Professional] at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, in the year 2008. I, Ahaka M. Tseki [Student no. 0209195W] am a student registered for the course Master of Architecture [Professional] in the year 2008. I hereby declare the following: I am aware that plagiarism [the use of someone else?s work without permission and/or without acknowledging the original sources] is wrong. I confirm that the work submitted for assessment for the above course is my own unaided work except where I have stated explicitly otherwise. I have followed the required conventions in referencing thoughts, ideas, and visual materials of others. For this purpose, I have referred to the Graduate School of Engineering and the Built Environment style guide. I understand that the University of the Witwatersrand may take disciplinary action against me if there is a belief that this is not my unaided work or that I have failed to acknowledge the source of the ideas or words in my in my own work. Signature October 2008 All images, illustartions and photographs are by the author unless otherwise stated. Acknowledgements First and foremost I would like to thank my mom, dad and sister for their constant love, support and understanding throughout out the years, which has shaped me into the person I am today, for this, I am truly grateful. Thank you. I would like to thank all my family and friends for their support and patience, I know it hasn?t always been easy, I truly appreciate it. I would also like to thank all the lecturers and teaching staff that have guided me throughout my years of studying at Wits. I would like to especially express my sincere gratitude to Professor Lone Poulsen and Professor Paul Kotze for their guidance, input, support and assistance. To my supervisor Professor Randall Bird, I would like to give special thanks for your guidance throughout the year, your belief in me has been motivational. Your constant enthusiasm and support has been inspiring. Thank you. To the ?The night shift gang? Saba, Tom, Marco and Tahira thanks for the positive peer pressure and motivation. I would like to send a special shout out to my boys and studio mates ?T. Diddy? and ?Kunuks?, we did it ?BIG? this year, through the highs and the lows! The studio experience will always be cherished and remembered. And last but not least I would like to thank God, without whom, none of this would have been possible. Thank you all. Contents Introduction Motivation Background 3.1 Historical Background 3.2 Thaba Bosiu 3.3 The Thaba Bosiu Cultural Centre 3.4 Basotho Houses 3.5 Uses of Basotho Houses 3.6 Litema 3.7 Basotho Blankets Culture In Theory 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Architecture & Culture 4.3 Architecture & Identity 4.4 Regional & Vernacular Architecture 4.5 Genius Loci & Fudo 4.6 Architecture & The Land 4.7 Hybridity & Architecture Site Programme Case Studies 7.1 The Brambuk Cultural Centre 7.2 The Tjibaou Cultural Centre 7.3 The Centre Pompidou 7.4 The M.P.L.G.C. 7.5 The L.N.D.C. Square 7.6 Lessons Learnt Design Development Reference List 01 02 03 5 7 9 04 33 05 06 07 50 73 81 08 09 93 102 Introduction (Derived from TRC 2006) Research Aims & Objectives The primary aims of this thesis are to investigate the relevance culture plays in architecture and the urban environment, and to investigate how the idea of culture can be used to assist in successfully developing an appropriate architectural response, specific to a certain culture, in this case the Basotho culture. Research Procedure The procedure I intend to use to conduct this thesis investigation, will involve various methods of information gathering, from reading any literature relevant to the thesis research such as books, magazine articles and electronic sources including the internet. I will also conduct a number of site visits, where I will take photographs, conduct interviews and mappings around the site. Outcome The expected outcome of this research is a cultural centre designed with a practical and theoretical understanding of Basotho culture, that can be used as an example of one of the many ways one can design an urban cultural centre that encourages the development and preservation of a specific culture. Ultimately, I will be exploring the idea of readdressing universal formulas, imitations of international paragons and the uncritical acceptance of the stylistic fashions in favour of an architectural expression that takes into consideration the specific and unique condition of the Basotho?s culture, social, economic and technological conditions. Abstract In this thesis I will attempt to understand the relationship architecture and the urban fabric has with culture and how one informs the other, specifically with reference to the Basotho culture of Lesotho. The thesis will begin by looking at culture, and how Basotho culture is unique among other cultures, whilst being cosmopolitan at the same time. I will then take a theoretical look at some of the ways in which culture has been used to inform architecture in Lesotho, Africa and the rest of the world. Title & Subject Matter The title of the thesis ?Urban Culture?, relates to the approach I have chosen to take, regarding the study of culture and its relationship with architecture. For the purpose of this thesis, I have deliberately chosen to focus my investigation on the manifestation of Basotho culture within the urban environment of Maseru, the capital of Lesotho, hence, the title ?Urban Culture?. Junction of Kingsway Road and Pioneer Road, downtown Maseru 6 Motivation Motivation Cultures throughout history have evolved through the interaction, cohabitation or pure dominance of a particular people or civilisation over another, leading to people exhibiting customary beliefs and social and material values unique to their geographical location and their history of interaction with other people. This evolution in cultures should not be looked at as negative or positive occurrences but rather as a natural part of the progression of human civilisation. Typically in the past, this had been a slow process in which changes in customary practices and values happened over a prolonged length of time, taking decades or even centuries for the dominant culture to become fully integrated, to the extent that, sometimes these changes would be seen as always having belonging to the dominated culture. However, with the start of colonialism the increased pace and the and often violent manner in which different cultures met, has lead to near extinction of many cultures and people at an alarming rate and in extreme cases the colonized have become so marginalized that there has been a loss of identity in the overshadowed cultures, cases in point are the Native Americans of North America and the San of Sub- Saharan Africa. Now in our rapidly technologically advancing world, the world has become an even smaller place, and these changes are happening faster than ever, supported by the effects of globalization, which promotes cultural diffusion, allows easy consumption of foreign products and ideas and the adoption of new technology and practices. (King 2004: 23 - 42) The San Bushmen, who are facing huge problems retaining their identity and way of life in the modern world. (African Missions N.D) The world is becoming a smaller and smaller place, due to globalisation. (Jim Esposito 2008) This is not necessarily to say that globalization is a negative occurrence, however, the imported culture often supplants the local culture, causing reduction in diversity through hybridization or even assimilation. The most prominent form of this is Westernization. (King 2004: 37) This problem is two- fold in a country like Lesotho, where like in many countries around the world we are bombarded with western culture through mass media, but also because of our geographical relationship with South Africa, enhanced by its economical and political dominance, we are saturated with ?South African culture? leaving little room for expression and growth of Basotho culture. It is interesting to note that at the beginning of this year, 2008, the government of Lesotho passed a law making it illegal for informal traders to trade on Kingsway Road, the main road running through the CBD of Maseru. Yet many of the products sold along the road were of cultural significance, in the form bead work, tapestries and woven goods, robbing this prominent business hub of cultural identity. 8 Background Historical Background Basotho culture is as much about the history of the people as it is about the history of the country. Therefore, for a better understanding of the Basotho culture, a look at the country and its history would be the ideal staring point. Lesotho often referred to as the ?Kingdom in the Sky? is a small country located in the mountains of southern Africa, landlocked in the centre of South Africa, and is one of the few countries in Africa with natural boundaries created by tribal demands rather than those imposed by colonial decree. Much of Lesotho is covered by the dominating Maluti Mountain range (? of the country), and even in the low lands, where ? of the countries population of 2.2 million lives, only falls to 1300m above sea level ? the highest lowest point of any country in the world. (SATGO 2007) During the early 19 century at the height of the Zulu Kingdom during the reign of Shaka, many of his subjugated chiefs took flight in a attempt to form their own kingdoms. Resulting in a period of intense conflict throughout southern Africa, called Lifaqane (between 1815- 1840), which means ?Time of Calamity?, in which tribal groups were scattered across South African. (Wikimedia 2008) A few Sesotho speaking groups from the high veld used the Maluti Mountain range as a natural defense against their enemies. One of these groups was lead by a young chief named Moshoeshoe - ?The Shaver of Men?, who chose a small steep sided plateau in Butha Buthe, which they used as a mountain fortress, which they successfully defended for two years, before moving to Thaba Bosiu -?Mountain of the Night? in 1824, an even more secure mountain bastion. (SATGO 2007) From this mountain Moshoeshoe group withstood numerous attacks, and Thaba Bosiu proved to be an impenetrable fortress, and it?s name rapidly gained fame. As a result scattered groups from the Lifaqane wars, flocked to the Mountain in search of refuge and protection and were incorporated into the tribe. (SATGO 2007) Through this gradual incorporation of refugees, villages started to form at the foot of the mountain and it was estimated by 1828 there were as many as 1500 to 3000 people living on the mountain plateau and as many as 22 villages dispersed around its base. By 1830 Moshoeshoe?s tribe had become a large cohesive unit, and began to call themselves ?Basotho? and their growing kingdom ?Lesotho?. Moshoeshoe reigned triumphant over his kingdom, repelling invaders including the Ngwane, the Korannnas, the Ndebele, the British and Boers, however under increasing pressure from Boer attacks he requested assistance from the British and on 12 March 1868 Lesotho was declared a British protectorate. (SATGO 2007) A portrait of the young warrior King. (African Associates 2001). One of the few actual photographs of the elderly monarch. (African Associates 2001). A view of the snow capped ?blue? Maluti Mountains in the highlands of Lesotho. 10 Thaba Bosiu Thaba Bosiu is the most famous of all historical sites in Lesotho, as it is considered the birth place of the Basotho nation. Located about 20km east of the capital Maseru, Thaba Bosiu a flat mountain plateau, rises about 110 meters above the surrounding valley and its summit is surrounded by a belt of perpendicular cliffs some 12 meters high. The top of the plateau is a flat expanse of land roughly of about an area 10.5 square kilometers, which is only accessible by 6 routes, that were guarded at all times of the day, making it extremely difficult to capture. (SATGO 2007) Thaba Bosiu in Sesotho means ?Mountain of the Night?, and legend has it, the reason for this name is, that even though during the day the mountain does not look that impressive, it grows during the night into an ?impossibly tall, unconquerable mountain fortress?. (Go2Africa 2008) At first this explanation may seem without merit but during Moshoeshoe?s reign the mountain was attacked numerous times but was never conquered. Today Thaba Bosiu stands not only as a national monument, but is the final resting place of Moshoeshoe and other leading chiefs and has become the official royal burial site. Near the base of the mountain there is a visitors information centre, where a tour guide can take you up to the top of the mountain where one can see the remains of Moshoeshoe?s dwellings and the old villages. From the top of the summit it is also possible to see Qiloane pinnacle, which is said to be the inspiration behind the Mokorotlo, the Basotho traditional hat. A view of the Basotho most celebrated monarch?s humble grave situated on top of Thaba Bosiu. (N.A N.D) A view of Qiloane Pinnacle, from Thaba Bosiu. King Moshoeshoe I died two years later, on the 11 March 1870, and was laid to rest on Thaba Bosiu. ?The Greatness of the man can be ascribed to his sagacity and his diplomacy which grasped the situation occasioned by the Lifaqane wars. Taking advantage of this situation, he was able to build the Basotho nation?. (SATGO 2007) Multi- party elections took hold in the 1950?s and independence from Britain was gained in 1965. Since then, there followed about 20 years, of political conflict, in-fighting and coups d?etat, under the rule of chief and Military General, Jonathan Leaboa. In 1986 the General was overthrown in a coup that saw Moshoeshoe II, the great- great grandson of Moshoeshoe I, come back from exile in London, and re-instated as Head of State. After this the government seemed to being running smoothly until 1998, when there was great political unrest across the country that saw SADC forces enter Lesotho to intervene. (Encyclopaedia Britannica 2008) Today Lesotho is relatively politically stable, and is trying to find its feet economically, and compete in the modern world (SATGO 2007) The Mokorotlo, the traditional Basotho hat, its conical shape and bal on top said to be inspired by Qiloane Pinnacle. (eBay Inc. 1995 - 2008) 11 The Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village The Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village is a cultural centre located at the base of Thaba Bosiu, the famous mountain in Lesotho, where it is said that the first king of Lesotho, Moshoeshoe I, founded his kingdom. Today Thaba Bosiu is still the name of the mountain, but it also describes the small rural village/town that is loosely spread around the base of the mountain as well. When I began my research I was unaware of the Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village until I literally stumbled upon it during a trip to Thaba Bosiu. The cultural centre was under construction and it initially seemed somewhat of a setback because when I had come up with my research question I was under the impression that my cultural centre would be the first one in Lesotho, giving me numerous options as to what the final intervention would be. However, finding that there was already a cultural centre under construction forced me to define what I intended my intervention to accomplish and how if at all it would differ from The Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village. However, this surprise finding on a personal level confirmed the need for a cultural centre in Lesotho. Although, the Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village was still under construction and therefore, not operational, it was chosen as a case study because I felt that it held valuable lessons that could be applied to my intervention, not necessarily in observations that would be directly applicable to my intervention, but rather through studying this cultural centre as a model, I would be able to understand the reasons certain decisions were taken and see if they achieved the desired results. Thus, informing me in my decision making process. The Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village is aimed at attracting people mainly as a tourist destination, where they can find out about Basotho culture and history, primarily through a tailor made experience in which they are taken on guided tours of the historical landmarks in the area, given the opportunity to walk through the exhibition areas of the museum and witness tradition customs in the form dances, songs and plays, in the ?Basotho village?. A view of The Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village, from the base of Thaba Bosiu. An artist impression of what The Thaba Bosiu Cultural Centre will look like once it is completed. (ArchiPlan Lesotho 2008) 12 The cultural village is laid out in three sections, that are being built in phases. The first section, the most public of the three, lies directly below the existing information centre, consisting of a number of structures, including an amphitheater, traditional games room, conference hall, reception hall, curio shops, a restaurant and a museum. A view of the first and most public section of the cultural centre The second section of the Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village consists of about 52 chalets that guests of the Cultural Village are able to rent out during their stay at the village. The third, and possibly the most interesting section of the Cultural village, is the ?Basotho village?, the ?Basotho village? is a actual village constructed to house actual Basotho people in need of housing. Each family is to have a traditional Sesotho homestead, consisting of three modern interpretations of the traditional Basotho rondavel, around a central outdoor space. A view of the cultural centre?s chalets A view of the cultural centre?s main conference hall 13 14 Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village Site Plan, excluding chalets.(ArchiPlan Lesotho 2008) NOT TO SCALE The Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village was chosen because it is an example of an intervention in Lesotho that tries to make an attempt at developing a modern interpretation of Basotho culture providing a place for Basotho and visitors alike to learn about Basotho culture. As mentioned above the Cultural Village is divided into three sections, first is the main cultural centre section, a series of different buildings located around the cultural square. The cultural centre section houses a number of buildings, including an amphitheater, traditional games room, conference hall, reception hall, curio shops, a restaurant and a museum, that are accessible to both day visitors and overnight guests. Activities programmed to take place in this section of the Cultural Village allow the visitor to witness and participate in a number of traditional activities, these activities include walks through the museum, watching and participating in traditional Basotho song and dance, learning and playing various traditional Basotho games as well as dining on traditional Basotho cuisine. The second section of the Cultural Village located to the east of the cultural centre section are the rentable chalets, which simply provide functional requirement of accommodation for overnight guests. The third section of the Cultural Village as previously mentioned is the ?Basotho village?, this section of the Cultural Village is perhaps the element of the Cultural Village that comes closest to what I intend to do in this thesis because, it deals with Basotho culture as a current present day contemporary entity. The ?Basotho village? is supposed to be an actual Basotho Village, with modern day Basotho living in it, going about the daily lives and routines giving visitors to the centre a glimpse into what I think is the most authentic manifestation of Basotho culture today. Architecturally the various buildings are quite interesting and creative interpretations of Basotho vernacular architecture that have been used well to develop modern buildings with contemporary functions that still maintain a sense of place through their materiality and some of their design aspects. However, the buildings seem out of context with natural environment when compared to the existing buildings in the area, which seem much more at ease with their natural environments. This is perhaps because its seems, unlike other buildings in the vicinity, no attempt was made to work with the natural topography of the site, instead the site was terraced and flattened leaving no trace of the land features that surely would have only enhanced the design. A view of the main cultural centre section, with the rentable chalets in the background on the right of the picture. 15 Observations As much as I think that interventions like the Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village are necessary in Lesotho, and play their part in preserving, developing and educating people about Basotho culture, I think they fall short in connecting with the average everyday Mosotho living in Lesotho for the following reasons: 1) The Cultural Village is located away from the urban areas where most Basotho live and work, the distance making accessibility problematic and eliminating the opportunity for ?chance interactions? with the Village. 2) Financially, due to its location and the general income level of the average Mosotho a visit to the Cultural Village is too expensive and therefore again becomes inaccessible to the majority of Basotho. 3) As much as The Thaba Bosiu Cultural Village offers a valuable perspective into Basotho culture, it does not really deal with contemporary Basotho culture, rather it gives visitors a temporary escape from the ?real? everyday world in where the activities, customs and rituals they witness are performed out of context therefore lacking a certain authenticity. Although to be fair, the ?Basotho village? is an attempt to compensate for this short coming. However, because of the other two reasons above, the Cultural Village will be limited in its effect on the Lesotho population. In light of these observations my intervention is looking at integrating contemporary Basotho culture into the everyday lives of the Basotho people, where they will be able to interact with it in their daily routines, while at the same time still fulfilling its role as a touristic venue. The location of the Thaba Bosiu Culture Centre also enforced my decision to keep my intervention in Maseru, Keeping it close and accessible to the ordinary Mosotho. Local people have built their homes at the base of Thaba Bosiu Thaba Bosiu 16 Basotho Houses In order to gain insight in designing a Basotho cultural centre, I believe it would be appropriate to look at some of the existing Basotho traditional buildings, and perhaps from this investigation I will be able to obtain a better understanding of the thinking and rational behind these buildings, and perhaps these observations could be used in my design. The Cave House The first instance of Basotho dwellings was the cave house, when the Sesotho speaking people moved into the Maluti Mountains during the Lifaqane Wars. Mountain caves provided the ideal protection from enemies and wild animals as well as shelter from the elements. Elevation of a typical cave house. (ArchiPlan Lesotho 2008) The cave house is essentially a cave or rock overhang, which is then walled off to form an enclosed space using compacted mud bricks. In instances where the cave or rock overhang didn?t extend out far enough to provide enough interior space thatch roofing was used to extend the covered space. A traditional adobe wall cave house. (TRC 2006) The entrance to a traditional cave house. (TRC 2006) A rock overhang that was once used as the roof of a cave house. (TRC 2006) 17 18 The Corbelled Stone Hut After the cave house, the Basotho started experimenting with free standing structures. One of the first was the corbelled stone hut; it was usually very small because of the forces its shape exerts, which would lead it to collapse if it was bigger. However, this building typology did not really prosper because of the difficulty in making it, collecting the building material and actually building it. The Mohlongoa Fatse A typology that came about shortly after the corbelled stone hut was the Mohlongoa Fatse, which roughly translated means ?the house pitched on the ground?, because of its roof that would touch the ground. The Mohlongoa fatse was a much more popular typology and different variations of the typology evolved overtime, from the thatched bee- hive structure with an extended low tunnel entrance to the modern mohlongoa fatse ? rondavel hybrid with an extended entrance of arches. Front elevation of a typical cave house. (ArchiPlan Lesotho 2008) Side elevation of the original thatched bee-hive mohlongoa fatse with a low tunnel entrance. (ArchiPlan Lesotho 2008) The original bee-hive mohlongoa fatse evolved into the type seen above, where the structure was lifted onto adobe or stone walls, giving much more interior head room, allowing for indoor fires, as well as providing greater security from predators. Side elevation of the typology that developed from the thatched bee-hive mohlongoa fatse. (ArchiPlan Lesotho 2008) Front elevation of the typology that developed from the thatched bee-hive mohlongoa fatse. (ArchiPlan Lesotho 2008) 19 After this came what could be called the ?modern?, contemporary mohlongoa fatse. This is not to say that the previous typology is no longer in use, only that the latter is the most recent and most popular. This variation of the mohlongoa fatse is a combination between the traditional mohlongoa fatse and the rondavel typology which by this time had come about. In this typology the roof has been lifted even higher off the ground, creating even more interior head room. The Rondavel and Mokhoro Around the same time of the second typology of the mohlongoa fatse developed the rondavel typology came about, this structure had a circular plan, compacted mud brick or sandstone walls with a conical shaped thatched roof. A side elevation of a contemporary mohlongoa fatse. (ArchiPlan Lesotho 2008) A contemporary mohlongoa fatse on the right and a rondavel on the left with a stone wall enclosing the lebala. (TRC 2006) Front elevation of a typical rondavel (ArchiPlan Lesotho 2008) The form of the Rondavel like the Mokorotlo, the traditional Basotho hat, is also said to have been inspired by Qiloane Pinnacle. It is also interesting to note that with the rondavel also came the first Basotho houses with, more than one opening in the form of framed windows. A view of Qiloane Mountain. The mountain is said to have been the inspiration behind the rondavel as well as the traditional woven conical shaped hat. (TRC 2006) Another Basotho building type is the Mokhoro that came about at the same time as the Rondavel, strictly speaking the two are buildings are actually the same type of building just with different uses and quality of materials. The Rondavel is typically made out finer material than the Mokhoro, where typically smoothed sandstone is used and the attention to detail is much more pronounced. Often the Rondavel is used as a fine bedroom for the owner or the owner?s family, whereas the Mokhoro on the other hand is usually used as a common kitchen and living room and the attention to detail is not as careful. However the main difference between the Mokhoro and the Rondavel is that open fires are lit and used for cooking and warmth in the Mokhoro, whereas this would be unheard of in a Rondavel because such use would degrade the materials and workmanship. The difference between a rondavel and a mokhoro is not always obvious, but if you compare figure 1 with figures 2 and 3, you can see a distinct difference in the quality of workmanship and attention to detail, which would suggest figure 1 is a mokhoro while figures 2 and 3 are rondavels. Fig: 1 (TRC, 2006) Fig: 2 (TRC, 2006) Fig: 3 (TRC, 2006)20 The Polata and Heisi Later with the introduction of foreign materials such as; corrugated iron, straight cut timber and glass, new typologies emerged, specifically the polata and the heisi. Both the polata and the heisi, are rectangular in plan, with walls typically made from compacted mud bricks or sandstone. The polata has a monopitched roof typically made of corrugated iron sheeting, which lead to its name polata which stems from the Afrikaans word ?plat? which means flat. It was usually used as a The front elevation of a typical polata (ArchiPlan Lesotho 2008) kitchen and a place for young children to sleep. The Heisi on the other has a pitched roof that was either made of thatch or more commonly corrugated iron. The Heisi was a finer house were more attention was paid to materials and workmanship than the polata, inspired by the European houses that came along with the English and the Dutch, the Heisi in terms of hierarchy of Basotho was the finest building a Sesotho family could have, and accordingly it was usually reserved for the owner or guests as a bedroom or a living room. The front elevation of a typical heisi (ArchiPlan Lesotho 2008) An example of a stone heisi. (TRC 2006) An example of a heisi with traditional wall art, in need of repair. (Galerie Ezakwantu 2008) An example of a polata adorned with traditional wall art. (Galerie Ezakwantu 2008) An example of a polata showing internal wall composition. (Galerie Ezakwantu 2008) 21 Uses of Basotho Houses In a traditional Sesotho homestead the outside space is as much a part of the living space as the indoor spaces. Most commonly a traditional Sesotho home is laid out in a circular arrangement, with the central space being the place where all social activities and events take place. This central space, called the lebala, is usually bordered by three to five buildings and a cattle kraal enclosing the space. Each of these buildings would serve specific functions similar to a room in a contemporary European house. However, traditionally although this is not a strict rule, each of the different typologies of the traditional Sesotho Houses, would be used for a specific purpose, further more there is a hierarchy of importance associated with them, usually to do with the function they serve. In a typical Sesotho Homestead, you would find a mixture of the various Sesotho house typologies in varying numbers according to the wealth and size of the family. A good example of a traditional Sesotho homestead is my grandfathers? home, the different buildings are laid out in an oval plan along a central axis, and consists of a number of different buildings each with a specific function. Starting at the main gate there is a polata, which in this case was used to store farm produce from the fields such as maize, beans and other vegetables. Next there was a two room heisi, where the front room was used in a similar way one would use a contemporary living room. Adjoined to the front room was my grandparents? private bedroom. Later on the building was extended with the addition of a two room polata in which the first room was used as a private kitchen with a, then, modern paraffin stove, kitchen table with chairs, and the adjoining room was used as a bedroom for his daughter. Beside these was the heisana, a smaller version of the heisi which was used as the boy?s bedroom, and next to it were a rondavel and a mokhoro enclosed by a stone Typical Sesotho homestead building arrangement. Sketch schematic plan of the arrangement of the homestead. 1) Polata used to store farm produce. 2) Heisi divided into a living room and a bedroom. 3) an addition to the heisi used as a private kitchen. 4) another addition to the heisi used as a bedroom. 5) Heisana a smaller version of a heisi used as the boys bedroom. 6) Stone rondavel used as a bedroom for the herdboys. 7) Mokhoro used as a open fire kitchen and is the most social indoor space within the homestead. 8) Stala (stables). 9) Sekiri used to house farming equipment. 10) Mohlongoa Fatse used as a guestroom for entertaining during bad weather and sleeping. Derived from an interview with Dr.. P. F Tseki and Dr.. L. Tseki, 2008, Maseru. 22 Lesaka wall. The rondavel was used as the sleeping quarters for the herd boys and the mokhoro which had an open fire place was used as the common kitchen where meals for everybody were prepared. Next to these were the stala (horse stables) and the sekiri, which housed farming implements. Adjoined to the stala, was a stone enclosure for sheep and goats. Further along there is a mohlongoa fatse which was used to accommodate guests. It is interesting to note that all the buildings face inwards to the open space in the middle called the lebala, this is not just an open space but it is considered one of the most important spaces in the homestead, the space is used by everybody, all the houses with stoeps have them facing towards the lebala, it is where children play, it is where meetings are held, it is where visitors are accommodated during the day, and it is also where weddings and funerals take place, the lebala in essence is where all the social aspects of homestead life take place. The lebala is usually barren with no grass, it is well maintained and is swept every morning just like any other room of the houses and is sprinkled with water daily to keep the dust down. Another example of a Sesotho homestead is the one owned by Ntate Tsele of Thaba Bosiu, his family is much smaller than my grandfathers therefore he has built his homestead accordingly, however plans to build another unit as his children get older. Ntate Tsele, home is built along the side a mountain, overlooking the valley where his fields lay. His homestead consists of three buildings, a rondavel, a heisi and a polata, where each of the buildings serves specific functions although the functions he has assigned the buildings is not typical. The steep mountain path leading up to Ntate Tsele?s homestead. 1) Polata used as the parents bedroom. 2) Heisi used as a kitchen. 3) Rondavel used as children?s? bedroom. 4) Rondavel used as a guestroom/ room Figure ground plan of the arrangement of Ntate Tsele?s homestead.In the immediate foreground to the left is an example of a lebala 23 A view into Ntate Tsele?s lebala, contained by the different buildings around it. To the left is the polata which is used as the parents bedroom and to the right is a heisi which is used as a kitchen. A close up of the window showing the stone detail of the stone lintol over the window and how the edges of the window are accentuated using white paint around the edges. Coloured mud has used to accentuate the entrance into the rondavel, and traditional artwork patterns called litema have been used to decorate it. Above are Ntate Tsele?s children in front of the rondavel the family uses as a guest room/ living room. In the background is the polata that is used as the children?s bedroom. The lebala is the most public space of the homestead, and during good weather cooking is often done outdoors. Above are Ntate Tsele?s children play in the lebala in front of the heisi the family uses as the kitchen. 24 A view of the family kitchen inside the heisi. The rear of the homestead is used as a kraal for Ntate Tsele?s livestock. The children?s bedroom is also doubles up as a bathroom for the children to wash. A view through the window opening into the kitchen. Ntate Tsele?s cattle. Building material is locally sourced and readily available, from the large outcrops of sandstone found all over Lesotho, and the reuse of old buildings. 25 Litema According to Sesotho tradition it is the women who decorate the house after the men have built it. Typically the exterior of Basotho houses are adorned with colourful artwork, carved into the wet mud plaster work of the walls called litema. These highly decorative designs are abstract geometric patterns that are applied with fingers, forks and sticks on the walls of houses. The patterns are sometimes coloured with natural pigments or commercial paint and stains. Stones can be embedded in mud and relief designs are sometimes used as a more permanent effect. (Design Indaba 2001) Above Mosotho woman is in the process of applying her litema design to the wall of a polata. (Galerie Ezakwantu 2008) The word litema is derived from the word ?tema?, which denotes a ploughed field. The geometric patterns appeared initially on the inside of dwellings and it was only in the 19th century that they appeared on the outside of homes. In contemporary times the practice of litema appears to be a seasonal phenomenon associated with special events such as celebrations and religious ceremonies. They not only announces births, deaths, weddings or the arrival of Christmas and Easter, but also serves as a reminder of the passage of time. (Design Indaba 2001) Traditionally before important events occurred in a village, the whole village would be decorated. This occasion became a social event in itself. Litema designs are given names such as Lekoko, Lithebe, Litepo, and Moseme, which when translated into English mean animal hide, shields, spider web, and reed mat, indicating that the underlying influence for these designs came from the artists? immediate everyday environment. The most common opinion seems to be the copying of linear patterns resembling the furrows found in ploughed fields or field lying empty after harvesting. One can also see that the types of patterns mostly resemble abstracted natural forms such as leaves, corn seeds and flowers, similar or even exact copies patterns found on Basotho blankets.(Design Indaba 2001). Litema are usually carved into the walls of houses with the arrival of spring mirroring the bloom of flora and fauna life that accompanies the season and slowly fade away as the sun dries and cracks the design, wilting away like flowers with the approach of winter, until the seasonal rains wash the ?old? design away, making way for the next seasons decorations. Above is an image ploughed fields which are said to be the inspiration of the linear patterns of some litema designs. (Massier, Ulbricht 2005) 26 The litema in the picture above can be seen as inspired by the traditional Basotho blanket, similar to the one worn by the Mosotho woman in the picture. (Schwager N.D) (National Geographic Society 1996-2008) (Massier, Ulbricht 2005) From the images above one can appreciate how the natural environment inspired the litema design on the wall of the house. (Massier, Ulbricht 2005) (Massier, Ulbricht 2005) Similarly from the images above one can appreciate see how flowers found in the natural environment inspired the litema design. 27 Basotho Blankets One of the most distinct and readily identifiable traits of the Basotho of Lesotho other than the traditional woven hat is the Basotho Blanket. Although the Basotho blanket is such a common sight in Lesotho, its origins are quite mixed, the very first blankets used by the Basotho were plain white blankets sold to the Basotho by European traders during the mid 19th century, which were then smeared in red ochre. These blankets were followed by poor quality or reconstituted yarn blankets. However, in recognition of the potential of the market two traders, Frasers Limited and Wormald & Walker a manufacture of blankets in England started to trade in Lesotho and produced a patchwork blanket in the late 1880?s. The new blankets became so popular and signs of status that the quality of the materials improved as well. In 1890?s the manufactures recognising the popularity of the blankets, introduced an even finer quality blanket called the ?Australian blanket?. This blanket also became widely popular to the extent that in 1897 a deluxe model was produced, called the ?Victoria? in honour of the Jubilee Year of Queen Victoria of England. (SATGO 2008) Most Basotho remember ?growing up with? the blanket and that it was totally integrated into the daily life of the Basotho. The blanket is ever present at home, on the road, in country shops and at meetings. Although the Basotho Blanket was popular among the Basotho, there was still a Eurocentric view held by Europeans that it was primitive to wear blankets. An example of this is when the Prince of Wales visited Lesotho in 1925, it was said ?those with blankets? were not to go near the Prince. Apparently the connotation of the animal hides was carried over to the blanket and it did not appear ?civilized? enough. (SATGO 2008) However, a change occurred after Lesotho?s independence on 4 October 1966, the blanket gained popularity although its use declined slightly due to increased urbanisation in the 1970s and 1980s. Even so the impact of the blanket on Basotho miners was significant. It became such an important commodity in the life of a Basotho migrant labourer that he and his blanket would not be easily parted. (SATGO 2008) Above Basotho men in the highlands riding their horses, wearing the tradition Basotho blankets as well as mokorotlo?s the traditional Basotho?s woven hats. (TRC 2006) Basotho blankets are said to have come about as an alternative to the traditional usage of animal skin coverings, which several historians attribute this change to a number of factors, such as continual drought and exceptionally cold winters which lead to the decline in the number of wild and domestic animal. As well as the population boom of the Basotho at the end of the 19th century also compounded the pressure to look for alternative for covering. (SATGO 2008) A cow hide tanning in the sun, in the past this would have then been used to make clothing garments. 28 Usage of the blanket The Basotho wear the blanket in many different types of situations, from the most humble surroundings to the most important events and functions. The Basotho blanket is worn for utility and functional purposes, due to the blankets high wool content of 88%, it is a good insulating cover maintaining body temperature, which is why they are worn both in winter as well as in the heat of summer, the wool also does not readily absorb water like many modern synthetic material used in clothing, therefore it is able to protect the wearer from rain to a certain extent. A popular saying of the Basotho is that you should always carry a blanket and a pocketknife with you for then ?You can sleep and you can eat?. The blanket is suitable for important occasions because it is felt that the blanket adds gravity, elegance and a certain symbolism to an event. At times it is expected of a person to appear in a suit, but at other times it is imperative for a person to appear in a blanket as well as his western clothing, especially events with cultural significance. The Basotho blanket has many uses in Basotho culture, for example traditionally a young bride is supposed to wear a blanket wrapped around her hips and to ?stay warm? until the first child is conceived and at birth the child is also ritually wrapped in a special blanket and the same blanket can later be used to tie the baby to the mother?s back. It is also customary practice for a husband to presents his bride with a wedding blanket and at the birth of their first child he is to give her another one. A blanket may also form part of bohali, which are the gifts given to the bride?s parent as part of the agreement of marriage between the two families. (SATGO 2008). When a boy comes of age and goes to initiation school he is given a blanket to wear to show that he has reached manhood. Wearing this blanket, apart from its utility purpose, symbolises the emergence from boyhood to manhood. (SATGO 2008). The Basotho blanket is worn for utility provided by its good thermal insulation. As shown by the men on horse back in the snow covered Maluti Mountains. (TRC 2006) The Basotho blanket is also suitable for important occasions, especially those with cultural significance, as exemplified by HRM King Letsie III, at the 2008 Moshoeshoe?s Day celebrations in Maseru. 29 This could well be the oldest traditional Basotho blanket used in a ritual. Sailors off the Natal coast traded with the Zulu people, swapping their blankets for other goods. The blanket filtered through from Zululand to Lesotho, but exactly how is uncertain. The Basotho used it in ceremonial burials, to wrap the corpse of a deceased king before putting him into his grave. (SATGO 2008) This blanket was the idea of the trader, C.H. Robertson, and was initially a blanket exclusively for the king and chiefs. It dates back to before the turn of the twentieth century. The word Seanamarena means ?to swear by the king?. Later the wives of the king and chiefs also wore this blanket. From the beginning the traders purposefully manufactured only a certain number per year, which increased people?s desire to possess such a blanket. There is evidence that the wealthy, and even the not so wealthy at times, regardless of descent, bought this blanket if they desired more status. This blanket has the most status of all the Basotho blankets. (SATGO 2008) The Mbalo Mattross Blanket The Seana Marena Victoria England Blanket This blanket resembles in use and looks the traditional leopard skin hide, which symbolised royalty, strength, courage, victory and wisdom. Like the hide, this blanket was, by and large, reserved for those of royal descent. The use of the leopard hide is one of the oldest traditions known to the Basotho. Therefore this blanket has a double portion of tradition and prestige. (SATGO, 2008) Sesecha - Leopard Skin Pattern Blanket (Brebenkamp, Heymans & Motloung N.D) (Brebenkamp, Heymans & Motloung N.D) (Brebenkamp, Heymans, & Motloung N.D) (Brebenkamp, Heymans & Motloung N.D) (Brebenkamp, Heymans & Motloung N.D) 30 This blanket is traditionally worn at funerals and is called Thapa ea Seeiso meaning the ?armband of the chiefs?, Seeiso is actually the surname of the royal family. This blanket implies customary respect, not only for the bereaved and the dead, but also intertwined with the surname of royalty. (SATGO 2008) Pitseng - ?Armband of the chiefs? (Thapa ea Seeiso) Blanket The Crest motif on blankets appeared after the visit of the Prince of Wales to Lesotho in 1925, which made a profound impression on the people. Customers refer to this blanket as lesiba, meaning ?feathers?, when buying it. A blanket with the name ?Victoria England? is ?traditional? because of the obvious association with Queen Victoria of England who ?spread her blanket over the Basotho during times of turbulence and danger between the Basotho and the Orange Free State?. This resulted in the Lesotho becoming a British Protectorate in 1868. (SATGO 2008) Victoria England Crest Blanket This type of blanket originally came out in the names Magician, Triumph and Magnet. Manufactured in England it is of a high quality, with a very soft finish. This did not escape the attention of the Basotho. They often refer to this blanket as Serope, likening it to the softness of a pregnant woman?s thigh. A husband traditionally gives this type of blanket to his wife on the birth of their first child. (SATGO, 2008) Magician ?Monkeynut? Blanket This blanket was originally manufactured as a coaching blanket in the days of horse-drawn carriages in England. The name Sandringham originates from the blankets used by Queen Victoria on coach journeys to Sandringham Castle. (Mantis Web N.D) The Sandringham Blanket (Brebenkamp, Heymans, Motloung N.D) (Brebenkamp, Heymans, Motloung N.D) (Brebenkamp, Heymans, Motloung N.D) (Mantis Web N.D) 31 After World War II motifs such as aeroplanes and bombs started to appeared on the blankets and became symbols of bravery, power and conquest for the Basotho. This blanket is also to honor the Basotho?s who lost their lives in World War II. After the British royal visit to Lesotho, 1947, the crown appeared on blankets and reflects a certain ?touch of royalty? in the wearer. (Brebenkamp, Heymans, Motloung N.D) Badges of the Brave Blanket (Brebenkamp, Heymans, Motloung N.D) This blanket displays the Wheat sheaf and Fleece, products of Lesotho and the Crocodile, the emblem of the Bakoena, the royal clan. (Mantis Web N.D) Motlotlehi Blanket (Mantis Web N.D) 32 Culture In Theory (Derived from TRC 2006) Introduction This thesis primarily deals with issues of cultural identity and architecture and the urban fabric, specifically how culture, Basotho culture can be expressed by architecture to provide interventions which exhibit cultural sensitivity, a sense of place and time whilst promoting a sense of social cohesion without becoming kitsch. Essentially, I will be exploring the idea of readdressing universal formulas, imitations of international paragons and the uncritical acceptance of the stylistic fashions in favour of architectural expression that takes into consideration the specific and unique conditions of the Basotho?s culture, and social, economic and technological conditions, all the while appreciating the fact that culture is not stagnant and therefore evolves and borrows from others. Therefore, in this chapter of the thesis I am going to begin by discussing in brief the effects of colonisation and globalisation on the African people, focusing on how this negatively affected their identity and culture and in turn their view on architecture. From there I will discuss the importance behind the relationship between culture and identity, and how architecture can and has been used to symbolise culture, and how it has been used to represent the identities and ideologies of specific groups of people. I will then proceed to discuss how contemporary architects and theorists view this situation and the Strategies that can be applied to change the current condition. Therefore, to begin with, a logical starting point would be to look at how Africans perceived colonialism, and what response they showed in the face of this colonial challenge after its forced imposition on them. In A. Adu Boahen?s book, African perspectives On Colonialism, Boahen states, ?the most surprising aspect of the imposition of colonialism on Africa was its suddenness and its unpredictability. By as late as 1880, there were no real signs or indications of this phenomenal and catastrophic event.? (Boahen 1987: 1) Instead, most African states were enjoying their existence as sovereign states, under the rule of traditional Kings and Chiefs, fully in control of their own affairs and destinies, and contrary to popular belief, after the end of the ?slave trade? by 1880, ?old Africa appeared to be in the dying throes, and a new and modern Africa was emerging.? (Boahen 1987: 1) However, after the end of the slave trade, with intensified competition for natural resources between European industrialising nations, in the short time between 1880 and 1900, Africa found its once numerous and prosperous states amalgamated into about 40 artificially created states governed by officials appointed by their European metropolitan governments, and by 1910, the colonial system was firmly in place over virtually the whole of the African continent. (Boahen 1987: 27) Map of the Triangular African Slave Trade ( Socialist Worker 2007) 34 The most likely reason most historians ascribe to this occupation and partitioning of Africa was the need for raw materials for the factories of industrial Europe and the need for markets for the sale of these very same manufactured goods. (Boahen 1987: 58) With this boom in business and promises of attainable wealth and riches in the African colonies, many Europeans were attracted to settle in Africa, and in conformity with the racist ideas prevalent in the day, discrimination of one form or another was practiced by all colonial powers in varying degrees, which included the condemnation of everything African in the cultural fields and the idea of making Africans to conform to their own Euro- centric image was a common practice throughout all the colonies. (Boahen 1987: 59- 60) Forty five years after the occupation of Ethiopia by Italy (the last occupation of an African country), all African states except for a few southern African states had regained their sovereignty and independence. (Boahen 1987: 94) However, in what was relatively a short time in the context of African history, a period that lasted less than 100 years for almost all African countries, the damage done to the psyche, values, traditions and cultures of the African people, was immense and long lasting, to the extent that the affects are still being dealt with today. During the occupation of the colonies everything African in culture was condemned and discouraged, which included African names, music, dance, art, religion, marriage, the system of inheritance, even the wearing of African clothes to work or to school, and of course this also included African traditional architecture as well. Ultimately leading to a negative self image of the African of himself, creating firstly a mentality of self-condemnation of anything traditional or distinctly African, and secondly, it created a deep feeling of inferiority as well as the loss of a sense of human dignity and identity among Africans. ?Both complexes were surely the outcome of not only of the wholesale condemnation of everything African but, above all, practice of racial discrimination and the constant humiliation and oppression to which Africans were subjected throughout the colonial period. The sense of human dignity seems to have been regained, but the feeling of inferiority has not entirely disappeared even after independence?. (Boahen 1987: 107- 108) Africa divided between the colonial powers. (Exploring Africa N.D) Towards the end of the first decade of the 1900?s, despite furious opposition put up by Africans, the occupation by the colonial imperialist was almost complete, and Africa had been divided up into colonies of different sizes and shapes between the imperial powers of Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain and Portugal, irrespective of traditional state boundary lines and ethnic or tribal relationships. 35 Resulting with, most historians agreeing that, although the occupation amounted up to only a brief period in the history of Africa, the effects of colonialism were significant and are likely to continue to affect the future course Anything African was discouraged or condemned by the colonial administrators Images 1 & 6 (Exploring Africa N.D), Images 2 & 3 (TRC 2006), Image 4 (Getty Images 2008) of events in Africa. As Oliver and Atmore contend in Boahen?s book, ?measured on a time- scale of history, the colonial period was but an interlude of comparatively short duration. But it was an interlude that radically changed the direction and momentum of African history.? To Gann and Duigan, the colonial era was ?the most decisive for the future of Africa.? (Boahen 1987: 109) However, it is interesting to note that in the field of African culture more than any other aspect of African life, much of the colonial impact seems to have been minimal and today, African art, music, and dance are recognised and taught in institutions of higher learning both in and outside Africa. (Boahen 1987: 111) The spread and recognition of African culture throughout the world is in large being propelled by the forces of globalisation, which are also equally responsible for introducing more foreign cultures into Africa, by making it easier and faster to access and consume foreign products and ideas and adopt new technologies and practices. (King 2004) Although globalisation in itself is not necessarily a negative occurrence, in light of Africa?s recent colonial history and with feelings of inferiority still lingering in the background this is far from an equal trade-off, of ?give and take?, rather it seems as though there is a lot more ?taking? than there is ?giving?, where the imported culture often supplants the local culture, causing a reduction in diversity through hybridization or even assimilation, resulting with African culture coming off second best. Now in the 21st century with Africa and its people only starting to deal with the effects of colonisation, globalisation coupled with accelerated development and urbanization are again impacting heavily on traditional values and culture, including architecture. In the case of Lesotho this situation is twofold because not only is Lesotho affected by globalisation in same way as many other countries on the continent are, in the form of Westernisation, but also because of the shared history and unique geographical, economic and cultural relationship it has with South Africa, many influences are brought across the border, from South Africa into Lesotho. With this constant pressure of external forces, one thing is clear, the intimate relationship between architecture and the cultural values of those who build and use it have been irrevocably changed as can be seen through the transformation of buildings: spatial manifestations, material adaptations, mutations, extensions, symbolic gestures and often conspicuous built forms. (Dayarantne 2008: 1) 1 2 3 4 5 6 36 Architecture & Culture In order to understand this phenomenon in more depth, I will now discuss a few architectural theories, with reference to culture, identity and context. In discussing the relationship between architecture and culture, a major hurdle I had to negotiate came about in trying to define culture. Most people in the general sense, have an understanding of what the term implies, however, when actually asked to provide a definition, very few are able to do so. The biggest problem with giving a specific definition to what culture actually is, arises out of the fact that the word culture is used to describe a wide range of different subject matter, that to sum up would be a thesis in itself. Therefore, the overriding question became how could one define culture for the purpose of this investigation? Obviously there is no one definitive answer to this question, however in order to proceed it was necessary to define the scope of the investigation. Therefore, using the two dictionary definition below as my starting point, I was able to begin formulating a more comprehensive ?working? definition of the term. Definition A: the customary beliefs, social forms, and material traits of a racial, religious, or social group. (Merriam- Webster Online 2008) Definition B: the characteristic features of everyday existence (as diversions or a way of life} shared by people in a place or time. (Merriam- Webster Online 2008) From the two dictionary definitions above it becomes evident that culture refers to the past, about practices and values that have been cultivated over time based on experiences, the collective knowledge of a people. Whilst at the same time it also talks about the actual day to day, mundane contemporary existence of ordinary people. Although these definitions may seem to contradict each other, they are talking about the same thing?.. because culture cannot be reduced to a stagnant object, instead it is an entity that exists in the present, evolving and being modified to suit the needs of the present, while at the same time it has its roots firmly embedded in the past. ?Firstly it?s a process, and not a ?found? object. It may be linked to the trail left by a civilization as it moves through history. The trial is the culture, or identity, of that civilization.? - Charles Correa speaking on cultural identity. (Powell 1983: 10) Therefore, the way culture is going to be referred to in this investigation is from the point of view that it is a process or even an entity that exists firmly in the present but directly informed by the past. It speaks of the grand rituals and practices of a people, but similarly to the everyday mundane experiences of people. In a sense it can be seen as the distinguishing feature of a certain group of people, in essence their identity. In architectural discourse around the world, ?the word ?culture? is increasingly being replaced by ?identity?. But whether we continue to use the term in the more everyday sense to refer to ways of life, or to the arts and media, or for a use that encompasses both these meanings, intellectual controversies persist: how, when and in what circumstances is/are ?culture/s? produced?. Whatever the meanings invested in the term, I will take culture to be a human, social and cultural phenomenon. Distinguished from nature, it refers in some way to historical and contemporary social life...? States Anthony D. King in his book Spaces of Global Cultures ? Architecture Urbanism Identity. (King 2004: 23) Architecture can be seen as a reflection of a society?s identity because architecture affects everyone, perhaps more than any other kind of design. We are constantly in contact and interacting with architecture, partly because of its scale and its public nature, it can therefore be said, architecture reveals how we feel about ourselves and then, because it defines the spaces and the institutions in which we live, it goes on to condition how we live and behave. (reference) 37 Architecture & Identity Supporting this notion of architecture representing a people?s identity, in his book Architecture and Identity, Abel claims that ?various analogies have been drawn between the symbolic function of architecture and the formation of personal and social identities.? To the extent ?their accumulation has reached the point where the idea of ?architecture as identity? now rivals that of ?architecture as space? and ?architecture as a language? as one of the principal metaphors and themes in architectural discourse.? (Abel 2000: 141) One of the most prominent ways architecture has been used to symbolise a certain identity can be seen if one looks at the history of the skyscraper. In the last century ?building tall? has been used as a strategy for drawing attention to a region. (King 2004: 5) According van Leeuwen, in Kings Spaces of Global Culture, by the 1900?s the American skyscraper had achieved the status of an architectural type, and was acknowledge worldwide as a symbol of American civilisation. By the mid 1900?s the skyscraper had come to be identified as a statement of the ?economic ideology, mode of production and ethos from which it was largely produced: capitalist land values, speculative office development and big business materialism in the United States?. (King 2004: 11) It also came to represent commercial success along with modernity. Due to the connotations associated with skyscrapers, other global economic centres and emerging ?world cities? (i.e. Toronto and Singapore) emulated the American skyscraper ?moving it from being an icon solely of American Identity and corporate power? (King 2004: 12), to a symbol of modernity and economic strength in other parts of the world. The Empire State Building in New York City is one of Americas most iconic buildings (AllPosters 1998-2008) The Petronas Towers in Kuala Lumper, are a symbol of prosperity and modernity in the region. (Traveltek 2008) 38 Herbert Baker?s Union Buildings (1913), Tshwane. (Jones 2004) Gerard Moerdijk?s Voortrekker Monument. (Jones 2004) The use of architecture in this way can also be seen in a more local context in the architecture of Herbert Baker?s Union Buildings (1913) in Tshwane, formerly known as Pretoria, which according to Chipkin, stood ?as a bureaucratic symbol of the new- white controlled nation created at Union in 1910. But it also [established] in clear, unambiguous terms claims for British hegemony over Africa south of the Sahara.? (Chipkin 1993: 59) Although the use of architecture to represent political ideologies, is often quite subtle sometimes only noticed subconsciously by the observer, many governments and political groups have used and continue to use architecture to symbolize their ideologies. Two other examples of architecture used in this way are the Voortrekker Monument and Freedom Park both in Tshwane. The Voortrekker monument is a massive granite structure built to honour the Boers who left the Cape colony between 1835 and 1854 and founded the new Transvaal Republic in what is now Tshwane. The architect Gerard Moerdijk is said to have had the intention of designing a ?monument that would stand a thousand years to describe the history and the meaning of the Great Trek to its descendants?. (Wikipedia 2008) Over the years the monument has come to be recognised by many Afrikaans South Africans as their national symbol. However, I believe because of the connotations associated with apartheid, it is not viewed as a national symbol by most South Africans, particularly black South Africans, and it can be said, to try and bring equity and diminish the potency of the Voortrekker Monument without actually destroying it, the newly elected democratic South African government with its own ideology commissioned The Freedom Park memorial in 2004 to be built in Tshwane as well. The Freedom Park memorial is supposed ?to facilitate a communal process of commemorating the pain and celebrating the victories of the past, by preserving the memory of victims of conflicts and human rights abuses caused by slavery, colonialism and racism, and by honouring the victims, heroes and heroines of the struggle against apartheid.? (Big Media N.D) In a sense the act of building Freedom Park in its current location, within such close proximity to the old Voortrekker Monument, and its recessed form can be seen as an inversion of the Voortrekker Monument?s prominent towering form, and hence an inversion of the ideology the Voortrekker monument symbolizes. 39 Regionalism & Vernacular Architecture In the last25 years in an effort to establish their own unique identities, there has been a change of perception in many countries throughout the world, especially among ?Third World? countries, with regards towards tradition and innovation and the growing realisation of their interdependence. In Johan Gatung?s Centre and Periphery Theory, Gatung?s critical comparison of contemporary Western imperialism with former western empires, argues ?that present patterns of development are essentially an extension of well- established colonial patterns of domination and exploitation.? According to this scenario, underdeveloped nations of the periphery, which are mostly situated in the southern Hemisphere, are controlled by the developed nations of the centre, which are situated in the northern hemisphere. (Abel 2000: 198) With this new consciousness among ?Third World? countries, vernacular architecture and contemporary regionalism have come to represent a rejection of the previously dominant international movements, in favour of emphasizing regional building forms and environmental conditions. Seen in the light of centre- periphery theory, the International Style and related Western movements can be understood as an outcome of the same neo-colonial domination of peripheral cultures by the same centre, producing its own cultural side effects in displacing local forms of building. (Abel 2000: 204) Therefore, regionalism and vernacular architecture can be seen as an attempt to put back into architecture what Modernism took out, the continuity between past and present building forms in a given place. As a movement they are gaining strong appeal throughout the world, but it is especially in the ?Third World? countries, particularly those in African, where the accelerated rate of development and the legacy of colonisation compounded the effects of Modernism, that the two have found a special meaning. It is in these countries where choosing what does or what does not belong in their region gains a more symbolic meaningful element, because it is entwined in the fundamental desire of cultural survival, often described as a ?search for identity?. (Abel 2000: 163) However, as noble and good intentioned as these endeavours are, continuity is far from straight forward, because even the most favoured architectural images of a local culture, when put under closer inspection become suspect. This is because, contrary to the belief that this form of architecture represents the ?ideal, seamless harmony between the built form, culture, place and climate that In Abels, Architecture and Identity, Pask claims the use architecture as a symbol is because ?architecture is not a possession but rather a part of us. In the same way other cultural forms are a way of being, like science and art, architecture is a way of being. Therefore, when describing the role and function of architecture, we are describing more than just the production of an artefact, but also one of the deep ways we know and understand ourselves.? (Abel 2000: 150) This is evident when one looks at the roles of the Voortrekker Monument and The Freedom Park Memorial. The Voortrekker Monument commemorates an important date to Afrikaans South Africans, and has become part of their identity as a people, in much the same way Freedom Park commemorates the end of a period in history that is significant to many South Africans, particularly black and is meant to remind them of their past which has had a tremendous effect in shaping their current identity. The Freedom Park Monument. (Low 2008: 21) 40 was lost to international Modernism, and must be regained?, (Abel 2000: 163) such architecture does not always originate from the local context and may be in part or even completely derived from a foreign source, which is more often than not the case. Few examples of truly indigenous architecture actually exist, and only come about due to an almost complete isolation from the rest of the world. More commonly, even if an architectural style seems to have been developed in isolation, when looked at in more depth, we tend to find that this can be explained by the meeting of cultures in the distant past, whether by trade, conquest or pilgrimage and have left their mark. The intentions and methods of regionalists are further complicated if it is acknowledge that even the grandest of monumental architecture may have been adapted to different conditions of place and culture. An extreme example is the Pantheon in Rome, with its countless adaptations and regional variations found throughout the western world. Roman precedents can also be traced in Islamic architecture, as much of the Islamic Empire covered the same ground as the earlier Roman Empire. Therefore, Islamic architecture in these areas is likely to have assimilated many of the forms and techniques of the previous empire. As a result, the typical hypostyle mosque owes much to Roman building types, notably the basilica- forum complex, as well as to the prophet?s courtyard house, which was the original source of inspiration. (Abel 2000: 166- 167) reciprocal relation between the two, the way one compliments, feeds into, and stimulates or hiders the other. (Abel 2000: 131) Generally in monumental and non-monumental architecture, historical importance is not in an individual work taken on its own, but rather the linked precedents and variations over time, each of which becomes a potential model which can lead to still further transformation. If some of Basotho architecture, like the traditional Basotho Heisi typology, which was inspired by the Boer farm houses in the Free state which in turn are likely to be a transformation of a previous existing architecture, is looked at in this way, one can appreciate the diverse origins this typology originates from, and how it has come to function in its own respective role as a model of architectural continuity. Furthermore, replications and variations to this model provide the essential elements of continuity through which cultures measure their lineage. (Abel 2000: 169) Transformation of building forms is a result of particular circumstances of place, programme and history, as interpreted by builders of the day, where creativity is inspired rather than being hindered by existing models. In fact, the creation of Great Mosque, Damascus, AD 706- 714/5. The configuration was based on Roman archetypes and in turn became a model for later hypostyle mosques throughout the Islamic world. (Abel 2000: 166) Colosseum, El Jem, near Sousse, Tunisia, AD 230, derived from The Colosseum in Rome. (Abel 2000: 167) In part due to the discovery of these links between the old and new, the creative processes has come to be understood as making connections between existing but previously unrelated concepts, nothing comes from nothing, it could be said, and tradition becomes both a potential launching pad for new ideas as well as a potential hindrance. Challenging architects to better understand the 41 Genius Loci & Fudo When we talk about a place, and try to express its unique characteristics, we use words like ambiance, atmosphere, energy or vibe to describe the quality of the place. These words or concepts involve both physical and non-physical aspects of the environment such as climate, geology, fauna, other buildings, as well as the type and temperament of people who live in the area, hence their culture too. The ancient Greeks had a phrase they used to describe this characteristic or ?spirit of place? - Genius Loci. In his work, Norberg-Schulz suggests that the ?atmosphere? of a place is the combination of the man-made place and the natural place; the total integration of these two elements constitutes the ?Genius Loci?. (Norberg- Schulz 1985) In Bernard Tschumi?s, Questions of Space: Lectures on Architecture, he emphasis that place making is essential in the creation of spaces if meaningful architecture is to be attained , therefore when working in any given place, its Genius Loci, must be understood and respected. Therefore, good architecture and urban design is not necessarily about buildings that stand alone as solitary symbols, it is also about those that tell us, often in the subtlest ways, who and where we are and which make us feel both physically and emotionally comfortable with where and who we are, taking us into an area beyond mere functionality. By allowing us to dwell in it, good architecture, according to Koichi Nagashima, can also help orientate ourselves and identify ourselves with an environment. In other words good architecture allows us to experience both the environment and its relationship to our culture in a meaningful way, by using the meanings, myths, stories and understandings we associate with our surroundings and our life experiences within that place to create a ?place?. (Nagashima 1999) The Japanese also shared a similar notion to the Genius Loci of the Ancient Greeks, which they called Fudo. Nagashima suggests, Fudo is to taste and appreciate the environment, and this is what we used to do, from the advent of human history till the beginning of the last century, when we were living in harmony with Nature. He then adds that this is a kind of personified version of Fudo which tries to express friendly relationship between Man and Place, or man?s feelings of respect to a Place. In either case, until Modern Architecture came into being and prevailed since the early part of the last century, architecture and Fudo were inseparable. In other words it was assumed that (traditional) architecture represented locality or Fudo. (Nagashima 1999) new models in architecture most often arises out of a cross-pollination between existing but previously unrelated forms and ideas, which is often stimulated by exchanges between different cultures. Therefore, in a practical sense it can be understood that the true essence of regional architecture lies in the creative process of cross- cultural fertilization and localization of imported models, rather than the usual romantised purified identities. (Abel 2000: 169) However, by looking at more than individual architectural achievements, a pattern of cultural shift of global proportions is emerging that is challenging Western hegemony in architecture. Not underestimating the power still wielded by the industrialized nations of the north, especially the fascination with American popular culture throughout the developing world, it may be premature to talk of the end of Western cultural domination in architecture. However, an increasing numbers of architects in developing countries around the world are now turning to local and other alternative cultural and regional forms for appropriate models. After being influenced for so long into thinking that what is ?West is best?, the change in attitude is significant. At a bare minimum the divergence of cultural models may help counteract, if not yet reverse, the convergent global patterns that until now have taken so much for granted. (Abel 2000, pp.177) 42 Under the Modern Architectural movement, however, it was taken for granted that architecture could be governed by architectural design principles that were indifferent to the Genius Loci, all for the sake of internationalism and universitality. The Modern movement was founded on the basis of the rapidly growing technology and industry in the Euro- American context, making extensive use of factory mass produced materials such as steel, concrete and glass, and emphasizing the functional aspect of the Modern movement. Even though at the time of its emergence it was widely popular and accepted, because it seemed to provide ?a break from the depressing yoke of their own cumulative civilization, bringing in a fresh breeze? (Nagashima 1999), when the style was used out of context and indiscriminately in places where such conditions did not exist, such as the colonies in non-industrialized regions, who were expected to provide the raw materials and also provide the market for the products, which lead to considerable amount of confusion and misunderstanding, because according to Nagashima, ?Modern Architecture was handed down under conditions which were irresistible and accepted as advanced by the non-West. There was no reflection as to whether Modern Architecture was relevant to the locality or not, although many of the pre- modern colonial styles used, pay due respect to local climatic conditions and resulted in interesting hybrid solutions.? (Nagashima 1999) This trend of using imported styles out of context can be seen in many buildings in Maseru today, were there seems to have been a lack of consideration of the Genius Loci with regards to design selection of the buildings, where few of the buildings reflect or make use of local knowledge and building concepts. ?Our age supports an almost blind faith in applied science, one that has become increasingly international and transcultural, fuelled by ever more efficient systems of communication and information, blurring traditional boundaries and, with them, the qualities of specific places that may still be present in everyday modern life. This is a reality that must be acknowledged by architects and urban designers. The recovery of place is a critical project.? (Perez- Gomez 2007) At the same time it would be unfair to blame the Modern movement as the sole reason for what can be called a ?loss? of Genius Loci in many urban environments around the world. Therefore, perhaps the best way to start investigating this problem would be to ask the pivotal question, ?how can architecture and the urban form, acknowledge specific cultural traits we associate with the identity of a place?? The answer to this question I have found during the course of my research is far from straight forward, and to answer it, I found I had to find out why, if, the genius loci or Fudo, had worked so well in the past why does it seem to have been abandoned? The answer to the second question I have come to find is actually twofold: first, I have found that the phrase Genius Loci has come to be synonymous with what we have come to call vernacular architecture. The problem in this is that the term vernacular architecture has associations that come with it that do not necessarily relate to the Genius Loci, or for that matter vernacular architecture itself. Often, when one talks of vernacular architecture, although unjustly so, it is wrongly associated with being backward and primitive, this can be attributed to the pressures of globalisation and the dominance of the prevalent Euro-centric point of view, and has lead to many cultures with their own brand of regional architecture abandoning it in favour of seeming more cosmopolitan and more in step with the ?first world?. Leading to the misdirected conclusion that the more Euro-centric the architecture in a region is, the more ?advanced? the society it belongs to. However, in actual fact Genius Loci, although it might be exhibited more in vernacular or traditional architecture, is not synonymous with it and could just as easily be incorporated into modern designs if more effort into doing so was made. The second problem with genius loci is that even though the desire to relate urban architecture either to landscape or specific historical tradition, or both, as a reaction to the banality of technological modernism, is a noble objective, despite what many architects and critical theorists think, contextualism is not as obvious as it might initially seem, especially when dealing with poetic practices 43 context-less building is taken as the real building, but ?St. Peter?s Basilica is what it is in its existing site. The work never exists outside or apart from its context.? (Perez- Gomez 2007) ?The context that contributes so much to its identity is never purely the objectified site either. Thus we must conclude that context is, indeed, crucial for architectural meaning, yet must be understood in its more encompassing sense as situation or ground, or even as the ?world of the work?. (Perez- Gomez 2007) This is because the value of architecture cannot be reduced to a question of aesthetics and ornamentation, because context cannot be seen as inanimate picture, or as a materialistic, dead, and objectified collection of physical features or buildings, because context objectified in this manner cannot be used as a vehicle for conveying nature or cultural heritage. (Perez- Gomez 2007) Instead architects need to have a holistic understanding of the context in which they work, beyond actual material qualities, because ?context? is made up of a number of different variables, which, ?are never simply given like unchanging objects; we have to make them at every moment. We weave them in the present through our own desire, in an exchange with the culture in which we expect to build.? (Perez- Gomez 2007) Only once context has been considered under this light can meaningful architecture and built work be generated. ?The flight into tradition, out of a combination of humility and prescription, can bring about nothing in itself other than self-deception and blindness in relation to the historical moment.? - Martin Heidegger. (Perez- Gomez 2007) Gomez goes on further to state that, architectural historians have contributed to a delusion when they falsely try to explain the development of architecture as progressive organic change. The great architecture that we now perceive as our own traditional architecture is in fact the work of enlightened individuals whose highly personal and imaginative syntheses were never ?contextual? in the modern, narrow sense of the word. These works were at the cutting edge of culture at the time they were created, fitting into the culture and the natural environment not because they were ?under designed? or ?formally coherent? but rather because their identity ? that which they represented, and that allowed their builders and inhabitants a deep sense of recognition ? was the result of the individual architect?s broad and deep cultural roots in his/her own space/time. (Perez- Gomez 2007) such as architecture that is neither a pure art nor a pure science. According to Alberto Perez- Gomez, this is because ultimately no matter how diverse the cultures they originate from are, architectural works touch us by ?virtue of their paradoxical universitality to our self-understanding regardless of our own particular culture.? (Perez- Gomez 2007) ?This is the world that made the global village possible?, states Gomez, ?in which concepts of reality and delusions of progress are fuelled by the apparent successes of technology in controlling and dominating the environment. In this predominantly scientific world, the great majority of building reflects little else but the enshrined, supposedly objective and hedonistic values of economy and efficiency, or instantiate like signposts monetary and political power.? (Perez- Gomez 2007) Therefore, in order to design and build a building, one that enables people to get a sense of meaning without reducing it to a literal sign post, both grounded in culture and also transcending it, we must explore the issue of context and its relation to the building and vice versa. An example Gomez uses to illustrate this point is St. Peter?s Basilica in Rome, which he says when objectified under this light, its proportions would seem awkward and squat, except Bernini?s square makes it look ?right?. However, he goes on to say, understanding architecture in this light is problematic because a St. Peter?s Basilica in Bernini?s square, Rome. (Virtual Tourist 1994-2008) 44 Architecture & The Land Aaron Betsky eloquently opens his book Landscrapers: Building With The Land, with the following interpretation of the relationship architecture has with the land, which I found especially thought provoking: Above: The highveld shortly after gold was found in the region in 1888. (Van der Waal 1987: 9) Left: Johannesburg?s modern day skyline. To some architecture is the thoughtful gathering together of what already exists to reveal the nature of a place. Others merely replace the land with something that is as new and artificial as any building, but which continues the contours or appearance of the land. There are those who see their task as not so much as building on the land but into it. Makers of caves and caverns, the designers continue a long tradition of inhabiting or enlarging the spaces left over by the accumulation of sediment and the shift of tectonic plates. At the other extreme are buildings that hover above the ground, following its contours and abstracting them into sometimes massive buildings. All these strategies represent an attitude that is contrary to what has been one of the most basic and least popular mainstays of architecture since the days of the Romans: to deny the land on which we build.... The sins of architecture emerge from its very nature as an artificial construction, but are also the result of why and how we have built over the centuries. The act of making a building assumes that the land we walk is not enough. We must enclose this space with walls, smooth the surfaces, and put a roof over our heads to protect ourselves from the elements.... Architecture is defiant, standing against the mountains, the seas, unformed expanses of land and the scale of the sky, temples and cultural institutions sought to bring a sense of order to the unbounded universe. Our castles, palaces, churches and libraries are celebrations of all that is not nature. They are monuments to our ability to gather material, often from far away, form it according to abstract principles and make buildings that stand tall and proud while sheltering an interior that is rational and functional. Aaron Betsky. (Betsky 2002: 7) Land and sky are two distinct and separate entities, that share a unique relationship with each other specific to place and time, this dialogue between the land and the sky is usually manifested in the form of a horizon line, where the sky meets the earth. Man through the built form, of which architecture plays a pivotal role, has altered this relationship, through the erection of densely packed towers and skyscrapers that seem to sprout from the ground and reach up to the sky, forming the iconic silhouettes of many of our modern day cities. A case in point is the city of Johannesburg. If one were able to travel back in time to the site of the city a century before the explosion in population of the gold rush, before the first gold was found in 1886, and compare the scene then to that of modern day Johannesburg, at a glance it would be obvious that the dialogue between the sky and the land had dramatically been altered. 45 Where once, if one looked into the distance, one could see the sky running seamlessly into the flat savannahs of the Highveld, forming a relatively flat horizon line, has now been replaced by a new dialogue, where man-made structures seem to burst out of the ground in their relentless pursuit of the sky, creating jagged protrusions of varying heights into the sky. However, the dialogue between the sky and the land in Maseru is distinctly different to that of Johannesburg. Through the built form particularly one is able to see how people in Lesotho have come to terms with the natural landscape, in which even the grandest of buildings in scale seem to nestle into the backdrop of Majestic ever presence of the Maluti Mountains. Whereas in Johannesburg the buildings themselves become the backdrop, in turn becoming in a way a new man made landscape. Lesotho?s unique dialogue with the sky. Johannesburg?s dialogue with the sky. derived 46 Hybridity In Architecture As I have discussed earlier in the chapter there is no doubt that colonisation with its Euro-centric condemnation of anything African as primitive has negatively affected the African psyche with regards to the traditions, values and cultures, which also included architecture. This narrow minded Euro-centric point of view, with regards to architecture was clearly apparent in Banister Fletcher?s casual omission of Africa in his book ?Tree of Architecture?. (Lokko 2000: 15) From this omission of African architecture, it can be understood that African architecture and African perspectives on the subject matter were either felt not to exist or did not to matter in the prevalent Euro-centric view at the time. The extent of this condescending Euro-centric view was highlighted on numerous occasions with the many ?discoveries? of architecture in Africa that were credited to mysterious foreign builders. A case in point is the Great Zimbabwe Ruins in Zimbabwe, whose construction until recently was credited to mysterious Arab traders, because the belief was so strong among European anthropologists that Africans did not have the capacity to create of such magnificent, high skill requiring monumental architecture. Curiously enough this view was held even beyond the point in time when it had been proven beyond a doubt that the only people that could have built this piece of architecture were black Africans in the region at the time. The effects of colonialism now combined with the effects of globalistation with its promotion of cultural diffusion and easy consumption of foreign products and ideas is making it even harder for a people trying to regain their sense of identity. However, despite all of these challenges there is a strong desire among the African people to reaffirm their identity as Africans, returning what was suppressed and condemned for so long back into their culture. This is perhaps the dawn of the African Renaissance, former President of South Africa; Thabo Mbeki spoke of in the speech he gave at the United Nations University in April 1998 (UNU 2008), long foretold by one of the founding members of the African National Congress, Pixley Ka Izaka Seme, when he spoke at New York?s Columbia University, in 1906. (Suite 101 2007) ?The brighter day is rising upon Africa...Yes the regeneration of Africa belongs to this new and powerful period. The African people...possess a common fundamental sentiment which is everywhere manifest, crystallizing itself into one common controlling idea...The regeneration of Africa means that a new and unique civilization is soon to be added to the world.? Pixley Ka Izaka Seme. (Suite 101 2007) Even as Seme spoke these words, a dark future lay on the horizon for the people of the African Continent. The brighter day did not rise. Instead the darkest night of colonial oppression and exploitation enveloped Africa. Now almost a century later, is this the dawn of the African Renaissance? (Suite 101 2007) The Great Zimbabwe Ruins Found in Modern Day Zimbabwe. (BootsnAll 2006) 47 The new sense of pride in the African in the field of architecture is manifesting itself as a desire to design and create architecture that is more responsive to the social, cultural, and geographical aspects of the African context, while at the same time keeping in line with modern contemporary standards found across the world. In terms of the intervention I am proposing, the intention is to design a cultural centre that reflects the cultures, beliefs and values of the Basotho people as well as their aspirations in the contemporary modern world. Indeed, what I have set out to do in this thesis investigation is to design a building that sits comfortably in the urban setting of Maseru, reflecting the contemporary modern urban lifestyle found in the town, while at the same time reflecting Basotho culture. Therefore, for the final building design I envision a design that acknowledges that the Basotho culture, is a culture that exists in the contemporary international globalised world, amongst a myriad of different other cultures and therefore, makes use of imported stylistic elements and technologies while still retaining a distinctly Sesotho ?flavour?. In essence the building becomes a mix or a hybrid between tradition/cultural and contemporary/ modern architecture hopefully satisfying both. However, this is far from a straight forward exercise, because for one thing the judgement of value of traditional/ vernacular architecture does not always fit well into the dominant international architecture judgement criteria, and often tends to be classified as backward or even primitive when judged under this criterion. This is because even though huge steps forward have been made in including traditional African vernacular architecture into the world body of architectural discourse, since the days of Banister Fletcher, the way architecture is taught is still predominantly from a Euro-centric point of view. Where value judgement calls are based almost entirely on ?theory, history and modalities of practice issues from the architectural discourse of the west.? (Noble 2008: 4) This, I have found has lead in some cases to African vernacular architecture in the past not being acknowledge or to the other end scale where it is being overly romatised to a purified ideal that does not take into account the modern contemporary context, when in actual fact African architecture like any other architecture has borrowed and assimilated foreign inputs. Therefore, the challenge is, although attempted with vary degrees of success around the world, to create acceptable architectural typologies that straddle the gap between tradition and modernity comfortably, creating hybrids which appeal to longstanding traditional values while satisfying the reality of the modern day, contemporary aspirations of Basotho people. Although the concepts of traditional/ vernacular architecture and contemporary/ modern architecture have come to have certain connotations associated with them, which makes most people take them as separate schools of thought completely, in actual fact they do not necessarily have to be mutually exclusive. For instance, if one considers a traditional Sesotho building typology like a traditional mohlongoa fatse, you would be talking about something very specific which is unlikely to fall into the category of contemporary/ modern architecture, however that is not to say that it is impossible for one to design a contemporary/ modern interpretation of a mohlongoa fatse, which would be recognisable as being derived from the mohlongoa fatse typology but could still be clearly recognised as a contemporary/ modern building. Although this is a very simplified crude example, the point trying to be illustrated here is, that it does not have to be an ?either- or? situation, there is a capacity for both. However, in Jonathan Noble?s paper, Architecture, Hybridity and Post-Apartheid Design he identifies the lack of theoretical discussions on strategies for hybridization in architecture. (Noble 2008: 1) In modern architectural theory the most common type of hybridity is post-modern hybridity, (Noble 2008: 2) popularised by Charles Jenks and Robert Venturi. However, Noble suggests that in terms of architecture discourse, the postcolonial hybridity perspective offers more to the architect than the post-modern perspective, in the context of dealing with subjugated discourses because it utilises the subjugated discourses to confront the dominant discourses that ?animate specific cultural/political conditions?. (Noble 2008: 3) Whereas, on the other hand post-modern theories on hybridity, remain within the realm of the dominant discourses and do not engage with the subjugated discourses, therefore, rendering resultant forms only stylistic representations that do not reflect the cultural/political context. (Noble 2008) Postcolonial hybridity then becomes useful in the African context of achieving their goals of expressing their current cultural identities, because the theory in itself allows for subversion and disturbance of the homogenising tendencies of dominant discourse, creating the opportunity for the former subjugated practices to emerge. 48 Describing buildings simply as ?hybrids?, however, is somewhat too simplistic because it does not make distinctions in how the specific hybrid came about, which is important in understanding and evaluating of architectural hybrids. (Noble 2008) In light of this Noble proposes a series of analytical distinctions between different forms of hybridity; conscious and unconscious, momentary and sublimated, overt and hidden, stating that these distinctions provide a more holistic understanding of the hybridity displayed in architectural forms. (Noble 2008) Although all of these distinctions between the different types of hybridities are all relevant in the practice of architecture, as I have stated, ultimately my intention is to design a cultural centre that reflects contemporary ?Basotho Identity? in its design. Therefore, of particular interest to me, in relation to this objective is the distinction between overt and hidden hybridity and the different ways hybridity can be used in this way. Making reference to the post- apartheid context of South Africa, Noble highlights three options of how the goal of creating an ?African identity? in building design can be achieved. First he suggests that a) the New South African Architecture can appropriate Western architecture, in an attempt to form a new, undifferentiated relation between Africa and the West, or b) reject Western architecture outright, attempting to design from scratch, or the final option c) hybridize Western architecture, Africanize it, adapting it to local needs and aspirations. (Noble 2008: 13) However, Noble submits option c, in the current political climate of South Africa with regards to creating an ?African identity? in the design of public buildings is the most logical step forward. (Noble 2008: 13) This option seems to be beneficial to architecture in general, especially in the context of my investigation because it does not try to erase or negate history; rather it seems to build on the current situation taking into account past historical events, that as negative as these have sometimes been, they have had a profound effect in shaping our current cultural identities. Another beneficial aspect of option c is that it does not prescribe a solution, but instead allows for varying degrees of overt and hidden hybridity in design. Allowing for an array of different types of hybrids, such as those that choose to hide their Western precedents and those that don?t, or those that have designs that are heavily influenced by Western precedents and those that are not... the list of possible hybrid combinations therefore becomes infinite. Therefore, allowing an ?African identity? to evolve over time with the selection and transformation of preferred hybrids, until ultimately a truly ?African architectural identity? is recognised. Although this is obviously a lengthy process, I believe because it is not a forced decision but rather a natural evolution, it will only be beneficial for African architecture. 49 Site (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008) Context Lesotho is a small mountainous country located in southern Africa, completely surrounded by South Africa. The capital, Maseru, the town where the site of my architectural intervention will be located, is positioned along the Mohokare River, that acts as a natural boundary between Lesotho and South Africa. Location of Lesotho on the African Continent (Coutsoukis 2003) Maseru is generally the first stop for most people entering Lesotho, due to its location along the Mohokare River, bordering South Africa. The Maseru Bridge Border post is the main entryway into Lesotho for travellers coming into Lesotho by air as well as for vehicular traffic coming from the Bloemfontein and Johannesburg directions. The location of Maseru was initially used as an administrative post by the British and the then ?capital? of Lesotho was Thaba Bosiu, until the then king, Moshoeshoe I, on decree declared Maseru the capital city, and it has slowly grown from there. Many old sandstone buildings from early in the century are still standing and can still be seen today. Maseru is young but growing town, it is the legislative and economical center of the whole country, and it is estimated that as much as ? of the country?s population lives in the town. (Wikimedia 2008). Location of Maseru in Lesotho (Greenwich 2000 2008) 51 Criteria for Site Selection The criteria drawn for the selection of a suitable site is as follows: 1. The site should be located within the urban environment, preferably within the central business district of Maseru. 2. The site should be large enough to accommodate a program that would facilitate both active and passive forms of cultural expression. 3. The site should be located along or near major pedestrian and vehicular routes. 4. The site should be located in an area that is accessible and allows for the interaction of people from different economic, social and cultural backgrounds. 52 Predominent Building Use By Nieghbourhoods Maseru West Residential Florida Residential CTC Prison Grounds Maseru CBD Commercial Moshoeshoe II Residential Stadium Area Residential Freebel Residential New Eupopa Residential Happy Villa Residential Sea Point Residential White City Residential I am considering 3 sites for my intervention, represented as blue dots on the map. They are located within the Maseru central business district along Kingsway Road, which is denoted as a red line running from west to east on the map. The other blue lines represent major arterial vehicle routes. Kingsway Road is by far the busiest and most active road in Maseru, in terms of vehicular movement and pedestrian movement, making it an ideal location for my intended intervention. Each of the 3 sites is located relatively close to Kingsway Road therefore they would all be able to benefit from the large volumes of vehicular and pedestrian traffic. Therefore, under the criteria I drew up for site selection all of these sites have the potential to be chosen as the final site for my intervention. (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008) 53 Possible Sites Along Kingsway Road - Kingsway Road - Major Arterial Roads Each of the 3 sites identified have a number of similarities that fit into the selection criteria. However, each site in itself is quite unique, and will have to analysed in detail to ascertain which site is the most appropriate for the intended intervention. (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008) 55 Topography Lesotho is an extremely mountainous country and has the highest lowest point of any country in the world, where its lowest point is about 1300m above sea level. Therefore, even though the capital Maseru is located in the lowlands of the country, it is still quite mountainous. Meaning which ever of the 3 sites I eventually choose to work with, the landscape is going to have to be a consideration, especially on the third site, which is particularly uneven as there is a big hill on it. Contour lines are at 2m intervals. (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008)56 Cultural Government Police Commercial Recreation Mixed Use Residential Private Business Building Use Hospital Hospitality Schools (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008) 57 Urban Fabric (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008)58 Urban Fabric (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008) 59 Vehicular Movement (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008) This image shows the relative volumes of vehicular movement through the area of study. The orange lines representing the volume of traffic, where the thicker the line the higher the volume of traffic. The blue dots in the image represent taxi drop- off zones. 60 Pedestrian Movement (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008) This image on the other hand shows the relative volumes of pedestrian movement through the area of study. The orange lines representing the volume of traffic, where the thicker the line the higher the volume of traffic. The blue dots in the image represent taxi drop- off zones. 61 First Site Option - LNDC Centre This site is located on the western end of Kingsway Road. It is an interesting site because it is located in the heart of the Maseru CBD, as well as being next to a very active taxi drop- off point, making it extremely accessible to all, opening up potential opportunities for the architectural intervention to engage with the large volume of pedestrian and vehicular traffic passing through the site. The site is also favourable because it is located in an area with a diversity of functional uses of buildings, which would allow people from different walks of life to interact with each other and the cultural centre. At the western edge of the site there is the Mokorotlo (Basotho hat) and Thebe (shield) buildings, two of the most iconic buildings in Lesotho. Within close proximity to the site there is a hotel, a cinema, a shopping complex, government office block towers with several smaller retail stores on the ground floors. Due to the nature of the site, being located right on a major movement corridor, the final architectural intervention would have to be very light as not to impede pedestrian and vehicular traffic. The benefit of this would be that the architectural intervention wouldn?t necessarily have to be just a destination, but rather something people could also interact with while going about their daily routines. The Mokorotlo building, one of the most recognisable buildings in Lesotho, inspired by the traditional hat. The Thebe building, another identifiable buildings in Lesotho, inspireb by the swallow shaped shield. 62 INFORMAL TRADERS TAXI DROP-OFF POINT VEHICULAR MOVEMENT PEDESTRIAN MOVEMENT TO MASERU WEST TO MASERU CENTRAL POLICE HEADQUARTERS TO THE OLD MARKET TO BY-PASS ROAD TO MASERU WEST TO HA THETSANE (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008) 63 Second Site Option - Old Post Office Site The second site option is similar to the first in a number of ways. Firstly it is also located along Kingsway Road, about 1/4 of the way up from the western end, meaning there is also a large number of pedestrian and vehicular traffic as well, again opening up the opportunity for interaction between the intervention and the large number of people. This site is also similar to the first in that there is an active taxi drop- off zone within the vicinity, drawing people towards it increasing pedestrian traffic around the site. Another similarity is also in the diversity of the functional uses of the buildings around the site. Across the road north of the site is the central Maseru police charge office, east of the site across the road is the headquarters of UNESCO, across Kingsway Road south of the site is the Standard Bank complex with the banking tower and across the road to the south west and west of the site are the two post office towers. The site is also appealing because it has heritage value as it used to be the site of the old post office, which was torn down and replaced by the two new towers next door, and also because the memorial to Basotho soldiers who died in World War II is located along the sites northern edge. Currently, the site is supposed to be used as a park, but has been strangely fenced off from the public, with the only public access to the site being the public toilet block located on the sites eastern edge. The site is also interesting because it is just down the road fromThe Kings Palace, and up the road from Moshoeshoe I Memorial Park. The Memorial to the Basotho soldiers who died in World War II (Tsuene 2008). The entrance to the old post office building, that was torn down when the new one was built. (Tsuene 2008).64 TO THE KINGS PALACE TO MASERU WEST TO BY-PASS ROAD TO MOSHOESHOE I MEMORIAL PARK TO THE OLD MARKET TO CENTRAL POLICE HEADQUARTERS (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008) INFORMAL TRADERS TAXI DROP-OFF POINT VEHICULAR MOVEMENT PEDESTRIAN MOVEMENT 65 Third Site Option - Moshoeshoe I Memorial Park The third site option is located just south of kingsway Road, behind the Standard Bank and post office towers, and about 300m down the road from the second site option. The third site option is not as heavily trafficked as the two previous sites, however, is significant in that it is much larger than the other two sites allowing for a much larger and varied programme. This site is desirable because like the second site option it has heritage value in that it faces the hill where the monument to Moshoeshoe I, the first king of Lesotho is built, as well as the fact it is currently use as a venue for festivities such as the Moshoeshoes Day celebrations. However, like the second site, this site is usually fenced off from the public, with only about a 1/3 of the site being accessible to the public as parking on a daily basis, restricting access to the monument itself. The site is divided by a small road, that connects kingsway Road to the By-pass Highway, and is only really used by motorists during the morning and evening rush hour and has a small steady stream of pedestrian flow for most of the day. The third site option differs from the first two site options primarily because in the first, two site options there is already activity taking place and the challenge was how to engage with this activity, whereas the challenge of this site is to draw people into the site and activate it. A view of the site from the top of the hill. The statue of King Moshoeshoe I, the founder and first king of the Basotho nation. 66 INFORMAL TRADERS TAXI DROP-OFF POINT VEHICULAR MOVEMENT PEDESTRIAN MOVEMENT TO KINGSWAY ROAD TO BY-PASS HIGHWAY (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008) 67 First Site Option - LNDC Centre Second Site Option - Old Post Office Site Third Site Option - Moshoshoe I Memorial Park 68 Final Site Selection After assessing all the positive and negative aspects of each site, I quickly eliminated the first site option from consideration because even with all its positive qualities the site was simply too small to accommodate even the most streamlined programme, leaving site options two and three. The issue I had in between choosing one of these two sites over the other was that both sites had aspects that made them favourable as well as major aspects that made them difficult. Site option two was ideal in every way except it was too small, and would it would be impossible to accommodate my whole programme on it. While, with site option three I didn?t have this problem because there was more than enough space, the problem however, was that it was cut off from all the activity on Kingsway Road. After careful consideration I realised that I could use both sites, where I could have an urban intervention that linked the two site options with each other as well as the Kings palace, creating a cultural spine. Where activities and spaces that needed to be in a location with already existing activity would be in the programme of site option two, and the activities and spaces that had the means of drawing people in and creating their own activity would be placed on site option three, ultimately activating the space. INFORMAL TRADERS TAXI DROP-OFF POINT VEHICULAR MOVEMENT PEDESTRIAN MOVEMENT70 (Derived from Department of Maps and Survey, 2008) Cultural Spine 3D 72 Programme Life in General Life in Lesotho is a combination of modern and traditional ways. Although not as predominant since independence in 1966, traditional authority still exists through a system of chieftaincy, extending from the King though the chief to the village level. Village life in Lesotho is quite rural, in which daily activities are largely based around subsistence farming. However, traditional crafts such as pottery, grass weaving and beading are still practiced. Music and dance also play an important role in Sesotho culture, where herd boys in the mountains entertain themselves with traditional instruments such as the ?lesiba? a stringed and wind instrument. Dances such as the ?gun boot dance? are also extremely popular and illustrates the influence of migrant labour on traditional forms of expression. A herd boy plays the lesiba, a tradtional sesotho instrument (TRC 2006) A boy plays a banjo- like instrument (TRC 2006) Kingsway Road brings a blend of traditional and western culture. (Fry- Singer N.D) Above tradition dancers perform at a political rally. Dance and music have always been important in Basotho culture. (Encyclopaedia Britannica 2008) Urban life in Maseru on the other hand brings a blend of traditional and western culture, where shops and markets sell regional crafts and goods alongside imported goods. Lesotho has many active artists whose work is highly valued by collectors and the sale of their work is an important part of the local economy. The Basotho also have a rich tradition of oral literature that is given expression in songs, proverbs, jokes, myths and legends, and can be seen in the contemporary works of local writers, who write western- style novels in Sesotho. (Penguin Books 2008) (Musica 2000- 2002) The image above on the right is a novel written by famous Mosotho author Thomas Mofolo (1877 ? 1948 reprinted translated into English. The Basotho have a long history of writing literature. In 2007 was the centenary of the first publication of the first African work of literature written in a Western form, published by the Morija Press, in Lesotho a hundred years ago. (Penguin Books, 2008). The image on the left is the album cover of Sankomota one of Lesotho?s most popular music group that shot to fame all over Southern Africa.74 Understanding the Problem Therefore, the proposed cultural centre is intended to be a space that enables Basotho people to share their knowledge and culture with one another as well as with other people from different cultures, a transformative space where Basotho culture and values can exist in the 21st century. As an image or icon that is to, by its nature, represent a specific culture, a cultural centre ideally should embody the expectations and ambitions of the culture it is meant to represent. Therefore, the Basotho cultural centre should exhibit the intangible qualities and sentiments that make Basotho culture the unique culture that it is. However, this task is complicated by the fact that culture, the essence of what is trying to be conveyed through the building?s design and function is an idea that is unique and subjective to each individual within the given culture. Therefore, the question becomes, what sort of building would the cultural centre have to be, and what functions and activities would it provide for, in order for it to become a ?place? that is truly reflective of Basotho Culture? The difficulty in finding an answer to this question is because as I mentioned earlier the idea of what is cultural is very subjective, subject to different opinions and interpretations. For an example if you took two Basotho men of the same age, one from Maseru and one from a rural mountain village, and asked them what functions or activities should be catered for in the cultural centre you would get very different responses. This is illustrated below, in the answers I got when I asked random people around Kingsway Road the same question. What would you expect of or to find in a Basotho cultural centre? An informal trader, who sells traditional herbs and remedies for a variety ailments, near the central taxi rank. A taxi owner, who?s taxi?s rank at the Maseru central taxi rank just off Kingsway Road. An informal trader, who sells a variety of goods, along the road near the central taxi rank. A taxi driver, who ranks at the central taxi rank. An informal trader, who sells traditional arts and crafts at the border gate. A businessman, who runs a computer shop in the CBD along Kingsway Road. 75 Developing a Response With these suggestions in mind I tried to develop a programme, which at its core, would have the theme on inclusivity running through it, without prescribing what would happen in every space of the Cultural Centre, but rather designing with flexibility in mind, allowing for opportunities for the user of the cultural centre to use and engage with it as they pleased. Initially when I developed the programme for the cultural centre I had envisioned that I would be designing a single building on just one of the two sites located along the cultural spine, and according to this premise I developed the following programme: I wanted the cultural centre to have a Market for the displaced Kingsway Road informal traders for whom it was meant to accommodate, a sort of informal commercial hub, where informal traders trading various sorts of goods would benefit from the close proximity to the cultural centre as would the cultural centre from their presence. Informal traders, selling their goods on the sidewalks of Kingsway Road before they were displaced by the new law. (TRC 2006) ?I think it was unfair of the government to remove the informal traders off Kingsway, because that?s how they make money to live. I think a market for informal traders on Kingsway is a good idea.? ?Personally, I think a cultural centre should be a place where people can get in touch with their roots. But I also think it shouldn?t be old and boring it should be something people can relate to.? ?I think a cultural centre should be a place where we as Basotho can celebrate our culture and traditions together.? ?Many people today don?t know their culture, so I think something like a cultural centre would help people learn and become more interested in their traditions and culture.? ?I?m not really sure what a cultural centre should have, but I think it should be somewhere people can have fun and celebrate their culture.? ?Life is hard selling on the street, I have a stall here at the border but most people just pass us in their cars so having a place like a cultural centre in town where we can sell to tourists would be good for business.? 76 In addition, the inclusion of an Exhibition/ Display Area also seemed appropriate, for displaying information, artifacts, craftwork to be viewed by the public, because arts and crafts have always played a central role in Sesotho culture. The centre would also need Administrative Offices for the daily running and management of the cultural Centre. Complimenting the exhibition/ display area, a workshop area will be required to provide for the practical, technical aspect of running an exhibition/ display area. However, I envision this workshop not just being a space serving the exhibition/ display area but an interactive space where visitors to the cultural can participate in watching and learning how to make some of the art and craft pieces on displayed from local artisans providing local job creation. From my Moshoeshoe?s Day experience, it also became apparent that a designed Events Space would be a desirable inclusion to the programme, for hosting a variety of cultural activities, some of which already take place on the site and some others that could possibly be introduced to the site, for example a number Festivals and exhibitions, such as the annual trade exhibition, held in Maseru are held in open fields because there is no space designed to accommodate them. I also found, that during many of the events that take place on the site, such as on Moshoeshoe?s Day and Independence Day there are many live performances, ranging from choral groups, dancing, sing and live bands and the inclusion of an Amphitheatre in the programme would provide a more suitable stage for these various performances, enhancing the quality of the performances and the viewing pleasure of the audience. The amphitheatre and the events space are not necessarily different spaces but they do serve different purposes, where the amphitheatre would be used for smaller more intimate performances, the events space would host larger events such as festivals, exhibitions and large concerts. A performance by the military marching band during Moshoeshoe?s Day Celebrations that would be accommodated in the proposed events space. A performance by a school choir for the King and dignitaries also on Moshoeshoe?s Day that could be accommodated in an amphitheatre. 77An outdoor arts and crafts market that could be accommodated in the events space.(TRC 2006) Much of the Moshoeshoe Memorial Park is a public green space and already has indigenous plants growing in it. However, as it is, much of the green space is fenced off from the public restricting access to the park defeating its purpose. Therefore, I propose that in my intervention that most of the existing green space be retained and unrestricted access to the park be given to the public. The provision of a public green park is a much needed addition to the urban fabric of the Maseru CBD. I propose that most of the existing green space in the park be retained as a public green space. Basotho History like many African histories has been preserved orally, and has been passed from generation to generation, through a colourful use of language in the form of Litsomo (stories) and Maele (Maxims and proverbs). ?Each generation had its own bards, who made and taught the national songs; almost all chiefs who distinguished themselves in war or the chase songs of the deeds and composed panegyrics about them; mothers and grandmothers used to collect the young around them, in order to invest and instruct them by means of riddles, fables, and marvelous tales?.. This custom of artistic and metaphorical expression has existed among the Basotho since the most ancient of times.? (Ellenberger 1912: 297) Sesotho, the language of the Basotho is very expressive and playful, full of sarcasm and wit, it?s not just a means of communication, but by the way an individual talks Sesotho, with the use of metaphors and similes, a person is able to judge the individuals knowledge of Sesotho. (Ellenberger 1912: 297) From this it is clear the importance of the Sesotho language to the Basotho people, and in light of this I have included Story Telling Areas in the programme, which could also be used as casual sitting and social meeting areas. 78 As much as some of the informal trading going on within the market will be small informal restaurants, I believe there should also be a formal restaurant included in the program, because the scale and the type cliental of the two types of restaurants is very different and therefore, to provide for both would be providing a more for a more inclusive atmosphere which is at the heart of this intervention. Therefore, the Programme I had initially intended to provide was as follows: Underground Parking Market/ Public Square/ Performance Area Street Edge Retail Storage for Market Informal Food Court Public W.C?s Outdoor Amphitheatre Exhibition/ Display Galleries Administration Offices Workshop Auditorium Conference Rooms Storage for Galleries Formal Restaurant Multi- Media Centre. However, as I began to design the cultural centre it became apparent that my intervention would not succeed if I put the entire programme on just one site, because each of the sites had its pro?s and con?s which worked for some of the programme but not all. The issues that arose out of having my entire programme on the Moshoeshoe 1 Memorial Park, was that some of the activities in the programme I proposed, required large volumes of pedestrian traffic to work, which this site simply didn?t have. On the other hand the issue that arose from having the entire programme on the site of the old post office was that the building became too big and diminished the significance of the site. Therefore, a more context responsive programme had to be formulated, that would enhance the ambiance of the sites. In light of this I came to the decision of splitting the programme between the two sites. In such a way that, the part of the programme that relies on pedestrian traffic to work is located on the old post office site along Kingsway Road, and the rest of the programme that is more of a destination and likely to attract people on its own is located in the more secluded Moshoeshoe I Memorial Park. In the end, this lead to the programme being split into three categories; the old post office site, Moshoeshoe 1 Memorial Park and the space between them which I called the spine. The Cultural Spine The spine - the movement route that links the two sites. Providing an opportunity for interventions that engage with the pedestrian. The Old Post office site- funtions and activities that rely on heavy pedestrian traffic will be located here. Moshoeshoe I Memorial Park- functions and activities that are able to draw people in, anchors, will be located on this site. 79 Final Programme Old Post Office Site Market Street Edge Commerce Performance Area Multi- Media Centre Contemporary Art Gallery Administration Offices Formal Restaurant Informal Restaurants Storage for Market Gallery Storage Public W.C?s Spine Market Sculptural Garden Moshoeshoe I Memorial Park Museum/ Traditional Art Gallery Auditorium Conference Rooms Administration Offices Performance Area Sculptural Garden Green Park Gallery Storage Public W.C?s Parking 80 Case Studies The Brambuk Cultural Centre The Brambuk Cultural Centre has been chosen as a case study because it is a modern building that has been designed to represent a specific indigenous culture i.e the Brambuk Aboriginal culture. The Brambuk Cultural Centre in Victoria, Australia. (Hastrich 2007) The project was funded by the Victoria state government and is the result of years of the architect working alongside five Aboriginal communities in developing a cultural centre, that reflects their beliefs and ways of living. The aim of the project was to focus attention on Aboriginal art and activities in the Grampians and encourage protection of sites and culture through greater public appreciation. (Gariwerd Enterprises N.D) The architect Greg Burgess states, ?the Brambuk group stressed the need for a place for living culture rather than a museum of past culture... a place for gathering and creation in a real sense to engender pride in Aboriginality.? (Gariwerd Enterprises N.D) Description The centre is a 800 sqm, two storey building surrounded by a series of earth mounds, which enclose a ceremonial garden for the building. The curved form of the building dominates the plan which is based on overlapping shapes centred along the vertical axis of the massive fire place and chimney. The Brambuk Cultural Centre in Victoria, Australia. (Gariwerd Enterprises N.D) One enters the building into a gathering space with a display area and workshops for visitors and resident artists to one side and to the other a theatre, a retail shop and administration offices. A cafe on the first floor looks out onto the ceremonial space below and the hills in the distance, is accessed by a ?snake-like? spiralling ramp that begins and ends at the chimney. ?The forms and elements of the building reflect many influences and can be interpreted in many ways. It is a fusion of organic and holistic architecture. The undulating roof as the sweeping wings of the Cockatoo or the Emperor Moth, or as a harmonic of the surrounding hills; the curved ramp as the serpent; the massive stone fireplace as a cosmic axis or the traditional fireplace; and the circular forms as echoes of 8,000 year old Aboriginal stone buildings found in the region.? (Gariwerd Enterprises N.D) 82 83 Locally sourced sandstone was used for the base of the walls and lower floors of the central area. The display area floor and the walls of the main gathering space are made of compacted earth. Twenty four 200 mm diameter Grey Box poles, many with bark intact, encircle the hearth and carry parts of the roof structure as well as the spiralling ramp which winds its way up through the building. The principle roof structure is supported on the massive undulating segmented ridge beam which, like a backbone, runs between two large timber posts at the extreme ends of the building, where the major space of the theatre and display room are located, thus provides a role in the organic expression of the building. (Gariwerd Enterprises N.D) 200 mm timber box poles support the roof. (Gariwerd Enterprises N.D) The massive stone fire place (Gariwerd Enterprises N.D) The spiralling ?snake-like? ramp and sandstone chimney (Gariwerd Enterprises N.D) The undulating roof as the sweeping wings of the Cockatoo or the Emperor Moth, echoing the mountain backdrop (T.T.P.B N.D) The interior display galleries of The Brambuk Cultural Centre. (Hastrich 2007) The interior display (Hastrich 2007) Locally sourced traditional materials were combined with modern materials like steel, concrete and glass, to create a contemporary cultural centre. Wall detail. (Hastrich 2007) The Entrance (Hastrich 2007) The Tjibaou Cultural Centre ?The return to tradition is a myth ... No people has ever achieved that. The search for identity, for a model, I believe it lies before us ... Our identity is before us?: Jean-Marie Tjibaou?s vision informs the new cultural centre at Noum?a in New Caledonia. (Richardson 2001) I choose The Tjibaou Cultural Centre in Noumea, New Caledonia designed by Renzo Piano as a case study because I believe it is a good example of how a cultural centre representing a traditional indigenous people can be reinterpreted into a modern building. The Tjibaou Cultural Centre (About.com 2008) From conception, Piano was concerned with learning from the local culture, and at the same time determined not to end up with a kitsch representation of Kanak huts. The solution was not a single monumental building ? which would have failed to respect the Kanak belief of harmony with nature ? but an assemblage of ?villages? pathways and open spaces. The centre?s most distinctive features are what Piano describes as ?cases? ? curved structures built from wooden joists and ribs, which are visible from far away above the trees. Description ?There ten of these curious but elegant structures, each having a different height and function. At 28 metres high, the largest case is as tall as a nine storey building and forms a visible landmark from far away. Its profiled wooden slates vibrate with the wind, merging with the surrounding vegetation and evoking the intertwined fibres of the local Melanesian huts.? (Richardson 2001: 132-137) What Piano calls the ?cases?, are arranged in three groups, or villages, in a very gently curving line that follows the curved axis of the peninsula. In coming up with the design for the Cultural Centre Piano looked at the organisation of the traditional Kanak village cluster and the traditional ribbed wooden hut structures in which tall thin curved timber members cluster together at the top and carry cladding. Two of Piano?s cases (The Architectural Review: 1998) ?In the quest for identity, you must always look forwards, never backwards? our identity lies ahead of us.? Jean-Marie Tjibaou. (Richardson 2001) 84 85 The centre is divided into three main categories: performance art hall, artwork - galleries, and reading - research, which are further divided into three clusters, invoking the planning of a traditional village in the layout of the program?s main elements. Perhaps its most triumphant attribute of the Tjibaou Cultural Centre is how Piano articulated and manipulated the region?s bio-climatic typology to achieve a high level of human comfort. Recognizing the need for passive cooling, the entire program becomes dictated by wind and sun orientation, the shape of the facade is created not as an aesthetic mask, but works as a fully functioning passive system. (Richardson 2001: 132-137) Piano stresses, ?architectural invention cannot ignore history, tradition, or the context of construction.? Rather it is based on the choices and sacrifices of components we make in order to achieve a unified whole. Balance comes through negotiating; it is a game of compromise and decision making. Perhaps nature and tradition can never really be completely reconciled with modern technology. Instead the architect has to make choices, maybe the truth of the Tjibaou Cultural Centre is that it is not a perfectly equal balance of nature and technology, but that through intuitive selection of one detail or movement over another, it voices a memory of the past and a hope for the future. (Richardson 2001: 132-137) The cases as an aesthetic worked so well because they are of pure invention rather than borrowed form, loosely based on indigenous huts, an earlier design took a far more literal interpretation. But the final version is a more abstract reading, which avoids the dangers of kitsch. Their logic is based on Piano?s investigation into the texture of materials and the local climate and experiments, which combined the use of natural materials and modern technology, using laminated wood and natural wood, concrete and coral, steel castings and glass panels, tree bark and aluminium. The cases also have a practical purpose, which is to provide an effective system of passive ventilation, exploiting the trade winds from sea and bring convection currents into the interior. (Richardson 2001: 132-137) A Piano Sketch of the indigenous huts of the New Caledonia (The Architectural Review: 1998) The entrance into the Tjibaou Cultural Centre (The Architectural Review: 1998) Long arcing route which connects all elements of the complex (The Architectural Review: 1998) As accepted as Piano?s cultural centre is, by the Kanak people, a major criticism however, is that although Piano?s sculptural cases are seen by many as a modern interpretation of Kanak traditional huts, others question their authenticity because the cases do not have the centrepost which is identified as the ?leader? in many Pacific societies. ?Viewed as possibly the most important element of a Kanak hut, Piano choose to remove it, perhaps [feeling] the subtle suggestion of the centrepost was more importants to him than actually constructing one. (Young 2003: 5) The Centre Pompidou The Centre Pompidou designed by Richard Rodgers and Renzo Piano is renowned not only for its striking design but just as much for how the building has successfully provided the spark that brought about regeneration of one of the more deprived areas of central Paris. The architects have described the building as a ?live centre of information and entertainment?, a flexible container and dynamic communications machine, highly serviced and made from prefabricated parts, attracting as wide a public as possible by cutting across traditional institutional limits. The Centre Pompidou (Galinsky 1998- 2006) The Pompidou was to be, they explained, ?a truly dynamic meeting place where activities would overlap in flexible, well-serviced spaces, a peoples centre, a university of the street reflecting the constantly changing needs of its users - a place for all people of all ages, all creeds, for young and old - a cross between and information orientated computerised New York?s Times Square and the British Museum?. (Powell 2006: 15) The reason the Centre Pompidou was choosen as a case study is because I was interested in seeing how the architects managed to create such a vibrant public square around an equally successful building, which is also the intention of my intervention. The Centre Pompidou over time has become one of the most popular modern buildings and has become one of the biggest tourist attractions throughout France. (Powell 2006: 15) Half the site was set aside by the architects as a public square; therefore, the building had to go vertical to accommodate the 90,000 square metres of programme required in the brief. Resulting an active public square and the opportunity for continued public circulation up the facade of the building created what has been hailed as ?the world first vertical piazza? ? with streets in the air, terraces, elevators and escalators. (Powell 2006: 15) However, nonetheless, there is a tension in the building, between it being a ?people place? and its practical function as a container for cultural activities, which include a library and an art gallery, which due to their functions cannot be free- form but have set functional requirements. Primarily driven by the need for flexible internal spaces the architects made the decision of placing the structure and services on the outside of the building. By taking this decision the scheme was able to provide vast uninterrupted spaces, of open floors about 50 metres deep, that took into consideration Rodgers concern of creating space free from the intrusion of services, proved to be critical in creating highly adaptable spaces, changing in both character and use throughout the life of the Centre, linking art and learning spaces with more mundane activities. (Powell 2006: 237) However, Rodgers and Piano?s intervention was not only architectural but to a great deal urbanistic as well. The building and the large public square were designed as catalysts in the rejuvenation of an area of Paris that was in decline. Their success can be seen to the extents of the neighbouring Marais district, which is now a lively and multi-cultural sector of the city, underlining the Centres enormous positive on the area. (Powell 2006: 237) The Pompidou Centre has become a place for people and its radicalism is still striking even today and has proved to be popular to the vast public in the way it revolutionised the presentation of art and culture, attracting more than seven million visitors every year, reinstating Rodgers fundamental belief that cities adapt to the needs of the people, not vice versa.86 87The Centre Pompidou and its plaza in its urban context setting.(Rodgers Stirk Harbour + Partners 2007) A street artist in Centre Pompidou Plaza.(World Press 2007) The plaza becomes a meeting place or simply a place to relax and pass the day(Yahoo Inc 2008) Description The centre is located in the 4th arrondissment of the city in an area that is known as the ?heart? of Paris. It is situated two blocks away from Les Halles a large popular multi-storey shopping complex, with a metro stop on its lower levels. The Centre Pompidou and its plaza are successful in attracting large numbers of tourists as well as locals because of the diversity in activities. (PPS 2008) The actual building of the Centre Pompidou houses galleries of multi-media, modern and contemporary art, conference, performance and children?s play areas, a library of public information, a current affairs room, a replica of Brancusi?s sculpture studio, two restaurants, and a terrace overlooking Paris and the plaza below. The plaza is a huge expanse of cobblestone, an opening in an otherwise dense urban area, sloping gradually down toward the museum entrance. Public seating is not provided in the plaza, but large crowds are still drawn to watch street performers and meet and chat with friends. This lack of public seating is beneficial to the cafes that border the plaza, providing them with business opportunities while giving customers a place to sit while enjoying the activities. (PPS 2008) The plaza becomes a stage/ events space for street performers and the sloping ground of the plaza audiences to use it as an informal amphitheatre ideal for watching performances or just relaxing. (Yahoo Inc 2008) The Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature Government Complex The Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature Government Complex in Nelspruit, has been chosen as a case study because it is one of the first civic buildings commissioned by the South African Government after the end of apartheid that was to, ?marry the advances of modern technology and international standards? (Malan, McInerney 2001: 21), with the spirit of a diverse African people with a desire for building that reflects their culture. The Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature Government Complex in its natural surroundings. (Pearl Coral 4 2007) Different textures and finishes representing the category of ?Earth? elements. (Malan, McInerney 2001: 47) This resulted in a building that was responsive to appropriate technologies and local materials. Project architect Christoph Malan states, ?In assemblies such as the many timber and steel structures each building element retains its integrity as a functional object, yet in its material reflection, shaping and the visual effects achieved in its repetitive application, textures and patterns reminiscent of an African iconography are generated without having to resort to pastiche.? (Malan, McInerney 2001: 21) Face brick, rough cut granite and timber were selected to blend in with the natural environment, which is enhanced further by the landscape architecture, which is fully integrated into the design of the buildings, where only indigenous plants are used. Conceptual themes throughout the whole development are inspired by the landscape, in which the finishes were defined under one of the three categories: Earth, Reed or Grass. (Malan N.D) The claybrick, sandstone walls and textured plasters that the building mass consists of, are the ?Earth? elements. The ?Reed? elements on the other hand consist of the timber panelling, the balcony and balustrade structures as well as the sunscreen masts. Whereas the theme of weaving was used to convey the imagery of the ?Grass? elements, such as the woven stainless steel meshes that hang from the ceilings and the external sunscreens. ? Basket motifs were used further to carry on this theme in the natural stone carpets throughout the building and the interior lining of the massive dome of the assembly, the buildings focal point, is treated like a woven basket too. (Malan N.D) The bee-hive shaped dome is a traditional African form evokes memories of traditional African forms of enclosures. Patrick McInerney another of the lead architects on the project states the form of the domed assembly was informed by the genius loci, where the domed rock outcrops, in the surrounding natural landscape inspired its form, which he felt confident gave the development a distinctly African, or at least ?local? identity. (Noble 2008: 5) 88 Different textures and finishes representing the category of ?Reed? elements. (Malan, McInerney 2001: 47) Different textures and finishes representing the category of ?Grass? elements. (Malan, McInerney 2001: 47) Site layout, showing how the building is aligned to the natural contours and becomes integrated in to the natural environment. (Malan, McInerney 2001: 26) Description The site of the complex is located on a former citrus plantation, bordered by a crescent shaped tree line following the contours of the edge of the plateau. The layout of the complex responds directly to this setting. By aligning the complex to the site contours two distinctly different edges to the campus are created, which form a transition between the urban and natural realms. (Malan N.D) The pavilion- type buildings of the complex hug the tree line in two crescent- shaped lines, following the undulating ground line, engaging with the forest and connecting to outside ground level at two or even three levels. (Malan N.D) On west the complex curves along a colonnaded walkway that links all the buildings into a concave, enclosing space, to the east it curves in forming a convex edge which opens up to nature. The western edge is detailed as a solid, urban edge. The large brick walls, the colour chosen to blend in with the colours of the natural landscape, are subtly patterned to create a play of light and shade as the sun passes across their planes, each at a different angle along the curve. (Malan N.D) Whereas to the east of the complexes office floor plates radiate out to the forests, giving panoramic views from upper levels and opening into the foliage and over the river lower down. Arranged around internal courtyards the individual floor plates step in and out to engage the natural environment. Allowing indirect natural light to flood the interiors entering from internal courtyards. (Malan N.D) Hierarchically the dome, located at the junction of these two curves, takes up the pivotal position between the legislative and executive arms of the provincial government, visually forming an anchor of the overall formal and spatial composition. The dome is a result of the use of the genius loci, where the monolithic granite outcrops which mark the Nelspruit landscape become contextual references to a universally recognised architectural signifier of places of gathering. (Malan, N.D) 89 The Lesotho National Development Corporation Square The L.N.D.C square has been selected as a case study because it captures a similar character to the square I have proposed in my intervention. Currently the L.N.D.C square is the only publicly accessible space in Maseru CBD that was conceived and designed to fulfill the role that it currently plays; an outdoor public socialising area. INFORMAL TRADERS TAXI DROP-OFF POINT VEHICULAR MOVEMENT PEDESTRIAN MOVEMENT L.N.D.C SQUARE STREET EDGE COMMERCE L.N.D.C Square in its urban context The L.N.D.C square is one of the most popular outdoor public spaces in all of Maseru, attracting a huge cross- section of the local population. Who come to the square to visit the various shops and other activities located in the vicinity, or just happen to be passing through and decide to stay awhile. The square is active throughout the day until evening, especially during lunch hour on week days, when people from the many numerous office blocks and school children flock to the many restaurants and shops. After this the activity dies down to a steady flow of pedestrian traffic, only to pick-up again towards the end of the day with after-work rush hour, with school children hanging out and socialising before going home, to office workers heading to the various restaurants and bars in the area, for after hour drinks and meals. However, undoubtedly he biggest draw of people into the square for the whole day is the large ?Shoprite? supermarket that forms the western edge of the square. On weekends the square is even busier especially on Saturday, with people coming to do their weekend shopping, and with enmities such as a cinema nearby it attracts large crowds people, who come to the square to buy food and drinks before or after watching a movie, the square also becomes simply a place to just hangout and socialise with friends. The reason for the squares success I believe is due to the diversity of activities in the vicinity of the square, that range from office complexes and towers, to schools, hotels, private businesses, restaurants, street hawkers, internet cafes, bars to even a bakery, and of course the supermarket all of which keeps the square active throughout the day, drawing a diverse array of users from different walks of life. The location of the square is also the key to its success, with two taxi drop-off zones located to the west and east of the square has a steady stream of pedestrians cross it throughout the day allowing for bring about potential opportunities for interaction. What is interesting about the square however, is that it is not directly visible from the street edge but even with this shortcoming it is still very active. People are drawn into the square by passages that somehow build an anticipation that there is something more to see if you just go further. 90 Above a typical day in the L.N.D.C square. The platforms are used as seating and place to eat. Description The L.N.D.C square is located along Kingsway Road the main road running through the CBD. The square is actually a courtyard contained by a group of tightly packed buildings that are all part of the Lesotho National Development Corporation. These buildings create the boundaries of the square and most of them are mixed use with retail on the ground floor and offices on the rest of the levels. There is a strong north- south axis that crosses the square, and it is also the main pedestrian circulation route through the square. There are also a large number of pedestrians who enter the square via a northwest ? southeast axis due to the proximity of a taxi drop-off zone. The square itself is rectangular in shape, and has a series of rectangular slate covered platforms laid out in a rectangular grid that were used for the dual purpose of seating and as tables. Before the new law came into effect banning informal traders from trading along Kingsway Road many informal traders would use these platforms to display their goods. As a public square its location suits it very well, capitalising on the large volumes of pedestrian traffic, however, one shortcoming I have observed is that because of its small size and the layout of the platforms, it is not a space that lends itself to hosting large events, which I think creates a dynamic ever changing environment that would be a draw to even more people. Perhaps this was an oversight in the original design or it could simply be that the square was never intended to be as popular as it is and used in such a manner, however, I think if the square had been designed to accommodate such activities, it would have allowed for a much dynamic and richer experience. Sights around the L.N.D.C square. 91 Lessons Learnt Size and Layout - From Looking at the Centre Pompidou Plaza in Paris and the L.N.D.C square in Maseru, I found that the square in Maseru was limited in its size which restricted many activities which are possible in the plaza at the Centre Pompidou from taking place in it. Therefore, of concern to me is making sure that the space I provide for my proposed square is large enough for the activities I have envisioned as well as allowing people to use it as they please. I also found that the layout of the L.N.D.C square with the rectangular grid of platforms limited the uses of this space, whereas in the plaza of the Centre Pompidou because the space was left empty it has become very adaptable to different uses. I am not of the opinion that there should be no street furniture, like at the Centre Pompidou plaza, but I think if it is laid out and the space designed with the intention of the space being used for different purposes, this would only enhance the quality of the space. Location - Again from looking at the Centre Pompidou Plaza in Paris and the L.N.D.C square in Maseru I have noted that the reason these spaces work successfully, and draw such large number of crowds is based on a number of common elements; firstly they are both located in areas with a variety of different activities which allows for a large number of people from diverse backgrounds to have a purpose to come to them. Secondly they are both located near public transport nodes which allows for a continuous flow of pedestrians increasing the potential of interaction. Another reason for the success of the two squares is also in that they are located along major roads; the L.N.D.C square is located along Kingsway Road, the busiest road in all of the Maseru CBD. Whereas the Centre Pompidou and its plaza are located along Rue Beaubourg, ?a street that brushes up against several of the central areas of the city.? (The Everything Development Company: 2003) Decision Making - However, I think the most important lesson I learnt has to do with decision making that went into all the case studies I looked at, especially the ones that dealt with creating a building that was to be representative of a certain culture or people; these included the Brambuk Centre, the Tjibaou Cultural Centre, and the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature Government Complex. In all of these case studies the task given to the architects was to come up with building designs that captured the essence of what they were meant to represent, without reducing the said culture or people?s identity to pastiche building forms and ornamentation. Although, the approaches and outcomes varied from each project, a number of commonalities emerged. All of the architects felt that looking at precedents was important, in guiding their decision making and understanding traditional building rational but stayed away from trying to replicate or design buildings that looked like traditional ones. Instead each architect took what they could use from the precedents and applied it in their designs to make context and culturally sensitive buildings. Another common trait with all these buildings is that each architect seems to have paid close attention to the genius loci of their surroundings, observing natural and traditional forms, materials, spacial organistion and sensibilities of the local traditional architecture and the natural surroundings. For an example Renzo Piano found inspiration for the cases in the Tjibaou Cultural Centre by looking at the form of the traditional Kanak huts, but he did not try to replicate them preferring to interpret the form producing a more abstract reading, which avoids the dangers of kitsch. Piano based their logic on investigations he carried out into the ?texture of materials and the local climate and experiments, which combined the use of natural materials and modern technology, using laminated wood and natural wood, concrete and coral, steel castings and glass panels, tree bark and aluminium.? (The Architectural Review: 1998) Piano is quoted as saying, ?architectural invention cannot ignore history, tradition, or the context of construction.? (The Architectural Review: 1998) This seems to ring true in the case studies I selected, it is rather the choices and sacrifices we make, of components in order to achieve a unified whole. ?Balance comes through negotiating; it is a game of compromise and decision making. Pehaps, ultimately nature and tradition can never really be completely reconciled with modern technology, instead the architect has to make choices.... ... it is not a perfectly equal balance of nature and technology, but through intuitive selection of one detail or movement over another that voices a memory of the past and a hope for the future.? (The Architectural Review: 1998) 92 Design Development The following ideas and concepts, although many were not carried through into the final design, have been instrumental in ultimately coming up with the final design and show the process of the development of the building, up to the final design. Urban Design Intervention From the onset the site was of extreme importance, because the envisioned intervention was intended to have an extroverted character that engaged with people and the local context. Ultimately the Old Post Office site and the Moshoeshoe I Memorial Park were chosen as the two principle sites. Forming a ?cultural spine? running from north to south, linking the Royal Palace and the two sites, and crossing through Kingsway Road. Design Development The ?Cultural Spine? The spine The Old Post office site To the Palace Moshoeshoe I Memorial Park Initial Urban Design Response Activity to be contained by the built form of the building and the Hill. Activity along edge of the Road. The taxi drop off zone in front of the site can be used to bring activity on to the site. A building with a curved plan is envisioned to contain activity. On the old post office site the intention is to retain it as a green park, but remove the barriers that keep the public out. Making it a social green space in the middle of the urban environment. The visual relationship between the statue on the hill and the building should be exploited. Activity In the initial urban design concept, the programme of the intervention was almost entirely located on the Moshoeshoe I Memorial Park site, with only the market running between both sites along the length of the ?spine?. The concept was to leave most of the site around the hill as it is now, as a green park. The building was to follow the curve of the treeline forming an outdoor enclosed space, similar to the ?lebala? of traditional Sesotho homesteads, in which most of the social activities take place. 94 Initial Design Response The initial design response began with an exploration of the configuration of the building form. The Shape of the building started to take form based around the initial programme, which was divided between 3 main spaces. Above: sketch of area of site envisioned as the ?lebala?, were most of the activity is envisioned to take place. Below: a sketch of the site looking down from the statue. The series of sketches shows the process of the design development, that ultimately led to the final design. 95 At the same time as the forms of the buildings developed, circulation around the site was being considered. The existing route to the statue via the concrete staircase then up the narrow spiral staircase was not felt to be prestigious enough, and a new movement route that would emphasis the character of the site and make the route to the statue more prestigious was needed. At the same time, still using the same ideas of planning as the previous concept, a second concept was also being considered. Inspired by the natural land forms of Lesotho, a building that tried to engage with the natural surroundings, arousing memories of the mountain landscape and the traditional Basotho cave house was forming. Inspired by natural land features, like the one in the image above, this concept intended to create the feeling of being in a cave like environment. Many of the initial conceptual forms were based on abstractions of traditional Basotho forms, like: the Basotho hat and different Basotho houses. The building becomes part of the landscape Above: the spaces within the building become interconnecting caverns. Left: a conceptual section showing the interior space and how light would be brought in through light wells. Creating the impression of being in a cave. Above: terracing of the hill creating an outdoor amphitheatre, mirroring the curve of the building. Enclosing a multifunctional outdoor event space. 96 Both of these concepts were ultimately dropped, because the buildings that were being developed were too literal interpretations of Basotho forms, resulting in very kitsch buildings. The second concept was not pursued further either, because the creation of an artificial landscape would not work either, because it also seemed quite kitsch. The cone This concept was by far the most bold and controversial of all... The intention was to create an iconic building that was instantly recognisable. This concept involved taking the instantly recognisable form of the Basotho hat, inverting it and putting the entire programme within the form. Section through site, showing visual communication envisioned between the statue on top of the hill and the building. Concept of main building, inspired by the mohlongoa fatse house typology - KITSCH. Initial concept sketches The idea behind the cone was to take a recognisable Basotho form, in this instance the Basotho hat, and create a whole new understanding of it. However, the connotations with inverting such a treasured national symbol, were problematic and arranging the programme in this form, went against the idea of creating a cultural social venue, by cutting people off from the outside social areas and the concept was dropped. Following this, the decision to change site to the Old Post Office site was taken. The location of the market, which is one of the major components of the scheme was cut-off from the activity on Kingsway Road, and it was unlikely it would succeed on this site because there was minimal pedestrian traffic. 97 Change of Site Although the site changed, the urban response still remained the same as did the programme which also remained virtually the same as it was before. Unlike the Moshoeshoe I Memorial Park which although located in the CBD, did not have the characteristics of an typical urban site. The Old Post Office site was located right in the middle of the CBD along one of the busiest road in all of Maseru in terms of pedestrian and vehicular traffic. Therefore, issues such as how the building engaged with the street edge and other buildings around it came to the forefront. Experimenting with different building footprints. Experimenting with different building footprints. 98 Sketch of the much busier old post office site. Experimenting with different building footprints. Final Building Footprint Selection Design Considerations Police Post Office Building Kingsway Road Unesco ?Lebala?- public square/ events/ performance area Active Street edge The final building footprint was selected because it engages with the active Kingsway street edge, while containing activity in the middle of the site. Its orientation responded well to natural day lighting issues. Creating a civic square, that opens up to the new post office building and the police station. Design with an allowance for adaptability, creating flexible spaces that can be used in different ways Thresholds can be used to denote different spaces and functions without the need of partitions. Desire lines across site. Trees can give structure to an unstructured landscape Informal trading markets are usually found around transport nodes, because transport nodes generate pedestrian traffic. 99Sketch Elevation Sketch showing programme allocation Ground Floor Plan First Floor Plan Sketch Section 100 This was the proposed layout of the new scheme. The scheme was to have a hard street edge along Kingsway Road, with commerce at ground level, a restaurant and multimedia centre on the first floor. Above that wold be the museum galleries. The west wing was going to be completely dedicated to the functions of the museum. A staircase that doubles up as amphitheatre seating, storage for the market and a service corridor .Commercial - street edge. Engaging with pedestrians Informal Market Public square/ events space Enclosing the square is a block housing the cooking ladies and ablutions This concept was found to be over bearing on the site. Therefore a new scheme had to be developed that enhanced the site, rather than completely took it over. The buildings became too bulky. and instead of enhancing the site seemed to detract from it Final Urban Design Development Activity to be contained by the built form of the building and the Hill. Activity along edge of the Road. The taxi drop off zone in front of the site can be used to bring activity on to the site. The programme of the cultural centre, is split between the two sites. 101 Sketch Elevation Sketch Elevation Sketch Section The final scheme became a compromise between the pros and cons of each site, where the programme is split between the two sites, creating opportunities for informal trade, along the cultural spine, between the two sites. 102 rise Final Urban Design Plan Not to Scale The Royal Palace The Cultural centre The Cultural centre The Cultur al Spine 103 Building Footprint Design Development This image shows the proposed L-shaped building footprint selected as the most suitable for the site. The ?Cultural Spine? that links the palace and the two sites is indicated by the green arrows that run perpendicular to Kingsway Road. The concept of the building design was to make the street edge along Kingsway Road as permeable as possible on the ground floor, while still containing the central space, indicated by the red arrows. Whereas, the wing of building across from the UNESCO building was deliberately given a hard street edge, indicated by the solid red line. From there it was decided because of the hard street edge facing the UNESCO building, the space between the two buildings would be unpleasant. Therefore, a route through the building was proposed creating a corridor that linked police station to the banking towers, which also had the beneficial effect of creating a pedestrian route through the heart of the building. These decisions lead to the building being divided into two distinct wings. Where the wing along Kingsway Road would house informal restaurants on the ground floor, and a formal restaurant and multi- media centre on the first floor and the other wing would be entirely dedicated to a Basotho blanket museum. 1 2 3 4 Final Design 104 Site Plan Ground Floor Plan First Floor Plan Ground Floor 1) Informal Restaurants 2) Visitors Centre and Reception Desk 3) Museum Gallery 4) Museum Back of House 5) Public Square First Floor 6) Formal Restaurant 7) Multi-media Centre 8) Museum Gallery 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 4 6 7 8 Gallery Reading Pit Reading Pit Storage Control Point Kitchen Eating Area Fire Pit W.C W.C Visitors Centre Reception Gallery Storage Curators Office Not to Scale Not to Scale Not to Scale 105 Long Section A-A South Elevation Long Section B-B North Elevation Basotho Museum Storage Multi-media Informal Cooking Not to Scale Not to Scale Not to Scale Not to Scale 106 Informal Restaurant Area 107 View of Ramps and Square 108 Kingsway Street Edge 109 View of South Wing References ARTICLES, LECTURES AND PAPERS Brebenkamp, A, Heymans, J & Motloung, L. 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