1 Conflict and Connection in African Urban Communities Dissertation Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy African Centre for Migration & Society Faculty of Humanities By Kabiri Bule (579896) University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg February 2022 2 Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ 6 Acknowledgments ...................................................................................................................... 9 Declaration ................................................................................................................................ 10 Chapter 1: Introduction ........................................................................................................... 11 Overview ................................................................................................................................ 11 Urbanisation from the colonial period .............................................................................. 12 The debates .......................................................................................................................... 14 Aims and research questions ............................................................................................. 15 Rationale for the research .................................................................................................. 17 Methodology overview ........................................................................................................ 19 Overview: Research sites .................................................................................................... 20 Nairobi - Kenya..................................................................................................................... 20 Johannesburg - South Africa .............................................................................................. 21 Accra – Ghana ...................................................................................................................... 23 Chapter summaries .............................................................................................................. 23 Chapter 2: Methods ................................................................................................................. 25 Sampling Design .................................................................................................................. 26 Datasets ................................................................................................................................ 28 Study cities ............................................................................................................................ 29 Nairobi ................................................................................................................................... 30 3 Accra ...................................................................................................................................... 31 Johannesburg........................................................................................................................ 32 Summary and lesson learned ............................................................................................ 33 Chapter 3: A tale of three cities: Mobility & sociocultural transformation in African urban communities .............................................................................................................................. 35 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 36 Cities and Migration ............................................................................................................. 37 City challenges ..................................................................................................................... 39 Methods ................................................................................................................................ 41 Research sites ...................................................................................................................... 41 Nairobi - Kenya..................................................................................................................... 42 Johannesburg - South Africa .............................................................................................. 44 Accra – Ghana ...................................................................................................................... 46 Data Collection ..................................................................................................................... 47 Descriptive Analysis ............................................................................................................. 48 Urban Migration and work .................................................................................................. 51 Upward Mobility ................................................................................................................... 52 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 55 Chapter 4: Revisiting the coming anarchy? Institutions, Engagements, and mobility across three African cities ....................................................................................................... 57 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 57 Method .................................................................................................................................. 60 4 Data ....................................................................................................................................... 61 Data Collection ..................................................................................................................... 62 Procedure .............................................................................................................................. 64 Data Analysis ........................................................................................................................ 65 Results ................................................................................................................................... 66 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 68 Chapter 5: Violence Begets Violence: Time, Space and Xenophobic Violence in South Africa, 1994–2021 .................................................................................................................. 70 Abstract ................................................................................................................................. 70 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 71 Literature Review ................................................................................................................. 72 Data and Methods ............................................................................................................... 75 Xenowatch Data Collection Method ................................................................................. 76 Results ................................................................................................................................... 77 Descriptive Statistics ........................................................................................................... 77 Spatial Analysis..................................................................................................................... 78 The spatial nature of income, unemployment, and population density ...................... 81 Discussion and Conclusion ................................................................................................. 82 Chapter 6: Geographies of Xenophobic Violence & Crime in South Africa ..................... 84 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 84 Background ........................................................................................................................... 84 Exploratory Spatial Analysis ............................................................................................... 87 5 Hot spot analysis – spatial analysis workflow ................................................................. 89 Data ....................................................................................................................................... 91 Xenowatch Data Collection Method ................................................................................. 91 Data limitations .................................................................................................................... 93 Descriptive Statistics ........................................................................................................... 93 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 96 Chapter 7: Discussion ............................................................................................................. 99 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 103 References .............................................................................................................................. 106 6 Abstract This thesis examines emerging forms of sociality, conflict, and political participation across three cities in sub-Saharan Africa: Accra, Johannesburg, and Nairobi. The continent’s unprecedented experience of rapid urbanisation has invigorated debates about the nature and role of mobility in shaping Africa’s future. Almost all demographic projections indicate that city populations will continue to grow as people migrate between villages, towns, and cities, resulting in the emergence of a variety of economic, social, and political arrangements. Indeed, as new urban residents integrate or segregate within these communities, they develop a variety of social membership mechanisms, forming local associations such as savings and burial societies, thereby establishing trust (and sometimes distrust) among neighbours and co-ethnics, resulting in a variety of social, political, and economic outcomes. While some urbanites may achieve a measure of economic or social integration, others face violent marginalisation within the 'host' society. Scholarship is only beginning to understand the significance of these forms and outcomes. This thesis contributes empirically to this effort. It is concerned with the evolving forms of sociality in these urban communities, and in order to begin unravelling these concerns, I address the following questions in the dissertation’s empirical chapters: (1) What role does mobility play in shaping Africa's urban future? (2) Is there a link between community membership, trust, and political participation in each of the three cities? (4) Is there an association between the spatial distribution of xenophobic violence incidents in South Africa and socioeconomic indicators in its cities? (3) What methods are appropriate for analysing xenophobic violence in cities, and how is it spatially organised? The body of work is essentially an examination of two sides of the same coin. The first two empirical chapters (chapters 3 & 4) look at the convivial types of local engagement while the second section (chapters 5 & 6) addresses the 7 contentious modes of engagement. Numerous implications arise as a result of the continent’s increasing urbanisation, and I am interested by both moments of cooperation and those of contention. This thesis is structured as follows: a broad introduction situates the work within the intellectual tradition of urban and migration studies and provides an overview of migration-fuelled urban expansion in the region from the colonial era to the present. Four chapters address critical empirical gaps in our knowledge of the social nature and dynamics of urban communities in sub-Saharan Africa. I suggest that migration continues to be a critical aspect in the so-called triad of rapid urban expansion, which includes rural-to-urban migration, urban natural population growth, and rural reclassification as urban. The empirical chapters employ two distinct datasets to conduct its analyses. The first two empirical chapters are based on quantitative survey data collected as part of a multi- country study of urban mobility and translocality in Africa. Three cities in sub-Saharan Africa served as the primary research locations for the February–April 2021 fieldwork: Nairobi, Johannesburg, and Accra. Each chapter in the dissertation is interconnected but self-contained. The dissertation's overall goals are to gain an understanding of how people interact in novel and creative ways in cities, to examine the emergence of new hybrid cultures and modes of social interaction, and to reflect on the implications for future political engagement and modes of social interaction in sub-Saharan cities. This work takes a Lefebvrian approach to understanding how social interactions generate and shape space (Molotch, 1993). This approach views these interactions within and across space as mutually constitutive rather than strictly geographical. Finally, this thesis argues that African cities display multiple forms of sociality, which necessitates reconsidering spatially bound units of analysis and an appreciation for social interactions 8 that are both translocal and highly localised. Urban communities continue to be nodes in interaction networks that defy conventional rural-urban geographical categorisation. Additionally, interactional modes are instrumental and transitory, rather than constitutive of an emerging, unified political community. The primary reason for conducting this research therefore was to gain a deeper understanding of the nature of social organisation in Africa's urban neighbourhoods and to examine any broad trends and patterns that may indicate how these spaces will evolve in the future. Despite widespread interest in the dynamics of urbanisation on the continent, particularly from an economic perspective, much remains unknown about the sociospatial and political dynamics emerging and evolving as a consequence of the macro changes wrought by human mobility. 9 Acknowledgments Prof. Loren Landau's over two decades of research on African urban and peri-urban populations served as the inspiration for this work. I appreciate your unflinching but firm guidance throughout the process. Dr JP Misago's informative discussions on xenophobic violence and social exclusion in South Africa is greatly appreciated. Finally, I would like to express my appreciation to the Mellon Foundation for providing the financial support required to conduct this research. To my parents, Lt. Col. Samson Bako Sarki & Mrs Litlhare Meisie Agnes Sarki. 10 Declaration I declare that this thesis has been composed solely by myself and that it has not been submitted, in whole or in part, in any previous application for a degree. Except where stated otherwise by reference or acknowledgment, the work presented is entirely my own. ____________________________ Ms. Kabiri Nomvula Bule 579896 11 Chapter 1: Introduction Overview As a result of rapid urbanisation fuelled by migration, Africa has seen decades of profound transformation. Although this lengthy history of migration and city growth precedes the colonial era, present patterns in urban migration have become extremely diversified and dynamic compared to previous patterns. Indeed, even in this constant flux, an increasing number of people are opting to stay longer in or near their current neighbourhoods of residence in cities, at least in the short term. This introductory chapter establishes the theoretical and empirical groundwork for the empirical chapters of the thesis by examining the long-standing relationship between migration and cities in Africa, dating back to colonial times. The fundamental issue in question is the continued inflow of people into sub-Saharan African cities, which is not being fuelled by abundant jobs or major industrial or economic development (Jedwab, 2010). Individuals are not being shaped into a coherent political community bound by shared religious institutions, devotion to or systematic coercion by the state, or even a sense of political solidarity, social coherence, or cohesion, unlike in other regions of the world with comparable urbanisation patterns. In the absence of these institutions, it remains unclear what kinds of sociality and politics are emerging in Africa's cities. The empirical chapters in this thesis offer at least some insights and descriptions to this complex subject. I begin by laying out the historical foundations of urbanisation dating back to colonial times, which provide insight on several observable dynamics in contemporary migration into Africa's cities. I then present summaries of the four empirical chapters, each of which is autonomous, but conceptually 12 tied to the larger concern of emerging forms of politics and sociality in the continent's metropolitan centres. On three fronts, this thesis contributes to the field of urban and migration studies by bolstering the corpus of theoretical and empirical works, and by elucidating these dynamics using recently obtained data. First, it makes an empirical contribution by utilising two new datasets founded in the rich empirical realities of modern urban living in sub-Saharan Africa. Second, it engages in debates about the advantages and disadvantages of social capital, adopting a translocal perspective that considers social networks that span regional boundaries and facilitate the circulation of goods, services, and ideas. Third, it examines cooperation and conflict as two sides of the same coin. Chapters three and four examine convivial or cooperative modes of local engagement. Numerous implications arise as a result of the continent's rapid urbanisation, and I am intrigued by both cooperative and contentious moments in urban communities. Chapters five and six examine how outsider intolerance manifests itself in South Africa through xenophobic violence. Finally, the discussion chapter considers theoretically how the empirical chapters' findings could add to urbanisation and urban dynamics theory in sub- Saharan Africa. Because cities in other parts of the world have historically developed consolidated politics and new societies, I anticipate a similar pattern on the African continent with the aim of generating at least a partial explanation from the evidence. Urbanisation from the colonial period Cities in Africa have changed dramatically in terms of social and economic development from the colonial era to the present (Tarver & Tarver, 1993). According to United Nations estimates, the world's urban population reached 2.3 billion in 1990, with developing country cities accounting for 61% (1.4 billion). By 2025, about 4 billion people, or 77% of the world's urban population, will live in developing nations. This 13 figure represents 2.61 billion additional urban residents, throughout Africa, Asia, and Latin America since 1990 (OECD/SWAC, 2020; United Nations, 2020). These dynamics herald a sea change in the geography, demography, and morphology of African cities, and raises significant questions about the social modes that emerge when diverse groups of people coexist in urban spaces. Economic progress and urbanisation, it has long been asserted, are inexorably intertwined as nations shift from a mostly agricultural to an urban-industrial economy. The developments in African urbanisation over the last few decades have put this concept to the test, as urbanisation patterns do not necessarily coincide with economic success. Numerous hypotheses have been offered to account for this occurrence. Throughout recorded history, human migration has been a significant factor in the growth and evolution of cities, and this pattern of mobility occurs across and within countries (Dodman et al., 2017) . Migration is the primary factor that contributes to cities' initial growth, and these cities continue to grow as a result of additional migration and natural growth. The rapid rate of urbanisation observed in Africa's cities raises numerous questions about Africa's urban future, the political and social forms that are likely to emerge, and the implications for local administrative and planning authorities. People continue to migrate to cities with little hope of finding work in the formal sector, as economic development and job creation fall short of keeping up with population growth. While these issues are well-known and well-documented, little is known about the lives of new urban residents, their moral and material connections to various locations within and beyond the city, their hopes and aspirations, and their motivation for moving to cities. 14 The debates Cross-border movement of people, goods, and ideas continues to shape the world. While a sizable corpus of migration and urbanisation research continues to regard cities, towns, and villages as different geographical entities, there are significant parallels and links between these spatial units. Since the 1950s, migration scholars have explored the factors that drive migration, and two major approaches have developed throughout the subsequent decades. According to push-pull theory, an early attempt to systematise migration theory, migration happens because of high levels of poverty and backwardness in sending regions in comparison to work opportunities, higher income levels, and a better standard of living in receiving areas(Boyd, 1989; Fawcett, 1989). Although not entirely robust in accounting for a variety of mobility patterns, this approach continues to be prevalent and is frequently invoked as a causative characteristic driving the volume and direction of immigrant flows (Byerlee, 1974; Portes, 2014; Portes & DeWind, 2004; Richmond, 2001). From the 1980s through the 1990s, network theories of migration gained substantial research interest because they represented the development of migratory streams facilitated by transnational social networks formed by family, household, friendship, and community ties and affiliations (Fawcett, 1989; Levitt & Schiller, 2004; Portes, 2003; Schiller et al., 1992; Wimmer & Glick Schiller, 2003). These scholars increasingly considered migration as a representation of and evolution from the connections between sending and receiving regions, deviating fundamentally from the static conceptualisation of migration as a one-time occurrence involving movement from point A to point B (Boyd, 1989). Cities were and continue to be a critical node in the development of these observed patterns and trends. Although many critics of this theory contended that the observed phenomena were not unusual and that these patterns had long been 15 known, a few key characteristics of observed mobility patterns countered that the high intensity of exchanges, volume of movement, and multiplicity of activities justified this as a truly unique phenomenon (Portes et al., 1999). The study of migration systems and structures in the form of local and translocal social networks inspired widespread interest in migrant integration in host cultures, as well as the ways in which these structures constrain or facilitate newcomers. The explanatory frameworks created during this time spurred investigations into patterns of migrant settlement, integration, socioeconomic and political adaptation (Adger, 2003a, 2003b; Allen, 2009; Hirschman, 2004; Pelling & High, 2005; Portes, Guarnizo, et al., 2002; Portes, Haller, et al., 2002; Portes & Rivas, 2011). This genealogy serves as a blueprint for this thesis, which delves into current migration trends, forms of social and political integration, and the continued significance of family, friendship, and community-based networks in city-making. In Africa, migration-fuelled urbanisation has significantly altered communities, not just their morphology, but also their ways of life (Vertovec, 2004). How this occurs is a major focus of this thesis. In other words, each of the thesis's chapters will study a distinct facet of the observed societal shift fuelled mostly by migrant-driven urbanisation combined with continued high rates of fertility and urban expansion. This is an inherently complex task that no single body of work can thoroughly address considering that the observed changes are the consequence of several interacting factors at multiple levels of analysis, including macro, meso, and micro. The following sections include summaries of each chapter, as well as definitions for the important ideas used throughout the thesis. Aims and research questions In western cities, urbanisation was viewed as a by-product and enabler of industrial and economic progress. A continual flow of migrants seeking work in cities reflected the 16 underlying shift away from agricultural production and toward higher-value-added activities characterised by increasing specialisation (Brenner & Schmid, 2015). In comparison, Africa's economic growth rate is insufficient to absorb the rapidly expanding population in the formal sector (Castells-Quintana & Wenban-Smith, 2020; Jedwab & Vollrath, 2015b). These issues are well-documented in the literature, though there are those who dispute the so-called alarmist view of urban decline and decay across the continent (Potts, 2013). Additionally, the diversity of ethnicities, languages, and places of origin that characterises urban spaces lacks the coherence and articulation that have been the subject of over a century of social theory. Institutions such as a shared church, a strong state, and shared norms and values are conspicuously absent. Each chapter of this thesis is constructed around the premise of a mostly unknown political and social life emerging in sub-Saharan African cities. Numerous academic and journalistic articles have documented the growing challenges confronting Africa's megacities and towns, which include a severe housing shortage that has resulted in the proliferation of informal housing or slums, a lack of basic services in these areas, insufficient employment opportunities in the formal sector, and environmental degradation (Batty, 2015; Farrell, 2018; Finn, 2014). While these concerns are well- known and well-documented, little is known about modalities of social connection and engagement in highly diverse metropolitan communities made up of nationals, domestic, and international migrants who spend varied amounts of time in these places. A central premise of this study is that processes of migration and movement from outside and inside the city contribute to the formation of inhabitants' identities on both a local and translocal level and significantly influence their levels of local participation in social and political life. A critical observation made in these settings is that unlike in other parts of the globe, individuals coming into cities in Africa are not being moulded into a cohesive 17 political citizenry by the state, a unifying national identity, or a shared sense of norms and values. This observation raises the following research questions: What kinds of sociality are emerging in Africa's cities in the absence of these institutions? What is the likely structure of Africa's urban future, based on the evidence obtained and its interpretation? The empirical questions are the first tier and focus on fundamental issues such as residents' mobility histories, work in cities, and future aspirations. The second-tier question examines the nature of African urban communities and determines whether they are distinct from other cities in that they were primarily designed as sites for colonial extraction and governance and were not designed for indigenous residence on a large scale. The broader theoretical question remains: what is the meaning of community and, consequently, what is the nature of African urbanism? There are cultures in which migration is viewed positively and has developed into a way of life. In discussing these trends, I use the term ‘urbanisation’ to refer to the proportion of the total population of a country residing in urban settlements (OECD/SWAC, 2020). Urban refers to a complex social organisation including population density and size, complex division of labour, advanced technological development, and advanced infrastructure (Kasarda & Crenshaw, 1991). Rationale for the research The term migration is frequently used to refer to movement between countries, and indeed, national states continue to define the laws, rules, and conditions of entry and settlement within their borders (Flahaux & de Haas, 2016). While migration to cities is not the exclusive form of migration, cities and towns of all sizes are typically the principal destinations for domestic and international migrants. Cities such as Johannesburg and Nairobi grew in direct response to various waves of migration both from within and 18 outside the southern and eastern African region respectively(Coquery-Vidrovitch, 1991; Peel, 1980; Rayfield, 1974). Prior to, and especially following independence from colonial rule, cities continued to attract a steady flow of migrants from the region's villages, towns, and countries (Adger et al., 2002; Castelli, 2018; Flahaux & de Haas, 2016; Rogers & Williamson, 1982). However, some scholars have argued that what we are witnessing is more accurately described as mobility — some permanent, some circular, and varying degrees of overall irregularity and instability (Potts, 2012a, 2012b). Cities have always been formed through migration. Cities would not thrive or grow without some type of inbound migration, whether international or domestic. Migration affects cities geographically, economically, politically, and socially, and does not only create a culturally diversified populace (Abascal & Baldassarri, 2015; Landau & Freemantle, 2016), it also lays the groundwork for future forms of human social organisation(Dinesen et al., 2020; Semenas, 2014). Thus, human mobility continues to impact urban growth and reshape cities' social, political, and economic landscapes. This research advances our understanding of migrant-driven urbanisation, how people live in cities, and their future goals and aspirations. It will also shed light on developing forms of sociality in these regions, which may potentially serve as a springboard for future research initiatives. The cities used in the analysis were selected based on several criteria, including their role as migration hubs in their respective regions and their presence in the top twenty list of Africa's fastest growing cities for several decades. Additionally, each of these cities offers a distinct sub-regional perspective, highlighting the migratory dynamics, similarities, and differences amongst the different regions in sub-Saharan Africa. Additionally, cities exemplify cultural and ethnic diversity and act as regional commercial centres, transportation hubs, and crossroads for many categories of migration. The 19 research presented in this thesis focuses on the nature of African urban communities, which are characterised by mixed migration streams and heterogeneous neighbourhoods that experience rapid population turnover. Methodology overview The goal of this study was to use a quantitative cross-sectional research approach to examine the nature of urbanisation and new forms of sociality in three African cities. The larger project, based at Wits University's African Centre for Migration and Society, examined Mobility, Temporality, and Africa's Future Politics with the goal of comprehending the diverse social and political dimensions of modern migration in sub- Saharan Africa. I was a member of the research team and oversaw coordinating the three cities' research project leaders and fieldwork coordination. We surveyed individuals, but also identified heterogeneous urban spaces with a good mix of locals and migrants, that could shed light on modes of interaction and connections within and between cities and people's communities of origin were also considered. Standardised interviews were conducted in each city across three research locations to generate representative data on migration patterns into and within cities, as well as social connectedness and local participation. The survey was conducted concurrently in three cities during March and April 2021 in Johannesburg (South Africa), Accra (Ghana), and Nairobi (Kenya). These three cities are undergoing significant expansion as a result of urbanisation, making them an ideal environment for studying and measuring the interplay of mobile, culturally diverse, and transitory populations. Each city had a total sample size of 515 participants, the research team targeted around 166 residents each neighbourhood. The research team consisted of native-language speakers who conducted interviews with slightly more than 1,800 persons in the three cities. This figure includes people who participated in the pilot phase of the survey 20 questionnaire. We selected participants from three unique groups to reflect the range of migration experiences within these sites: domestic migrants, long-term residents, and indigenous people. Following that, the 166 were evenly allocated among these three groups (i.e., approximately 56 foreign migrants, 56 domestic migrants, 55 long-term residents per neighbourhood). We intended for each neighbourhood to have an equal gender split (50 percent male, 50 percent female). Each respondent was an adult at least 18 years old. Overview: Research sites Nairobi - Kenya Nairobi, Kenya’s largest city located in the eastern Africa region, is home to a significant number of migrants. Most are from the region, specifically Tanzania, Rwanda, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Burundi, and Somalia. Additionally, a significant number of Kenyans move from the rural areas and towns to the major city centres. Since 1963, when the country gained independence, it has experienced an average annual rate of urbanisation of 4 - 6% (OECD/SWAC, 2020; World Bank, 2017). As is the case with other countries in the region, Kenya's capital Nairobi serves as a critical node for people moving within and beyond the region (Agesa, 2004), and the capital also hosts an increasing number of informal settlements, including Kawangware, Kayole, and Korogocho (Martin & Bezemer, 2020; Wanjiru & Matsubara, 2017). Peripheral towns such as Ongata Rongai are beginning to host residents who are unable to find housing in the already overcrowded city. Selected survey sites were Kawangware, Ongata Rongai, and Kayole. Kayole, located east of Nairobi has emerged as a vibrant economic hub attracting a significant number of international and domestic migrants. It is also host to a considerable number of asylum seekers and refugees from the Great Lakes region. Kawangware is one of Nairobi's largest informal settlements, located 12 kilometres from 21 the city centre. It faces the same problems as other slums, including a lack of basic services, infrastructure, and decent affordable housing. It is a popular destination for rural-urban migrants and is home to Kenyans of various ethnic groups, including the Luhya, Luo, and Kikuyu. Ongata Rongai is a satellite urban centre that has grown in popularity as a result of its proximity to Nairobi. Rongai, as it is colloquially known, is a hub for domestic migrants from all over Kenya as well as international migrants. It continues to attract migrants who are unable to secure housing in Nairobi due to a lack of availability or high rental rates. Johannesburg - South Africa Johannesburg, the largest city in South Africa is famous for being known as “The City of Gold”. Johannesburg is a paradigmatic case of how migration has influenced urban and industrial growth. Apartheid restrictions severely limited black South Africans' housing and settlement options (Ogura, 1996). In South Africa, urbanisation has been shaped primarily by historical policies restricting black people's movement and settlement, thereby limiting their access to cities. By the time of the first post-apartheid census in 1996, urban areas accounted for 55.1 percent of the South African population (Todes, Kok, Wentzel and Cross, 2010). This began to change following the dismantling of apartheid, which resulted in a large influx of people from rural areas to major cities. Johannesburg, in South Africa's Gauteng province, attracts foreign migrants from Southern Africa, the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, and beyond. In Gauteng, the survey was conducted in Katlehong, Berea, and Diepsloot. Each represented an 'urban estuary,' conceptualised as a location with a diverse ethnic and linguistic composition and multiple migrant streams. Urban estuaries exemplify the flow, transience, and layers of heterogeneity that characterise Africa's fluid cities (Landau, 2013). Each community develops a distinct human ecosystem comprised of long-term 22 residents, people who relocate from other parts of the city and its environs, domestic migrants, and international arrivals. These areas have experienced significant 'churn' over the last two decades, with significant segments of the population expected to relocate within the next two to ten years (Landau 2014). Katlehong, located in Ekurhuleni near Johannesburg, has a long and illustrious history in South Africa's struggle against apartheid. Between 1944 and 1950, a series of land invasions in Benoni, east of Johannesburg, resulted in the establishment of several squatter camps. These developments occurred because of rapid migration from South Africa's so-called homelands or rural areas to towns and major cities (Bonner & Nieftagodien, 2012). Large black townships, such as Katlehong, grew out of South Africa's apartheid policy of influx control and urban management. Katlehong and its environs are now one of the most migrant-heavy areas in the country. Berea, along with Hillbrow, Joubert Park, Braamfontein, and Bellevue, is in Johannesburg's central high-density zone. These areas, which are almost entirely composed of high-rise apartment buildings, were once desirable but are now referred to as urban slums – neglected and populated by African immigrants – in contrast to Diepsloot, which is a relatively recent settlement (Grant & Thompson, 2015; Harrison et al., 2014). It was established in the mid-1990s as a 'transit camp' for people displaced from elsewhere due to policy and natural disasters. What began as a small space for slightly more than a thousand people has expanded into a sprawling complex with tens of thousands of residents (Harrison et al., 2014). Unlike many townships that have seen generations come and go, almost all Diepsloot's residents, except for the youngest, are from elsewhere. Our research focused on Extension One, one of the most transient spaces in the area and a frequent site of violence directed at international migrants. 23 Accra – Ghana Accra research locations included Jamestown, Old Fadama, and Madina. Each of these settlements were chosen for their distinct qualities. Jamestown has a good cosmopolitan mix of people with a rich history (Kropp Dakubu, 1997). Its closeness to Accra's central economic district makes it a popular residential area for long-term, local, and international migrants. Old Fadama, one of the largest informal settlements in Accra, is a long-established neighbourhood and preferred location for domestic migrants, especially those from the Northern parts of Ghana. This community is also located close to the Accra business centre. This neighbourhood also attracts international migrants. Madina has mixed groups of locally born domestic, and long-term residents and international migrants (Stacey & Lund, 2016) . Ghana's population has grown rapidly since independence in 1957. It shifted from predominantly rural to approximately 50.9 percent urban in 2010, up from 23 percent in 1960 (Gillespie, 2016; Owusu & Oteng-Ababio, 2015). Ghana urbanised at a faster rate than its other African counterparts, owing to its post-independence expansion in the cocoa sector. In Ghana, urbanisation has resulted in the growth of medium and small towns as well as cities (Diao et al., 2008). The interaction between urban migration and natural population growth is significant in this regard. Chapter summaries The remaining chapters of the thesis are organised as follows: Chapter two which serves as an in-depth methodological manifesto, details the research design, sampling methodology, instrumentation, site selection, piloting, and survey implementation. It also provides an overview of the datasets that inform the rest of the empirical chapters in the thesis. Chapter three and four look at cities as generators of cosmopolitanism and sociality. Chapter three is mostly descriptive in nature, attempting to characterize the 24 sample's demographic profile, migration trends, and a broad summary of the sample data. Chapter four entitled Revisiting the coming anarchy? Institutions, Engagement, and mobility across three African cities critically reflects on the traditional indicators of social capital – trust and community engagement and participation – as indicators of political engagement, and what this could mean for Africa’s future politics. Social capital is a nebulous phrase that has diverse meanings for different authors and is not always consistent in its application. High levels of social capital speak to the possibility of solving collective problems and taking collective action (Allen, 2009; Amalia, 2015; Lederman et al., 2002; Szreter & Woolcock, 2004). Additionally, membership in a social network or voluntary organisation helps generate norms and values such as trust, collaboration, and reciprocity, all of which contribute to the creation of a productive state, institutional performance, and democratic communities (Alcorta et al., 2020; Cheong et al., 2007; Claridge, 2004; Fieldhouse & Cutts, 2010; Magson et al., 2014; Mohan & Mohan, 2002; Portes, 2009; Portes & Vickstrom, 2011a; Stone & Hughes, 2002). Social contacts and linkages provide access to information and political ideas, create active citizens, and foster individual participation in politics, collective decision-making, and policy development, all of which lead to enhanced governmental accountability (Putnam, 1993, 2007; Siisiäinen, 2000). A migrant social network is a web of social connections that links prospective migrants in sending regions to individuals and institutions in receiving areas (Massey & García España, 1987). Chapters 5 and 6 analyse xenophobic violence from a sociospatial viewpoint, analysing places where these types of violence tend to cluster and the socioeconomic profiles of these high-risk locations to ascertain whether there are any relationships between rates of violent xenophobic occurrences. The empirical chapters are thematically connected 25 but designed independently for publication. The final chapter is devoted to discussion, in which I attempt to synthesise the findings and connect them to the broader issue of contemporary urban socioeconomic and political processes in sub-Saharan Africa. Chapter 2: Methods Understanding emerging forms of mobility and sociality, as well as their consequences for a rapidly urbanising continent, demands a multifaceted approach. There are several demographic and ethnographic studies that examine themes such as vulnerability and livelihoods, but relatively few that examine the social facets of people's lives, their ambitions, why they move, and what they value. These studies are indeed valuable, but they do not enable us to see the larger sociospatial patterns unfolding in these urban areas, nor do they provide clearly comparable frameworks. This study seeks to bridge that gap by serving as a type of methodological manifesto, outlining the research design, implementation, and lessons learned, all of which contribute to our understanding of survey data collection in the sub-Saharan urban African setting. In their respective methodology sections, Chapters 3 and 4 contain abridged versions of the approach discussed in full below. Below, I describe the methodology used to gather data in the three cities chosen for the survey: Accra, Johannesburg, and Nairobi. The data were gathered as part of a larger project based at Wits University's African Centre for Migration and Society that used a quantitative cross-sectional research approach to examine the impact of continuing migration and translocality in African urban communities. Individuals served as the primary unit of analysis, while neighbourhoods served as the secondary unit of analysis. To meet the study's purpose and goals, we prepared a questionnaire and refined it after a week of pilot testing in the three cities in early 2021. 26 Sampling Design Adults aged 18 years and older were included in the study. Pre-qualification questions were used to ensure that we satisfied quotas for our target groups and that the groups were adequately represented in the sample. We recruited participants from three unique groups: domestic migrants, long-term residents, and native population. Domestic migrants were described as those who relocated from one region of the country to the city of interview with the purpose of establishing a permanent residence there. A long- term resident is someone who has lived in the neighbourhood of the interview or in close proximity to the location of the interview for at least eight years. Locally born respondents are individuals who were born in the neighbourhood or close proximity to the location of the interview. This was the line we used to distinguish between individuals who had moved and those who had not moved or migrated over their lives. Purposive sampling was employed to select neighbourhoods and quota sampling was used to recruit individuals in this study. This choice was motivated by a desire to prioritise migrant-rich neighbourhoods with a diverse population of long-term residents, domestic migrants, and indigenous populations. We made this decision in conjunction with project partners in all three locations who had extensive experience conducting research in each city and were knowledgeable about the various demographics of each city's neighbourhoods. Data from all three cities were collected between 1 March and 30 April 2021. Within each community, we utilised a randomised small area sampling technique in which fieldwork teams were randomly given a Global Positioning System (GPS) position with a maximum radius of 1 km in which to conduct interviews. Once inside that small area, the enumerator approached each family and requested to speak with the head of the household or another available adult with knowledge of the household. If a participant 27 declined to be interviewed or could not be contacted on the second visit, enumerators would approach another household. We acquired authorisation from the appropriate local authorities to enter all communities. While the data do not fully reflect the migrant or host populations, the study team recruited survey respondents from a range of origin countries. The fundamental shortcoming of our technique is that, due to a lack of reliable demographic statistics, we were unable to establish the size and makeup of the immigrant population in advance. However, the research teams ensured that the highest quality standards were followed and that participants were recruited randomly to ensure, to the best of our abilities, representativeness. The objective was to collect survey data from 1500 respondents in Nairobi, Accra, and Johannesburg's migrant-heavy neighbourhoods. To do this, we used a two-stage sampling strategy. The number of persons we could reasonably hope to interview was constrained by expense and schedule constraints imposed by continuing COVID-19 restrictions. To begin, we choose three communities in each city that are known to have a significant migrant population (both domestic and foreign-born). As previously stated, each city had a total sample size of just over 500 individuals. This total was divided evenly across each city's three pre-selected communities. This equates to 166 interviews per community. The 166 was split as follows: 𝟏 𝟑 rd foreign migrants, 𝟏 𝟑 rd domestic migrants, 𝟏 𝟑 rd long-term residents (approximately 56 foreign migrants, 56 domestic migrants, 55 long-term residents per neighbourhood). Each neighbourhood had an equal gender composition (50 percent male, 50 percent female). While minor deviations from these standards were permissible, every effort was made to achieve an equitable distribution of origins and gender. 28 Fieldwork was conducted utilising the ResearchGO application, a Computer-Assisted Personal Interviews (CAPI) technique for conducting face-to-face interviews in which the interviewer manages daily quota targets using a tablet, mobile phone, or computer. This guaranteed that the targeted quota was achieved in each community. This method of data collection is advantageous for monitoring enumerators, documenting survey duration, acquiring GPS coordinates, and conducting quality control at the conclusion of each day of fieldwork. Permission sought from local authorities for access to areas and areas regarded as less safe, police stations were informed. The interviewers in each city were trained specifically for this study on how to use the app and the overall structure and flow of the questionnaire. While the questionnaire was written in English, fieldworkers were trained on the glossary of words and were able to interpret potentially ambiguous ideas into a local language as the interview progressed. The final survey questionnaire contained six modules that solicited sociodemographic information including age, gender, country of origin, town or village of origin, usual place of residence, household members and their usual place of residence. There were also modules on economic activities in place of residence, political engagement in the place or residence and place of origin, and plans to migrate in the short, medium, and long- term including where respondent would likely retire. The questionnaire included questions on six distinct yet interconnected themes: (1) Demographic information, (2) Past and present mobilities including the impact of COVID-19 on mobility, (3) Economic interactions, social interactions, and affections, (4) Institutional and urban interactions, (5) Politics and perceptions, and (6) Future mobilities and expectations. Datasets Two datasets were utilised for the empirical chapters of this dissertation. The first dataset comes from the survey discussed in detail in this chapter. The second comes from an 29 existing database of xenophobic violence incidents in South Africa, which is maintained and updated by Wits University's African Centre for Migration and Society (ACMS). Xenowatch tracks incidences of xenophobic violence and other contemporary instances of xenophobic intolerance. The database includes records of incidents that occurred between 1994 to date. Most incidents in the database have been investigated and confirmed by the Xenowatch team with the assistance of verification partners. Underreporting of xenophobic events, notably in the late 1990s and early 2000s, is a persistent problem when collecting data on xenophobic occurrences. Data is collated through a variety of channels, including free text messaging, email, news reports, WhatsApp, and direct telephone contact. Civil society groups and Verification Partner organisations located in each of South Africa's nine provinces are also useful sources of information on reported occurrences. Each incident is then anonymised and coded to include the following information: province, municipality, geographic coordinates (latitude and longitude), sub-place, source of information, and event type, which may include threats of violence, extortion, total fatalities, displacements, looting, and property damage. The data gathering and coding processes ensure the data is of high quality, accurate, and, most importantly, verifiable. These records are updated on a regular basis to maintain their accuracy and completeness. Study cities This section provides brief background information about each city’s three selected neighbourhoods beginning with a brief historical excursus. Nairobi, the capital of Kenya, has a long history of urbanisation dating back to the pre-independence era. During the colonial period, colonial administrations established cities as administrative and political control centres. Nairobi's railway links and trade established it as the British East Africa protectorate in 1907, cementing its place as Kenya's capital (Mitullah, 2003; Myers, 30 2015; Obeng-Odoom, 2011). Ghana's capital, Accra, was formerly a port city on the country's Atlantic coast, along the Gulf of Guinea. Accra developed from a cluster of small towns into a substantial metropolitan area and was designated as the colony's capital in 1877. It grew to be a vital port for agricultural and mineral exports and has evolved into a developed urban centre within the Greater Accra Region (Gillespie, 2016; Obeng-Odoom, 2011). Johannesburg's meteoric ascent was fuelled by the discovery of gold in present-day Gauteng's Witwatersrand region. Johannesburg, South Africa's largest city by population, rose from a few thousand people in the 1880s, to slightly more than 5 million today. It is now one of Africa's most urbanised regions, attracting a sizable number of migrants from within and beyond the continent (Brodie, 2014; Simone, 2004). Nairobi Ongata Rongai, Kawangware, and Kayole were the three survey neighbourhoods identified in Nairobi. Kawangware is one of Nairobi's largest informal settlements. Kawangware faces high population growth due to rapid urbanisation which has exacerbated the poor living conditions in the area. Residents of Kawangware, an urban informal community, are a diverse group of domestic migrants, who are mostly Luhya, Kisii, Luo, and Kikuyu. Additionally, the area is home to a substantial community of foreign migrants, the majority of whom come from East Africa, including Burundi, Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Ethiopia (Mitullah, 2003; Wanjiru & Matsubara, 2017). Kayole, is located within the Embakasi constituency located east of the city. It is separated administratively into Kayole Central and Kayole South and is made up of informal communities. It is a popular choice for asylum seekers and urban migrants from the Great Lakes region. Ongata Rongai (often referred to as Rongai) is a satellite urban 31 centre that owes its existence and expansion partly to its closeness to Nairobi. It was traditionally held by the Maasai ethnic minority in the late 1950s. Rongai has a significant concentration of domestic migrants from rural areas around Kenya. The town has expanded and continues to see a spill over of migrants who have moved to Nairobi but have been unable to secure housing in the city's neighbourhoods owing to scarcity or high pricing (Agesa, 2004; Mitullah, 2003). Accra Accra research locations included Jamestown, Old Fadama, and Madina. Each of these settlements were chosen for their distinct qualities. Jamestown has a good cosmopolitan mix of people with a rich history (Kropp Dakubu, 1997). Its closeness to Accra's central economic district makes it a popular residential area for long-term, local, and international migrants. Old Fadama, one of the largest informal settlements in Accra, is a long-established neighbourhood and preferred location for domestic migrants, especially those from the Northern parts of Ghana. This community is also located close to the Accra business centre. This neighbourhood also attracts international migrants. Madina has mixed groups of locally born domestic, and long-term residents and international migrants (Stacey & Lund, 2016) . Ghana's population has grown rapidly since independence in 1957. Ghana's population shifted from predominantly rural to approximately 50.9 percent urban in 2010, up from 23 percent in 1960(Obeng-Odoom, 2011). Ghana urbanised at a faster rate than its other African counterparts, owing to its post-independence expansion in the cocoa sector. In Ghana, urbanisation has resulted in the growth of medium and small towns as well as cities(Diao et al., 2008). The interaction between urban migration and natural population growth is significant in this regard. 32 Johannesburg Berea, Diepsloot, and Katlehong South were chosen as the three neighbourhoods in Johannesburg. These neighbourhoods were chosen for their diversity and high probability of locating migrant quotas. Diepsloot has an area of 12 kilometres and is home to over 140 000 persons, making it a highly populated area (Bank et al., 2014). Katlehong is a big township in Southern Africa that is home to both domestic and foreign migrants (Bonner & Nieftagodien, 2012). Apartheid restrictions severely limited black South Africans' housing and settlement options. In South Africa, urbanisation has been shaped primarily by historical policies restricting black people's movement and settlement, thereby limiting their access to cities. By the time of the first post-apartheid census in 1996, urban areas accounted for 55.1 percent of the South African population (Harrison et al., 2014) This began to change following the dismantling of apartheid, which resulted in a large influx of people from rural areas to major cities. Johannesburg, in South Africa's Gauteng province, is a magnet for international migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa and beyond. Each of the chosen communities developed a distinct human ecosystem comprised of long-term residents, people who relocate from other parts of the city and its environs, domestic migrants, and international arrivals. Indeed, these neighbourhoods have experienced high rates of 'churn' over the last two decades, with significant portions of the population expected to leave within the next two to ten years (Landau, 2013; Madhavan & Landau, 2011). Katlehong, located in Ekurhuleni near Johannesburg, has a long and illustrious history in South Africa's struggle against apartheid. Between 1944 and 1950, a series of land invasions in Benoni, east of Johannesburg, resulted in the establishment of several squatter camps. These developments occurred because of rapid migration from South 33 Africa's so-called homelands or rural areas to towns and major cities (Bonner & Nieftagodien, 2012). Large black townships, such as Katlehong, grew out of South Africa's apartheid policy of influx control and urban management. Katlehong and its environs are now one of the most migrant-heavy areas in the country. Berea, along with Hillbrow, Joubert Park, Braamfontein, and Bellevue, is in Johannesburg's central high-density zone. These areas, which are almost entirely composed of high-rise apartment buildings, were once desirable but are now referred to as urban slums – neglected and populated by African immigrants – in contrast to Diepsloot, which is a relatively recent settlement. It was established in the mid-1990s as a 'transit camp' for people displaced from elsewhere due to policy and natural disasters. What began as a small space for slightly more than a thousand people has expanded into a sprawling complex with tens of thousands of residents. Unlike many townships that have seen generations come and go, almost all Diepsloot's residents, except for the youngest, are from elsewhere. Our research focused on Extension One, one of the most transient spaces in the area and a frequent site of violence directed at international migrants (Brodie, 2014). Summary and lesson learned In summary, this chapter established the necessary context for the data and analysis used in the empirical chapters that follow. Site selection was guided by collaborating partners in each city who possessed in-depth knowledge of neighbourhood and demographic composition, even in the absence of official statistics. Satisfied with the high standards applied during data collection and subsequent data quality verification, as well as standardisation across study locations, the analysis provided in this report is both valid and consistent, with the normal limits associated with quantitative methodology. 34 Numerous lessons learnt can be applied to future data collection initiatives across the continent, and I will highlight two significant ones here. To begin, depending on network availability, small sampling locations may be difficult to identify owing to a lack of coverage. Second, considerable area scouting is recommended prior to piloting and fieldwork to prevent wasting days and sending teams out for data collection in unsuitable and unpopulated locations. Terrain mapping and a high level of familiarity with the area would be beneficial. 35 Chapter 3: A tale of three cities: Mobility & sociocultural transformation in African urban communities Mobility is intrinsically related to social transformation. Africa has experienced an unparalleled pace of migration into its main cities over the previous few decades, making it one of the world's fastest urbanising continents. Numerous studies conducted over the last half-century have amassed an abundance of evidence depicting these mechanisms in action (Dodman et al., 2017; Farrell, 2018; Robinson & Roy, 2016; Rogers, 1982; M. P. Smith, 2005; Steinbrink, 2009; Walker, 2015). According to the United Nations, approximately 272 million people lived outside their nation of birth in 2019 (United Nations, 2019). Individuals migrate for several reasons, and this could be voluntary or forced migration. Some relocate in search of a better life for themselves and their families. Others are displaced due to conflict or climate change. These movements are frequently associated with political, social, and economic transformation, with varying impacts between and within cities (Arango, 2018; Castelli, 2018; Davis, 1974; de Lombaerde et al., 2014; Flahaux & de Haas, 2016). For an extended period, interest in the social, political, and economic processes shaping urban life in the global south has risen dramatically. These processes are influenced by a variety of interconnected variables, not the least of which is population mobility (Farrell, 2018). Numerous types of population movements continue to reshape cities throughout Africa. Unlike in the past, observations of urbanisation processes on the African continent 36 indicate that they are motivated by factors other than economic development or rapid industrialisation (Guarnizo, 2003; Potts, 2013, 2016; Tollman et al., 2003). These continue to emerge, but not at the rate that would be required if Africa's cities had a high rate of labour absorption. The remarkable demographic transition that has occurred in Africa over the last half- century has piqued the attention and concern of scholars and city administrators concerning the future of Africa's cities. This chapter addresses these persistent concerns by providing a descriptive examination of the nature of urban migration in a sample of African cities, emphasising regional differences while summarising overarching trends. Africa's urban morphology is evolving in lockstep with the amount of people who spend most nights in cities. Mobility is considered as a means of life advancement by the great majority of people who move to and through cities. Furthermore, migrants' sense of place and community is shaped by their memories of life in their homelands, their moral and material connections to these distinct locales, and the social networks and interconnections that bind them to the cities where they live (Blumenstock et al., 2019; Burt, 2000; Piselli, 2007; Williams et al., 2020). While a sizable number of people expect to retire in their hometowns, the majority prefer to remain in cities for the medium to the long-term. These characteristics underscore the interrelationship of mobility, spatiality, and temporality as fundamental factors shaping the lives of African urban dwellers. Introduction From its earliest conceptualisation, urbanisation referred to the percentage of a country's total population that lives in urban areas (Davis, 1965, 1974). The term urban refers to a sophisticated social organisation that encompasses population density and size, intricate labour divisions, advanced technological development, and sophisticated 37 infrastructure (Kasarda & Crenshaw, 1991; Wirth, 1938). Official definitions of urban areas frequently rely on the population density of bounded areas separating urban from rural areas, although this varies by country. In his major work on The Migrations of Human Populations Davis(1974) maintained that the persistent source of human mobility is man's sociocultural method of adaptation to technical, cultural, and economic change. As civilizations expand and diversity, so does the human instinct to migrate (p.3). These population developments will have an impact on practically every aspect of human inquiry in cities, including environmental, political, economic, and migration-related issues. Understanding future population trends is critical for planning and forecasting for changing community structures, health, and education needs, as well as the economic and environmental landscapes of Africa's cities. This chapter examines emergent forms of community, politics, well-being, local and translocal social interactions, and aspirations to move in the future. The chapter's overarching concern is about the nature of urban migration and the observation that the various dimensions of heterogeneity generated by migration is developing new forms of sociality. Throughout history, the city, the state, and the church regularly shaped individuals into cohesive communities by imparting a sense of shared values. This chapter is guided by the following question which serve as the thesis’s overarching theme: What is the purpose of current migration in the absence of economic development or opportunities to absorb excess urban labour supply? Cities and Migration From antiquity to the modern era, various waves of migration, invasion, and colonisation shaped the morphology of African cities - from ancient to pre-colonial, colonial, and modern (Tarver, 1994; Tarver & Tarver, 1993). These settlement trends and patterns 38 foreshadow current settlement trends and patterns in Africa's rapidly growing cities and towns. Various notable observations can be made with hundreds of thousands of people moving into cities across the continent daily, raising concerns about the implications for current conceptions of community, governance, belonging, and identity (Likić-Brborić, 2018; Lindell, 2008; Obeng-Odoom, 2013). Various modes of human mobility have shaped cities. Internal migration, a form of human mobility into cities, has historically been a critical factor in urban growth, with people arriving from rural areas surrounding cities. Employment has always been a primary driver of this type of migration (Todaro, 1969). Domestic migrants are not all from villages; indeed, migrants are increasingly moving from smaller towns and cities to megacities, perhaps for better job prospects, higher pay, or the allure of more exciting lifestyles (Castelli, 2018; van Hear et al., 2012). International labour migration has been another source of urban mobility. As a source of low-skilled labour for service industries such as construction, manufacturing, hospitality, and domestic services, this type of migration continues to influence urban economic development (Chen et al., 2014; Potts, 2016; Satterthwaite, 2007). Initially, these migrants were recruited into cities, but many relocate to seek work. They can be classified as regular or irregular, skilled, or unskilled, formal, or informal. As these migrants establish themselves, others, including family and friends, may follow (Faist, 2000; Lacroix, 2014; Schiller et al., 1992). International high-skilled migration has contributed to the growth of global cities and is frequently compensated at rates higher than those paid to citizens, and this group of migrants tend to be globally mobile. Another type of migration is refugee migration or forced migration, which tends to concentrate in urban areas, when given the choice, with a smaller proportion in camps. Today about half of the refugee population globally lives in cities 39 and not camps. Finally, individuals migrate for educational reasons (Allen, 2009; Stein, 1981; Verwimp & Maystadt, 2015). Unlike in Western societies, African urbanisation is not driven by urban industrialisation, and it continues despite economic decline, an inability of industrialisation to absorb excess labour in the formal urban market, and governance and administrative fragmentation and inefficiencies (Jedwab & Vollrath, 2015a). These issues are well- documented in the literature, though there are those who dispute the so-called alarmist view of urban decline and decay across the continent (Fay & Opal, 2000). City challenges In Africa, migrant-driven urban expansion has created a slew of opportunities and challenges. For a remarkably long period of time, informal settlements or slums have defined the urban landscape. In some countries, the population of urban dwellers who live in informal settlements outnumbers the total urban population (Huchzermeyer, 2003). Within countries and cities, development remains uneven, fuelling the trend toward a do-it-yourself (DIY) urbanism, which entails the informal development of housing in and around cities (Finn, 2014; Foster, 2020). Multiple migration streams representing diverse communities of origin, migration status, human capital, migration category, gender, and ethnicity congregate in urban estuaries and co-create spaces that facilitate or constrain social interactions (Landau, 2018). These are places of possibility and precarity, association and dissociation, conviviality and invisibility, inclusion and exclusion, and functional social interactions all at the same time (Landau, 2014). These spaces shared by diverse groups are the primary sites of population growth. As observed, these spaces exhibit a hybrid sociality in which residents are either cosmopolitan in outlook or band together to violently exclude 40 outsiders (Bufacchi, 2013; Claassen, 2014; Landau, 2014; Ray et al., 2019; Springer & le Billon, 2016). According to some observers, recorded rates of urbanisation are imprecise, claiming that available evidence from satellite imagery and censuses indicates that the rate of urbanisation in sub-Saharan African countries has slowed or plateaued (Potts, 2013, 2016). The rationale for this stance has been that the facts cited by those advocating rapid urbanisation are unreliable due to the complexity of Africa's urban structures. Two strands comprise the position on rapid urban growth. To begin, urbanisation and the emergence of large cities on the continent boost economic growth through agglomeration, innovation, and specialisation in a variety of industries (Jedwab & Vollrath, 2015a). The third strand of this argument is that, while urbanisation is accelerating across the continent, it is neither a cause nor a consequence of economic progress. There is, however, some agreement on the urbanisation drivers – in-migration, natural growth, and the reclassification of urban administrative boundaries as cities expand(Farrell, 2018). These debates about the rate of urbanisation in sub-Saharan Africa are significant because they draw attention to critical turning points in the region's history. These encompass social, political, economic, and environmental concerns shared by researchers and city governments alike. As a result, despite their importance, the social consequences of the multiple migration streams into the metropolis are frequently overlooked. Little is known about the socialities that emerge in cities because of increasing in-migration from a variety of origins and migration categories. These categories include refugees, asylum seekers, irregular migrants, circular migration flows, rural-urban migration, and urban-urban movement. This chapter contributes to this gap 41 by examining the nature of mobility emerging in cities experiencing rapid urban growth, churn, or stagnation. Methods This study used a quantitative cross-sectional research design to examine the nature of urbanism and emerging forms of sociality in three African cities. This design decision was influenced by the phenomenon of interest - modes of sociality in Africa's cities. The individual was used as the unit of analysis, but spatial elements that could shed light on modes of interaction and connections within and between cities and people's communities of origin were also considered. A limitation of this choice is that alternative explanations or confounders for observed differences in modes of sociation across the three cities are likely. To counteract this effect and ensure consistency in responses, survey questionnaire items were repeated but with slightly different wording. Research sites Standardised interviews were conducted across three research locations in each city to elicit representative data on movement patterns into and within cities, as well as social connectivity and local engagement. Between March and April 2021, the survey was conducted concurrently in three cities: Johannesburg (South Africa), Accra (Ghana), and Nairobi (Kenya). These three cities are experiencing rapid growth as a result of urbanisation and thus provide an ideal environment for observing and quantifying the interaction of mobile, culturally diverse, and transient populations. Within each city, selected neighbourhoods serve as transit and destination points for an eclectic mix of immigrants, refugees, circular migrants, tourists, and explorers. As a result, these sites are ideal for examining dynamic urbanisation trends. Figure 1 demonstrates the total urban population growth from 1950 to 2010 for the three survey countries. Figure 1: Total Urban Population growth: South Africa, Kenya, and Ghana (1950 – 2010) 42 Source: Africapolis Data Portal The graph shows that while the total urban population growth rate varies across the three countries, the overall trend is upward. The factors driving this trend are domestic and international migration, as well as natural growth (Castelli, 2018; Flahaux & de Haas, 2016) International migration, on the other hand, continues to contribute only a small portion of this growth, between 2.5 and 3% in each of the three countries(United Nations, 2020). Johannesburg, Accra, and Nairobi serve as regional hubs, attracting a sizable number of migrants from within each sub-region. The following section summarises urbanisation micro trends in the three survey research sites. Nairobi - Kenya Kenya, located in eastern Africa, is home to a large number of migrants, the majority of whom come from the region, specifically Tanzania, Rwanda, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Burundi, and Somalia. Additionally, a significant number of Kenyans are relocating from rural to urban areas. 43 Since 1936, when the country gained independence, the country has experienced an average annual rate of urbanisation of 6% (Mireri et al., 2007). As is the case with other countries in the region, Kenya's capital Nairobi serves as a critical node for people moving within and beyond the region, and the capital also hosts an increasing number of informal settlements, including Kawangware, Kayole, and Korogocho. Peripheral towns such as Ongata Rongai are beginning to host residents who are unable to find housing in the already overcrowded city. Our survey sites were Kawangware, Ongata Rongai, and Kayole. Kayole, located east of Nairobi has emerged as a vibrant economic hub attracting a significant number of international and domestic migrants. It is also host to a considerable number of asylum seekers and refugees from the Great Lakes region. Kawangware is one of Nairobi's largest informal settlements, located 12 kilometers from the city center. It faces the same problems as other slums, including a lack of basic services, infrastructure, and decent affordable housing. It is a popular destination for rural-urban migrants and is home to Kenyans of various ethnic groups, including the Luhya, Luo, and Kikuyu (Mitullah, 2003; Wanjiru & Matsubara, 2017). Ongata Rongai is a satellite urban centre that has grown in popularity as a result of its proximity to Nairobi. Rongai, as it is colloquially known, is a hub for domestic migrants from all over 44 Kenya as well as international migrants. It continues to attract migrants who are unable to secure housing in Nairobi due to a lack of availability or high rental rates (Agesa, 2004). Johannesburg - South Africa Apartheid restrictions severely limited black South Africans' housing and settlement options. In South Africa, urbanisation has been shaped primarily by historical policies restricting black people's movement and settlement, thereby limiting their access to cities. By the time of the first post-apartheid census in 1996, urban areas accounted for 55.1 percent of the South African population (Bakker et al., 2015; Harrison et al., 2014; Ogura, 1996). This began to change following the dismantling of apartheid, which resulted in a large influx of people from rural areas to major cities. Johannesburg, in South Africa's Gauteng province, is a magnet for international migrants from sub-Saharan Africa and beyond. Katlehong, Berea, and Diepsloot were the locations of our survey in Gauteng. All were chosen as 'urban estuaries,' or areas with multiple migration streams. Each community develops a distinct human ecosystem comprised of long-term residents, people who relocate from other parts of the city and its environs, domestic migrants, and 45 international arrivals. They have experienced high rates of 'churn' over the last two decades, with significant portions of the population expected to leave within the next two to ten years (Landau, 2009). Katlehong, located in Ekurhuleni near Johannesburg, has a long and illustrious history in South Africa's struggle against apartheid. Between 1944 and 1950, a series of land invasions in Benoni, east of Johannesburg, resulted in the establishment of several squatter camps. These developments occurred because of rapid migration from South Africa's so-called homelands or rural areas to towns and major cities (Bonner & Nieftagodien, 2012). Large black townships, such as Katlehong, grew out of South Africa's apartheid policy of influx control and urban management. Katlehong and its environs are now one of the most migrant-heavy areas in the country. Berea, along with Hillbrow, Joubert Park, Braamfontein, and Bellevue, is in Johannesburg's central high-density zone. These areas, which are almost entirely composed of high-rise apartment buildings, were once desirable but are now referred to as urban slums – neglected and populated by African immigrants – in contrast to Diepsloot, which is a relatively recent settlement. It was established in the mid-1990s as a 'transit camp' for people displaced from elsewhere due to policy and natural disasters. What began as a small space for slightly more than a thousand people has expanded into a sprawling complex with tens of thousands of residents. Unlike many townships that have seen generations come and go, almost all Diepsloot's residents, except for the youngest, are from elsewhere. Our research focused on Extension One, one of the most transient spaces in the area and a frequent site of violence directed at international migrants (Brodie, 2014). 46 Accra – Ghana Ghana's population has grown rapidly since independence in 1957. Ghana's population shifted from predominantly rural to approximately 50.9 percent urban in 2010, up from 23 percent in 1960(Konadu-Agyemang, 2001; Obeng-Odoom, 2011). Ghana urbanised at a faster rate than its African counterparts, owing to its post-independence expansion in the cocoa sector. In Ghana, urbanisation has resulted in the growth of medium and small towns as well as cities (Jedwab, 2010). The interaction between urban migration and natural population growth is significant in this regard. Accra research locations included Jamestown, Old Fadama, and Madina. Each of these settlements were chosen for their distinct qualities. Jamestown has a good cosmopolitan mix of people with a rich history (Kropp Dakubu, 1997). Its closeness to Accra's central economic district makes it a popular residential area for long-term, local, and international migrants. Old Fadama, one of the largest informal settlements in Accra, is a long-established neighbourhood and preferred location for domestic migrants, especially those from the Northern parts of Ghana. This community is also located close to the Accra business centre. This neighbourhood also attracts international migrants. 47 Madina has mixed groups of locally born domestic, and long-term residents and international migrants (Stacey & Lund, 2016) . Ghana's population has grown rapidly since independence in 1957. Ghana's population shifted from predominantly rural to approximately 50.9 percent urban in 2010, up from 23 percent in 1960. (Govt Stats). Ghana urbanised at a faster rate than its other African counterparts, owing to its post-independence expansion in the cocoa sector. In Ghana, urbanisation has resulted in the growth of medium and small towns as well as cities (Diao et al., 2008) The interaction between urban migration and natural population growth is significant in this regard. Data Collection Each city had a total sample size of 515, and we aimed to interview approximately 166 residents per neighbourhood. The research team was composed of native-language speakers who interviewed just over 1,800 people in the three cities. This figure includes those who participated in the survey questionnaire's pilot phase. To capture the diversity of migration experiences within these sites, we recruited participants from three distinct groups: domestic migrants, long-term residents, and indigenous people. The 166 were then evenly distributed among these three groups (i.e., approximately 56 foreign migrants, 56 domestic migrants, 55 long-term residents per neighbourhood). The team aimed for an equal gender split in each neighbourhood (50 percent male, 50 percent female). Each respondent was an adult, aged 18 years or older. Although the sample's median age was 35.6, the standard deviation of 12.33 indicates an age diverse population. Pre-qualification questions were used to ensure that quotas were met for target groups and that the groups were well represented in the sample. Domestic migrants were defined as individuals who relocated from one region of the country to the city of interview with the intention of establishing a permanent residence 48 there. A long-term resident was defined as someone who has lived in the neighbourhood of the interview or near the location of the interview for at least eight years. Locally born respondents are those who were born in the neighbourhood or proximity to the location of the interview. This was how we distinguished those who had moved or migrated during their lifetime from those who had not. We used a randomised small area sampling strategy within each community, in which fieldwork teams were assigned a randomly generated GPS location with a maximum radius of 1 km in which to conduct interviews. Once inside that small area, the enumerator would approach any household and request to speak with head of the household or an adult knowledgeable about the household. Enumerators would approach another household if a participant refused to be interviewed or could not be reached on the second visit. We obtained permission from the relevant local authorities for access to all neighbourhoods. While the data do not fully represent migrant or host populations, the research team targeted survey participants from a variety of origin countries. The primary limitation of this approach is that we were unable to determine the size and composition of the foreign population in advance due to a lack of reliable population data. However, the research teams ensured that the highest quality standards were met and that participants were randomly selected to ensure representativeness to the best of our abilities. Descriptive Analysis Figure 1: Top Origin Countries Per City: Accra, Johannesburg, and Nairobi 49 The tree map in Figure 1 shows the top four to six countries of origin represented in each of the cities by the sample. Due to their geographic proximity, a sizable portion of the foreign-born population originates in the region which includes each city. Congolese appear in both Nairobi and Johannesburg. The general trend indicates that individuals continue to migrate within their subregions, with a small percentage moving further away. Figures 2 and 3 reflect the gender distribution and nativity status of sample in all three cities. Figure 2: Sample size and Gender breakdown City Sample Size Accra 575 Johannesburg 529 Nairobi 519 Grand Total 1623 50 Figure 3: Nativity Status by city Figure 4 below depicts respondents' length of stay in each of the three cities. Over half of the sample has spent less than eight years in the city. As other studies (Madhavan & Landau, 2011) have demonstrated this pattern demonstrates the flexibility with which Africa's largest cities and towns continue to be defined. When asked if they were born in a city, town, or village, 58 percent of respondents in Accra stated that they were born in a town, compared to 18.4 percent who indicated they were born in a village. In Johannesburg, 40% of residents were born in villages, while 35% and 25%, respectively, were born in towns and cities. In Nairobi, 74% of respondents were born in villages, while 21% were born in towns. The bulk of urban residents in African cities are under the age of thirty. This conclusion, as seen in Table and the accompanying figures, is consistent with quantitative data from studies undertaken in cities in rising economies such as India, Thailand, South Korea, and Nigeria (Goldstein, 1987; Potts, 2012b; Rockenbauch et al., 2019a). Table 1: Descriptive statistics: Sample mean average age for three research sites (row percent) Age Category Accra Johannesburg Nairobi 18 – 30 33.6 28.1 38.4 31 – 40 37.3 33.5 29.2 41 – 50 37.5 39.3 23.2 51 51+ 34.87 41.5 23.7 Sample Size 575(35.4) 529(32.6) 519(31.9) *Total study sample: 1, 623 Figure 5: Sample age distribution Figure 6: Urban Migration and work The migration and urbanisation literatures are replete with references to the factors that motivate migration. Economically, the emerging countries' national economies have abundantly proved their dual character (Narula, 2018; Todaro, 1997). The urban capitalist sector is focused on large-scale manufacturing and industrialisation, whereas 52 the informal sector is typically characterised as an unregulated number of interconnected businesses ranging from street hawking to shoe polishing to pedicabs (Todaro, 1997). It is well established that the bulk of entrants to the urban labour force are either self- employed or work in informal occupations (Lindell, 2010; Stacey & Lund, 2016). Self- employment includes food vending, hairdressing, street hawking, commercial sex work, day labourers, dressmaking, household work, selling second-hand clothing, painting, and construction work. Given Africa's high unemployment rate and the continuous increase of urban populations, the informal sector will continue to play an important role in absorbing new labour force members, therefore helping to alleviate the continent's rising unemployment crisis. One drawback of this tendency is the precarity experienced by new entrants to the informal sector as a result of a lack of legal protection and job stability (Mabilo & Gouws, 2018). Upward Mobility When asked why they moved and why they preferred certain locations, more than half of respondents in each city indicated availability of employment, followed by family reasons and educational opportunities. The positive correlation between education level and proclivity to migrate is a recurring finding in the migration literature. According to these studies, the more years of education a person possesses, the more likely they are to migrate (Handler, 2018; Waters, 2006). This relationship implies that those with only a basic level of elementary and secondary schooling are more likely to be self- employed or involved in causal employment, whereas those with some post-secondary education or training are more likely to be employed in stable roles. This association is seen in the following tables. 53 Table 2: Descriptive statistics: Education by Gender Employment Status Accra Johannesburg Nairobi Self Employed Female 53,99% 45,52% 49,73% Male 46,01% 54,48% 50,27% Stable Employment Female 30,39% 42,25% 36,17% Male 69,61% 57,75% 63,83% Unemployed/Casually Employed Female 55,33% 52,78% 55,00% Male 44,67% 47,22% 45,00% Table 3: Descriptive statistics: Education and Employment crosstabulation Employment Status Completed Primary or Secondary None/Some Primary Some Tertiary Accra Self Employed 49,19% 50,00% 34,55% Stable Employment 16,49% 16,67% 29,09% Unemployed/Casually Employed 34,32% 33,33% 36,36% Johannesburg Self Employed 26,10% 25,50% 17,95% Stable Employment 27,86% 22,82% 33,33% Unemployed/Casually Employed 46,04% 51,68% 48,72% Nairobi Self Employed 35,48% 41,98% 32,03% Stable Employment 13,87% 12,35% 32,03% Unemployed/Casually Employed 50,65% 45,68% 35,94% Medium term goals 54 Long term goals Retirement 36,49% 21,17% 28,23% 6,45% 7,26% 0,40% 53,89% 19,16% 3,37% 14,95% 6,53% 2,11% 45,89% 10,96% 10,73% 18,26% 11,42% 2,74% Where I am now In another part of City In a third/other country In my community of origin In another part of my home country Other Accra Johannesburg Nairobi 55 Conclusion African cities exhibit a diverse range of movement patterns. Cities continue to act as a nexus for numerous human, material, intellectual, and informational flows. The rate of urbanisation in Africa is highly varied and is frequently influenced by a range of variables, including migration, natural population expansion, and agglomeration processes. The accompanying descriptive chapter investigated these patterns and processes in three sub-Saharan African cities: Accra, Johannesburg, and Nairobi. The decades after the independence of the majority of sub-Saharan countries saw a massive migration of people from rural to urban areas. While urbanisation rates have fluctuated over this time period, the trend is largely upward and continuous. In most cities, the habits of non-settlement and continued mobility persist, whether for greater access to employment, family reunification, high rents, or higher education. Despite the insecure formal job base in the majority of cities, these countries continue to have strong in-migration rates. While most scholars would claim that most migrants to cities are aware of their modest odds of finding work, when contrasted to the extremely limited opportunities in rural areas, the prospect of a potentially higher income trumps remaining in the village. While cities may have a distinct way of life in the shape of an informal sector, for the vast majority of new participants to the urban workforce, this remains uncertain. These newcomers work for modest family-owned businesses or establish their own businesses. Without formal jobs, Africa's cities will continue to rely heavily on the informal economy to sustain livelihoods. Village-city connections are critical for comprehending the nature and character of contemporary migration. Individuals' lives are shaped by moral and material imperatives, straddling many locations, and ultimately forming these links between them. While 56 mobile communication, television, and various media all appeal to young people, the desire to migrate in search of adventure or a better life remains strong. As the majority of respondents to this survey testified, moving is viewed as a means of advancement, and the appeal of modern metropolitan amenities continues to be strong. Success in cities, particularly for newcomers, necessitates the collaboration of a diverse array of persons and institutions, but this is not always the case. The majority of people relocate to new areas with the assistance of friends or relatives. The informal support provided by these networks serves as a safety net for newcomers, particularly during their first few weeks or months in the city. Onward migration is significantly more likely when the prospective migrant has social support or ties in the destination country. In other words, relationships and socialities are not solely determined by where individuals live, but rather by the value and connections they may create in other parts of the world. This results in the formation of translocal social networks, which frequently serve as a catalyst for the emergence of new migration pathways between locales. Perhaps the most striking feature of these new modes of movement and sociospatial connectedness is the creation of new modes of sociality and interaction that are loosely dependent on geographic proximity. Communities form over enormous distances, without necessarily being based in a particular location, and are substantially facilitated by modern communication technologies. Given the range of paths and emic community linkages, identifying what is emerging is complex. What is certain is that the foundations for contemporary territorially tied identities are becoming increasingly weak and collapsing. Migration is accelerating, as are the means of local and political engagement. 57 Chapter 4: Revisiting the coming anarchy? Institutions, Engagements, and mobility across three African cities Introduction Cities are central for politics and political theory. Indeed, current rhetoric and practice of democracy and good governance are built on the premise that political involvement, community participation, and trust in one's neighbours are all vital components of attempts to preserve livelihoods and a healthy democracy in cities (Paxton, 2002). Historically, urbanisation has frequently accompanied economic and political transformations, from the Italian city-states to the industrial centres of Europe, Latin America, and Asia (Farrell, 2018). While the effects have always been diverse and iniquitous, they often result in the integration of diverse populations into national and transnational processes of material and political production. I examine whether Africa would likely follow the same pattern in this chapter, given the continent's rapid urbanisation during the past sixty years, fuelled mostly by different types of migration. This chapter compares political engagement levels across three cities in sub-Saharan Africa, focusing on the effects of community-level involvement and neighbour trust on political participation, using newly collected data from Accra, Nairobi, and Johannesburg. This chapter is particularly concerned with emerging (or likely to emerge) forms of community and institutional participation in areas where population expansion outpaces economic prospects and governmental investment. The chapter considers what Africa's political future may look like considering previous forecasts of political anarchy and social destabilisation because of unregulated urbanisation (Kaplan, 1994). The findings 58 support the hypothesis that community involvement is positively associated with the likelihood of political participation despite low levels of local engagement and trust overall. I