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The crisis of trade union representation in post-1973 unions and 

the role of the full-time shop steward (FTSS): 

A case study of NUMSA at BMW Rosslyn Plant 

Tshwane South Africa. 

 

PhD Candidate: Musawenkosi Hemelton Malabela 

Student No: 0317435t 

Supervisor: Prof Sarah Mosoetsa 

 

University of the Witwatersrand 

 

Sociology Department  

 

 

 



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A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 

Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 

(Sociology).  

 

Johannesburg, 2023 

 

Declaration 

I declare that this is my own unaided work. It is submitted for the degree of Doctor of 

Philosophy at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. It has not been submitted 

before for any other degree or examination in any other university.  

Ethic clearance number: H16/07/22 

Musawenkosi Hemelton Malabela__________________________________ 

(Name of candidate and Signature) 

 

Date 22 December 2023 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



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PhD Abstract 
 

Full-time shop stewards (FTSSs) are elected trade union shop stewards paid by the employer 

to do full-time union work. This is a peculiar arrangement in the South African industrial 

landscape which draws from the German model of workers’ councils. These FTSSs were first 

negotiated in the early 1980s at Ford and Volkswagen (VW) in South Africa. The main reason 

for these FTSSs was, as noted by Gomomo (1985), to deal with production pressures and 

disruptions caused by ordinary shop stewards, who, from time to time, would be pulled from 

the production line to attend to trade union business.  The employer offered these positions as 

a tool for addressing this dilemma. This benefitted the trade unions that were growing 

exponentially and did not have money to hire organisers to service every organised and non-

organised workplace. The s served to augment the role of the organisers; they became a de 

facto organiser. This study, through in-depth interviews, document analysis, focus groups, 

ethnography and participant observation, explores the contradictory role of FTSSs through the 

case study method at BMW.  

The findings highlight the significance of the FTSSs in building the power of the trade union 

at the shopfloor level and the potential they have in building a strong, vibrant and militant trade 

union movement on the ground or branch level. The evidence shows that, if not properly 

managed, FTSSs’ positions can be used for upward social mobility by self-interested 

individuals. This is because of the benefits and resources attached to these positions, which 

accord incumbents some level of social status. Hence these positions are highly and fiercely 

contested. For these positions to yield positive outcomes, FTSSs ought to be accountable to the 

rank-and-file members through regular meetings for feedback and mandate takings, and regular 



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elections ought to be institutionalised. Notions of career pathing of FTSSs need not be 

entertained as they will open space for the institutionalisation of upward social mobility of 

FTSS. Although upward social mobility is one of the options for an FTSS, those who are not 

re-elected to office face social downgrading, which includes going back to the production line. 

This comes with a huge personal loss and has a psychological impact as they lose the benefits 

associated with these positions and the social status that comes with it.   

The thesis turns Michels’ (1958)  notion of ‘iron law of oligarchy’ on its head as it shows that 

FTSSs should act as a countervailing force against the development of oligarchic tendencies in 

the workplace. Because accountable FTSSs suffocate the development of oligarchic tendencies 

in the trade union. The thesis argues that accountability is a pain of democracy—it should be 

embraced and promoted, and regular elections of FTSSs should be encouraged and 

institutionalised as a countervailing force to the development of oligarchic tendencies. This 

will promote the worker control principle, which is the cornerstone of these post-1973 trade 

unions.  

The thesis further argues that the FTSS falls into the trap of being a tool of management if not 

properly managed. They become a communication bridge of management or information 

brokers1 (see Malabela, 2012) by communicating production schedules. Borrowing from Tony 

Lane's (1974) thesis of shop stewards being the man with two masters, it argues that the FTSS 

is the man with three masters. The three masters are the workers who elected them, the second 

one is the employer who pays their salary, and finally, the trade union who they represent and 

on whose card they were elected. I posit that all these masters have different expectations: the 

 
1 See Malabela, 2012 



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first is to represent them against the employer, the second is to maintain labour peace and avoid 

unnecessary strikes and stoppages, and the third is to build a strong workplace organisation.  

In the final analysis FTSSs are an important and integral part of  South African industrial 

relations—and benefit both the employer and the trade union. The trade union needs to develop 

clear policies to manage FTSSs, so that the positions are not abused for upward social mobility 

and to hold them accountable. Accountability occurs through regular general meetings with 

workers to solicit mandates and report back, and FTSS elections should be institutionalised. 

Trade unions ought to benefit a great deal from FTSSs only if these positions serve the 

intentions of the trade unions and build a vibrant workplace organisation that serves the interest 

of the rank-and-file.  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



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List of abbreviations 

  
AMCU  Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union  

BEC   Bench Executive Committee  

BGM   Branch General Meeting  

BMW   Bayerische Motoren Werke (in English Bavarian Motor Works)  

CCMA  Commission for Conciliation Mediation and Arbitration  

COSATU  Congress of South African Trade Unions  

FOSATU  Federation of South African Trade Unions  

FTSS   Full-time shop steward  

GDP   Gross Domestic Product  

HR   Human Resource  

ICU   Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union  

IR   Industrial Relations  

LOB   Local Office Bearers  

LOB   Local Office Bearers  

LSSC   Local Shop Steward Council  

MAWU  Metalworkers and Allied Workers Union  

MICWU  Motor Industry Combined Workers Union 

NAAWU  National Automobile and Allied Workers Union 

NALEDI  The National Labour and Economic Institute 

NBF   National Bargaining Forum 

NEC   National Executive Committee  

NOB   National Office Bearers  

NIHSS  National Institute for Humanities and Social Sciences 

NUM   National Union of Mineworkers  

NUMSA  National Union of Metalwokers of South Africa  

OB   Office Bearers  



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OCCB  Organising, Campaigns and Collective Bargaining 

PEC   Provincial Executive Committee 

PPE   Personal Protective Equipment  

POPCRU  Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union  

REC   Regional Executive Committee 

ROB   Regional Office Bearers  

SACTU  South African Congress of Trade Union 

SADTU  South African Democratic Teachers Union  

SAFTU  South African Federation of Trade Unions  

SAHUDA  South African Humanities Deans Association 

SATAWU  South Africa Transport and Allied Workers Union  

SS   Shop Stewards  

SSC   Shop Steward Council  

TUCSA  Trade Union Council of South Africa 

UMMAWOSA United Metal, Mining and Allied Workers of South Africa  

VW   Volkswagen  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



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List of tables:  

Table 1 Union Staff-NALEDI SOA Report 2012 

Table 2 Daoly Schedule for the FTSS  

Table 3  The Three Matsers of the FTSS  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



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Table of Contents 

 

PhD Abstract ............................................................................................................................ 3 

List of abbreviations ................................................................................................................ 6 

List of tables: ............................................................................................................................... 8 

Dedication ............................................................................................................................... 14 

Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................ 15 

Umdeni ..................................................................................................................................... 15 

The siblings ................................................................................................................................ 17 

The Wife: Her Majesty ............................................................................................................... 18 

The Wits Department of Sociology: ............................................................................................ 19 

Society, Work and Politics Institute (SWOP) ................................................................................ 21 

The NIHSS Mentors .................................................................................................................... 21 

The NIHSS Coterie/Cohort .......................................................................................................... 22 

The Employers ........................................................................................................................... 22 

The Friends ................................................................................................................................ 23 

The Supervisor ........................................................................................................................... 24 

The funder ................................................................................................................................. 25 

Chapter 1: Introduction ........................................................................................................ 27 

Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 27 

Problem statement .................................................................................................................... 32 

Structure of the thesis - Chapter outline ..................................................................................... 36 

Chapter 2: Historical context and background................................................................... 42 

Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 42 

A brief history of the rise of the black trade union movement in South Africa .............................. 43 

The rationale for FTSS: FTSS as an organiser ................................................................................ 46 

Bayerische Moteren Werke (BMW) South Africa ......................................................................... 49 

The NUMSA FTSS policy ............................................................................................................. 51 

The sins of incumbency and social distance................................................................................. 53 

Romanticising of worker control and internal democracy ............................................................ 55 



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The ‘we didn’t struggle to be poor’ syndrome: Transformation of the apartheid workplace regime 

and shop stewards ..................................................................................................................... 57 

Chapter 3: Literature review and theoretical framework—From worker control to 

upward social mobility: The rise of the FTSS movement .................................................. 59 

Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 59 

The rise of the shop stewards and full-time shop stewards’ movement ....................................... 60 

Upward social mobility in South African trade unions post-1994 ................................................. 66 

Social status, social capital and FTSS as a stratum in the workforce ............................................. 71 

Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 81 

Chapter 4: Research Methodology: Qualitative research methodology using 

ethnography ............................................................................................................................ 83 

Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 83 

Rationale for the thesis .......................................................................................................... 85 

Qualitative research method ................................................................................................. 86 

The National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) and BMW case studies ................ 87 

Ethnography and participant observation: A day in the life of a full-time shop steward

.................................................................................................................................................. 88 

Sampling.................................................................................................................................... 91 

Full-time shop stewards ............................................................................................................. 92 

Current and former union officials .............................................................................................. 94 

Expert and key informant interviews: trade union activists and officials, as well as labour scholars 

and researchers ......................................................................................................................... 95 

Research instruments ................................................................................................................ 96 

Pep talk meetings ...................................................................................................................... 96 

Local shop steward council meetings .......................................................................................... 98 

Quarterly general meetings ........................................................................................................ 99 

Life history interviews .............................................................................................................. 101 

In-depth semi-structured interviews ......................................................................................... 103 

Insider-outsider: Building repo from a researcher to a comrade (insider): A reflection from the field

................................................................................................................................................ 106 

Data analysis ........................................................................................................................... 107 

Ethical considerations .............................................................................................................. 108 



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Chapter 5: FTSS a Paradox of Victory: The Challenging Roles of Full-Time Shop 

Stewards ................................................................................................................................ 110 

Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 110 

A day in the life of a Full-Time Shop Steward ............................................................................ 119 

The daily schedule of meetings .................................................................................................. 120 

Table 2: Daily Schedule of Meetings for the FTSS ......................................................................... 120 

Chapter 6: FTSS and membership disconnect and its implication ................................. 131 

Introduction............................................................................................................................. 131 

Shop stewards as the central pillar of workplace organisation ...................................................... 131 

Production requirements and pressures ..................................................................................... 132 

FTSSs as union organisers .......................................................................................................... 135 

Unlimited time off for full-time shop stewards ............................................................................ 140 

FTSS as the man with three masters ........................................................................................... 143 

Table 3:  The three masters of the FTSS ...................................................................................... 145 

The FTSS Master: ..................................................................................................................... 145 

Expectations from the FTSS: ..................................................................................................... 145 

Traits: ...................................................................................................................................... 145 

Chapter 7: Full-Time Shop Steward: A class-in-the-making .......................................... 165 

Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 165 

Goodbye machines, hello freedom: FTSS an escape from the toil of capitalist production .......... 167 

Identity formation: FTSS as office workers - from the machine (shop floor) to the office: ........... 171 

FTSS and upward social mobility: It is given that FTSS will become the first to be considered for 

development and promotion by employers ............................................................................... 178 

Cars as a source and symbol of social status and power ............................................................ 195 

Education Benefits for FTSSs: Education and training opportunities for FTSSs ............................ 204 

Career pathing for FTSS and the life after being a FTSS .............................................................. 208 

Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 217 

Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 220 

Democracy in action: The 2019 FTSS election stalemate ............................................................ 222 

Social downgrading: The pain of an FTSS returning to the production line ................................. 229 

The shock of returning to the production line ........................................................................... 237 

“Di a bowa daar”: The intensity and toughness of the production line work ........................... 242 



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Career pathing and soft landing of FTSSs .................................................................................. 244 

“You know how bad it is that you leave a leadership position”: The impact of social downgrading.

................................................................................................................................................ 246 

Resignations and early retirement of FTSSs who are not re-elected for fear of going back to the 

production line ........................................................................................................................ 249 

The promise of career pathing of FTSS is ‘basically dangling a carrot for them (FTSSs) to sell out.’

................................................................................................................................................ 253 

Conclusions ............................................................................................................................. 262 

Chapter 9: Shop floor Democracy and Accountability: A painful outcome .................... 265 

Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 265 

Separation of powers and accountability: The BMW FTSSs arrangements disregard NUMSA’s FTSS 

Policy....................................................................................................................................... 267 

Lack of accountability can lead to the bureaucratisation of the union at the workplace and branch 

level. ....................................................................................................................................... 273 

General meetings are a central tool for accountability. ............................................................. 279 

Petitions as an accountability platform ..................................................................................... 285 

FTSSs as information brokers for management (i.e., tools of management) ............................... 289 

Accountability a pain of democracy .......................................................................................... 293 

Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 295 

Chapter 10: Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 298 

Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 298 

The rise of the FTSS and their contradictory roles...................................................................... 299 

FTSS and the (crisis) of trade union representation ................................................................... 301 

FTSSs at BMW .......................................................................................................................... 302 

Role of an FTSS: FTSS as an organiser with unlimited time-off ................................................... 303 

FTSS is a class in-the-making..................................................................................................... 304 

The sin of incumbency: Perks or resources or tools of trade ...................................................... 305 

Accountability is a necessary pain of democracy ....................................................................... 309 

Reference List ....................................................................................................................... 315 

Appendices: ............................................................................................................................. 325 

NUMSA FTSS bios and background information ........................................................................ 325 

List of interviews: ..................................................................................................................... 327 

 



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Dedication  

 

This thesis is dedicated to my late father, Malavi Willie Malabela, who departed on 10 January 

2017 after a long struggle with kidney failure. To Mama, Nana Athalia Malabela, who 

continues to be my pillar of strength. To my loving wife Makhosazana Malabela, you are the 

best thing to ever happen to me. To our firstborn son Ntsako Liam Malabela, who was born 

months after the submission of the thesis, this one is for you. May you draw inspiration in it in 

search of your own greatness, Mhlaba.  

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

 

 
 



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Acknowledgements  

Ignorance is the curse of the God; knowledge is the wing wherewith we fly to heaven. 

(William Shakespeare: Henry VI Pt 2) 

In search of knowledge, I pursued a PhD. Embarking on a PhD is a lonely, challenging journey 

that requires resilience, discipline, and absolute commitment and tests one's character. There 

have been moments of excitement and joy on this journey, but at times, it has been a sad and 

difficult one where many breaking points were reached and throwing in the towel seemed like 

the better option. All these moments were met with generous support and encouragement from 

many individuals and organisations, making the journey worth travelling.   

Sociology teaches us that we are the product of the social institutions around us through the 

process of socialisation. These institutions include the family, school, church and so forth. I 

would like to pay homage to some of these institutions and people who helped shape my life 

and supported me through this PhD journey.  

Umdeni  

First and foremost, I would like to thank my parents for everything that they have done for me 

since birth, nurtured me and taught me the importance of education. My late father, in 

particular, used to say to us when growing up, Anginoshiyela lifa mine mara eskolweni ngila 

niyakhona nonke, loosely translated, “I won’t leave you any inheritance but will take you to 

school.” Ngiya bonga Mhlaba daBuga aka Juluka, Mapantsula. It is unfortunate that as I finish 

this journey which you saw me undertake, you are not here to witness its end, just like the 

Biblical Moses who led the children of Israel and never saw the promised land. In all the nooks 



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and crannies of the universe, continue being a great ancestor looking over us. This thesis is 

dedicated to you and your lovely wife, our mother, who continues to nurture and guide us as 

our living parent.  

To my mother, as I write this, tears run down my face as I reminisce about the love and support 

you have given us, your children, and me in particular. I have no words to thank you for all 

your sacrifices. I couldn’t ask for a better Mama—you are simply amazing, and I love you.  

You are a remarkable, strong African woman—who, from the early stages of our lives, 

provided a conducive environment for us to study and learn. You went to great lengths to make 

sure that there was minimal interference to our learning both at school and home. You are a 

courageous woman, and you made it a point that we excel at school. You would say, angikatali 

sidomu when we didn’t do well at school as a matter of encouragement. This thesis is dedicated 

to you largely to thank you for believing in us and the sacrifices you have made for us.  

When the going got tough, you reminded me, ngeke ngife ngikakuboni in a red gown [I will 

not die without seeing you in a red gown]. These are the words that carried me through, and at 

times, I thought I should be slow so that you would live longer. Thank you for the words of 

wisdom and encouragement, even when times were very hard, and I was in ICU after 

contracting COVID-19. You would not end your call without reminding me that I have a PhD 

to finish, so I must continue the fight against COVID-19 and come back to finish the work that 

I have started. I am indeed grateful to you, and thank the gods for giving me you. They say, “A 

son’s first love is his mother.” Indeed, mine is you because you gave me unconditional love 

first and nurtured me. Ngiyabonga laThemba shengatsi Simakadze angasigcinela wena andzise 



17 
 
 

 

 

umkhawulu wakho akubusise uze ugcoshiswe tibusiso. I love you dearly, my Dear Mama sofa 

silahlane! 

The siblings  

BoMhlaba ngiyabonga kakhulu to my older sibling Gugu Malabela-Mnisi ngiyabonga Sester 

and my two younger brothers Mlungisi Malabela and Bonginhlahla Malabela inkomo 

boMadala. You have been with me through thick and thin and supported me when no one could 

have. Your prayers and financial support in times of difficulties indeed carried me through. I 

remember Bonginhlahla, when frustrated by the slow pace would say, Gcedza phela nawe 

kunini, [Finish man, it’s been long now]. Finally, Madala, I have delivered. I guess you can 

call me ‘Mr Delivery’ as you affectionately call people who deliver on their promises and work. 

My heart is full of gratitude for everything you have done for me and the sacrifices that you 

made for me when I had to come to university for my undergraduate. I know it wasn’t easy, 

but you endured it for my sake. I am indeed grateful and thank you from the bottom of my 

heart. Let’s continue being united as our parents taught us and indeed siyaphambili.  

To my nieces Tinstwalo and Phumelelo Mnisi, who always ask me, “Why do you stay kaGogo 

for a long time?” Because to them, when schools are closed, all of us must come home and be 

with them. They just did not understand my forever absence on big holidays; I always promised 

them that they would understand one day when they attended a big school. They have grown 

to understand what a PhD is, and I promise I will be with you every big holiday henceforth, 

bomshana. To my other niece, Tinyiko Malabela, and nephew, Mikhenso, I hope one day you 

will also understand why I was always away and did not even make it to your birthdays.  



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I would also like to thank my uncles and aunts, who also supported me in different ways and 

prayed for me in difficult moments, and understood when I couldn’t make it to important family 

events as I was consumed by the work of this PhD. Malume Mzwandile Themba, bobabe 

lomcane George and Pat Malabela, Babe Marcus Mdhuli, Anti Delani Sibeko, Mamcane Bongi 

and Linda Themba. Mbuso and Dumisane Tshela also deserve a special mention. Thanks 

bomnaka for the video calls on big holidays when I was stuck in Jozi doing my PhD work I 

really felt the love. Ngibonge kakhulu tinini tami.  

The Wife: Her Majesty  

To my beautiful and intelligent wife, Makhosazana Malabela, thank you. Love. Your 

understanding, love, and support throughout the PhD journey carried me, even when your 

friends warned you, “Be careful. People who do a PhD sometimes go mad!” You laughed it 

off, and we are here now, so thanks for keeping me sane. You made the journey so easy to 

navigate when I had to leave the house and rent a room in Ga-Rankuwa for fieldwork, and you 

understood when I had to spend many long nights at Wits and spend many weekends on the 

PhD. You also understood when I forgot our 2023 anniversary (which is 19 and 20th of 

December) because I was working on the PhD on both days. Your understanding humbled me, 

and you made a light moment of it, “Finish, I want my husband back.” Indeed this was the last 

lap and I will make it up to you henceforth. You took care of me when I couldn’t even take 

care of myself because I was fatigued. In the lowest moments of my COVID-19 diagnosis, you 

were always by my side and even drove me home to go see my Mama and family. This PhD is 

dedicated to you and our unborn child Ntsako. Thank you maMthembu omuhle! Love you to 

the sky and back!  



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The Wits Department of Sociology:  

The Department of Sociology at Wits has been my home from undergraduate to PhD. I know 

no one but this department. First from the stewardship of Edward Webster when I came to Wits 

as an undergraduate student and who later became my first supervisor for this PhD. To Roger 

Southall, who was my MA supervisor when he was HOD and Devan Pillay, Sam Kariuki and 

now Michelle Williams, under whose stewardship I now finish my PhD. I am indeed indebted 

to this department that shaped my academic career, allowed me space to grow, and gave me 

absolute support. Michelle Williams, I am really thankful for your help at the tail end of my 

PhD and the financial support that the department offered me towards editing the thesis. Thanks 

for your words of encouragement every time we bumped into each other as there was a point I 

avoided coming to Wits because of the question, “When are you finishing your PhD?” You 

made jokes about it, and you continued to encourage me that it will be done, and indeed, now 

it is done.  

I am also grateful to the teaching staff in the department. with whom I worked as a tutor and 

who have mentored me throughout. They include Shireen Ally, Bridget Kenny, Ben Scally, 

Devan Pillay, the late Rajohane Matshedisho, David Dickinson and many others who have 

since left the department. To Paul Stewart and Eddie Webster (the Sociology Madala as he 

calls himself), I am sincerely grateful for holding my hand in the infancy stage of the PhD as 

co-supervisors. I am indebted to you for your intellectual guidance when I was still trying to 

make sense of the PhD.  

The administrative staff has been simply amazing to all of us and I would like to thank them 

for their generosity, patience and humble hearts. Sedzani Malada, Ingrid Chunilall, Mme 



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Josephine Mashaba and past administrator Laura Bloem you have made the journey 

administratively seamless with your constant support whenever one needed assistance. You 

were always willing to go the extra mile and made us feel at home as part of the department 

personnel and not just as a student. Sedzani always says, “You are our business that’s why we 

are here.” She has a solution for everything; thanks, Sedz; it is sad that we bid you farewell. 

The Department of Veterinary at UP is indeed welcoming a great asset farewell. And indeed, 

we felt at home and part of Wits Sociology throughout and will remain after the PhD. Thank 

you very much; your efforts and your hard work are recognised and appreciated. I am grateful 

for everything you have done for me. 

NgesiSwati batsi “indlela ibutwa kulabaphambili”—in my academic journey, I have had 

seniors who have been of great help and generous with their time and always offered a helping 

hand in many more ways than one. I am thankful to these comrades who indeed showed me 

comradeship. I would like to thank them for their support, encouragement and constant 

checking up on me and offering a helping hand. Some have been too generous with their time 

and read my work and gave extensive comments, even availing themselves of consultation; I 

am indeed indebted to these comrades. They include doctors Themba Masondo, Mbuyiseni 

Ndlozi, Asanda Benya, Crispen Chinguno, Thabang Sefalafala, Lwazi Lushaba, Tatenda 

Mukwedeya. Bra Tshepo Moloi deserves a special mention as he is one of the people we looked 

up to when we were doing our Honours and has been very supportive—ngiyabonga grootman 

for everything. I am glad our paths crossed. Alex Mashilo also deserves a special mention as 

he took a keen interest in my work, helped me from the infancy of the project and he continues 

to play a mentoring role.  



21 
 
 

 

 

 

uMbuso weNkosi, I am very much indebted to him, and I would like to take this opportunity 

to thank him for all his hard work on this thesis. You are a true inspiration, my dear brother. 

You went to great lengths to support me in many ways, from commenting on my work to 

dragging me to Wits when I was about to give up. You are indeed a true friend, and I am very 

lucky to have you as a brother and friend.  

Society, Work and Politics Institute (SWOP) 

SWOP has been my home for many years. I started my engagement with SWOP as a 

fieldworker in their surveys as an undergraduate, and our relationship has never stopped. I was 

later offered a Master’s Degree (MA) scholarship and subsequently my first formal job as an 

Assistant Researcher. I am indeed grateful to the intellectual and academic community it has 

offered me over the years and would like to thank everyone, past and present. The SWOP 

experience is a unique one as it nurtures students and offers them a space to workshop and 

refine their ideas. Thanks to Andris Bezuidenhout, Malehoko Tshoaedi, Karl von Holdt, 

Christine Bischoff, Prishani Nadioo, Gavin Capps, Sonwabile Mnwana, Andrew Bowman, 

Tokelo Nhlapo, Mondli Hadebe, Shameen Governor, Lucinda Becorny and many others.  

The NIHSS Mentors 

I would also like to convey my sincere gratitude to our NIHSS mentors, professors Gath 

Stevens, Grace Khonou, Ingrid Palmary, Nhlanhla Maake and Malose Langa, who finally 

delivered me to the promised land as promised. These mentors were instrumental in my PhD 

journey as they took their precious time and organised seminars, webinars and writing retreats 



22 
 
 

 

 

even under the COVID-19 situation and lockdowns. They kept us sane and going when there 

was no certainty of the future, and some of us were despondent and discouraged about our 

future and the PhD in particular. They held our hands and gave us hope. They were also willing 

to assist at all material times, both in our academic work and even going the extra mile to read 

and comment on our chapters. These mentors also assisted with some of the administrative 

issues that we experienced as students. They made it their personal duty to secure our well-

being, which is very important, Siyabulela! 

The NIHSS Coterie/Cohort   

A PhD is a lonely journey, and thus, a community of friends and comrades is important to keep 

you going. I have made great friends and we have been each other’s keepers throughout this 

PhD journey and supported each other. These peers were indeed inspirational in my low 

moments and breaking points. They kept me going with their support, patience, and 

encouragement. First are my comrades at NIHSS, Drs Sandla Nomvete, Patricia Ndlovu, 

Mduduzi Hlozi, Wandell Moore, Kagiso Nkosi and many others. These were truly 

inspirational, with some even generous enough to read my work and give extensive comments, 

and we remain comrades, brothers, and sisters—thanks to the National Institute for the 

Humanities and Social Sciences (NIHSS), for this wonderful cohort. 

The Employers  

I am also indebted to the University of Johannesburg Sociology and the Chris Hani Institute 

(CHI) who offered me employment opportunities while allowing me time to do my PhD work. 

The CHI gave me time off to attend all the NIHSS writing retreats and every ‘PhD’ Friday off. 



23 
 
 

 

 

Thus, I am grateful and would like to thank Sithembiso Bhengu, the CHI Director, for his 

generosity and leadership. Grace Khunou, Siphelo Ngcwangu, Luke Sinwell, Tina Uys, Pragna 

Ragunanan, Molefe Radine (The General), Aisha Lorgat, Nomkhosi Gama-Xulu, and Mondli 

Hlatshwayo, thank you for being great colleagues and for your support and words of 

encouragement.  

Babsy Nhlapho also deserves a special mention. He has helped me immensely in this PhD 

journey, especially when I ran out of PhD funding. He went to great lengths to lobby resources 

and obtain bursaries for me from different institutions. Ngiyabonga Sgegede sika Mathole. 

Nongombhili ngaba uma inongo yakho iyinye sithi ufeze khabonina. Mwelase owawela 

iMpofana no Thukela ungaweli ngamazibuko. Uwela ngezinhlengela zemifula… 

The Friends  

Show me your friends, and I will show you your future. (Dan Pena) 

I have many good friends who, over the years, have sustained me with their friendship, 

especially in this PhD journey. They have supported me financially, emotionally, spiritually, 

and otherwise, and I am very much indebted to them. Some had very harsh words for me when 

I was lagging behind and took forever to finish the PhD. Tebogo Mahule, Sphiwe Milazi, 

Bongane Ngobe, Musa Mthembu, Castro Ngobese, Mandla Tshabalala, Lebone Mogwere, 

Dumpie Dube, Charles Malesoela and Tshepo Ndlovu were all were saying “Mshana finish 

that PhD thing before you become a professional student.” Lesedi Mogane, Given Ngomane 

and Bheki Mokoena were kinder: “Buti gcendza, we can’t wait to call you Dr Malabela” and 

would always call to check up on me and supported me all the way. A special thanks also goes 



24 
 
 

 

 

to my friends Nokubongwa Mdlalose, Nana Mguni, Bheki Sithole, Lindumuzi Fredrick 

Mgwenya, Manelisi Moyo and Sendzo Mathebula. Mathebula was indeed a revelation and was 

kind in his words of encouragement: “General, finish, the grass is greener on the other side’ 

and we had long conversations about the future—thank you, Thebu. The same goes for Msizi 

Nyalunga, who was impatient with me; he always said, “Chief, just finish and stop making 

excuses.” Those were his words of encouragement, and I knew he meant well; thanks, 

Mfanakithi. To Skhumbuzo Shabangu, who has been a friend for over 30 years—we met in 

Sunday School and have been together ever since—Thank you very much, my brother, for 

always being there for me and shouting at me to finish the PhD, Cedza mani nawe. Your 

frustration with me not finishing quickly was another motivation that kept me going.  I express 

my sincere gratitude to all of you and acknowledge the role you played in my lonely PhD 

journey nangomso!  

The Supervisor 

To my supervisor, Prof Sarah Mosoetsa, I have no words to express my gratitude; you are 

simply the best. You have been with me from the beginning of this project and have provided 

a conducive environment for me to be able to do this PhD with very little to no hurdles. You 

helped me make sense of my own work and gave me absolute guidance while allowing me to 

own my work. This is rare in many instances, and I am indeed grateful for your mentorship, 

support and encouragement. You taught me a lot of things, both at a professional and personal 

level.  Thanks for believing in me when no one did, and when I lost hope after my COVID-19 

ordeal, I remember your words of encouragement: “I will drag you to the finishing line kicking 

and screaming. You won’t die on me”. These words really carried me throughout my long 



25 
 
 

 

 

COVID-19 days when I suffered panic attacks. Your words of counsel gave me the strength to 

soldier on and reminded me that I had a great support system and people who genuinely 

believed in me and my talents. Thanks, Chief! 

The funder  

The financial assistance of the National Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences, in 

collaboration with the South African Humanities Deans Association (SAHUDA) towards this 

research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at are those of 

the author and are not necessarily attributed to the NIHSS and SAHUDA. 

Lastly, I would love to thank my participants for their generosity with their time for which I 

am sincerely grateful. The FTSS at BMW who welcomed me and allowed me their time and 

access to some of their personal documents and file I am thank you very much, nangomso! 

The Participants:  

I would like to thank the participants in this study who were generous with their time and 

participated in this study, some taking time from their busy schedules and accommodating me 

and agreeing to follow-up interviews; I am really grateful Ningalahli nakusasa. To the workers 

and FTSSs at BMW who took their valuable time and participated in this study, your 

participation is invaluable, and this study would not have been possible at all without your 

participation. To the FTSSs, I am really grateful for your help in this study and for welcoming 

me into your space and accommodating me in your offices and most in your private lives. Your 

help in introducing me to the relevant people both within the plant and in the union was of 



26 
 
 

 

 

great assistance. I will forever be indebted to you comrades and indeed Aluta Continua, 

kelebogile tata maCom! 



27 
 
 

 

 

Chapter 1: Introduction  

Introduction  

In 1982, the National Automobile and Allied Workers’ Union (NAAWU) embarked on a 

prolonged strike at Volkswagen South Africa (VWSA) in Uitenhage, located in Port Elizabeth 

(now named Gqeberha). The union sought a weekly wage increment of R2.00. Following the 

protracted strike, NAAWU and VWSA's management reached a settlement that not only 

resolved immediate issues but also marked a historic shift in the country's industrial relations 

landscape. A significant outcome was the introduction of full-time shop stewards (FTSSs), a 

groundbreaking aspect of the post-1973 trade union movement. Forrest (2011: 26) highlighted 

that the first FTSS agreement was initially established at Ford, with subsequent adoption by 

VW. Ford's agreement set a precedent, leading to VW and other companies following suit and 

offering full-time shop stewards full pay. These FTSSs, elected by the trade union members, 

received support from the employer in the form of allowances, resources, and facilities to carry 

out their full-time trade union responsibilities. 

The late John Gomomo, one of the first FTSSs at VWSA, a founding member of the Congress 

of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and its president from 1991 to 1999, recalled that 

the reason NAAWU and the VWSA management agreed to the formation of the FTSSs was 

the constant complaints by the company supervisors (Gomomo, 1985). They were unhappy 

with the unabating disruptions to the production line caused by NAAWU’s senior shop 

stewards. Whenever there were worker complaints within the plant, NAAWU’s senior shop 

stewards would abandon the production line to attend to these complaints. This invariably 



28 
 
 

 

 

disrupted production. The employers perceived that the FTSSs held the potential to mitigate 

against disruptions and help foster peace within the plant.  

NAAWU’s leaders, on the other hand, viewed the FTSS as a mechanism that could be used to 

build the strength of the trade union, both at branch and local levels. They started negotiating 

for FTSSs in other plants, where NAAWU was organising. This set a precedent that other trade 

unions followed, and they, too, began negotiating for FTSSs. Trade unions believed that FTSSs 

were to augment the role and function of a trade union organiser, which included recruitment, 

organising, campaigns, and conducting other union activities. This, in effect, turned FTSSs into 

some form of an organiser of the trade unions. Due to a lack of funding, trade unions could not 

employ more organisers. For this reason, they took advantage of the agreement between 

themselves and the employers to elect FTSSs, who assisted the already overstretched 

organisers who could not service all their workplaces.  

Worth noting is the deferential role of shop stewards, FTSSs and organisers. The shop stewards 

are the primary representatives of workers on shop floors as they are directly elected by workers 

and work side-by-side with the workers. The FTSS, on the other hand, is a secondary shop 

steward who is directly elected by workers and, in some instances, elected amongst the ordinary 

shop stewards themselves. They focus on full-time union work situated in the trade union office 

in the workplace. The organiser is the trade union official appointed by the trade union to 

organise and service workers. Thus FTSSs were also advantageous for the unions because, 

unlike ordinary shop stewards, they had unlimited time off to attend to union activities and thus 

augment the role of the organiser.  



29 
 
 

 

 

This then brings in the question of the contradictory role of FTSSs and the question of loyalty, 

whose interests do the FTSSs serve? Where does the loyalty of FTSSs lie? The employer that 

pays their salary or the rank-and-file members that elected them? This thesis sets itself the task 

of understanding this contradiction and explores the FTSS in more detail by asking the 

questions: What is the role of the FTSS in the post-1973 trade unions? What are the advantages 

and limitations of FTSSs in promoting worker control and internal democracy?  

This study is informed by the principal questions: What accounts for the leadership crisis in 

post-1973 trade unions? Are FTSSs part of the problem? Have they contributed to the crisis of 

leadership in the trade unions?  

In addition, the study attempts to address the following sub-questions:  

• Worker control: What is the role of FTSSs, and how do they enhance the principle of 

worker control? How does the work of FTSSs enhance the work of the trade union? 

How are FTSSs different from ordinary shop stewards? 

• FTSS  the man with three masters: Why is there a need for FTSSs? What is unique 

about them? Who are the masters of the FTSS?  

• Upward social mobility and the trade union used as a stepping stone versus social 

downgrading: Are the FTSS positions employed for upward social mobility? What are 

the perks and resources attached to the position of? Are these perks the reason for the 

fierce contest for FTSS positions?  

• Internal democracy and accountability: Does the position of FTSS afford space for the 

‘iron law of oligarchy’ and social distance? Are FTSSs un/accountable to their 

constituency? How do FTSSs account to both members and the trade union?  



30 
 
 

 

 

• Social downgrading: What happens to FTSSs who fail to secure re-elections? What are 

the options available to FTSSs who are not re-elected?  

Worker control and internal democracy are some of the basic principles that set apart the post-

1973 trade unions and their predecessors. These principles ground these trade unions in the 

workplace where workers work through shop stewards who are directly elected by members.2 

Shop stewards are accountable to their members through mandate taking and report-backs, 

which arrested the development of oligarchic tendencies in these unions. This is one of the key 

themes that the thesis explores and gives an account of its continued existence in these post-

1973 trade unions.  

The introduction of FTSSs in the 1980s presented a predicament for these post-1973 trade 

unions as it presented a layer of shop stewards who were to do trade union work on a full-time 

basis. This presented a challenge for worker control and internal democracy and, more sharply, 

the issue of accountability, which these post-1973 trade unions guarded dearly. Ideally, FTSSs 

were expected to benefit both the employer and trade unions. However, the relationship 

between the employer and trade unions is antagonistic in character, even though it involves 

cooperation between workers and employers in executing production.  

The post-1973 trade unions established after the 1973 Durban strikes were particularly different 

from the trade unions that existed before them because they sought to build shop floor 

structures that would ground the trade union movement in the workplace. Workers were to 

elect shop stewards who would be their leaders on the ground (see Maree 1982,; Baskin 1990; 

 
2 See Baskin 1990, Friedman 1987, Maree 1982 & 1987 and Webster 1985 



31 
 
 

 

 

Friedman 1987; Webster 1985). The workers were to take charge of their own organisation and 

hold these elected shop stewards accountable through regular mandates and feedback.  

The worker principle and internal democracy were to guide these trade unions, and thus, 

workers were to participate in the decision-making process of these unions. The decisions of 

the unions mirrored the desires and aspirations of the workers and not of the trade union 

official, who was subject to the direct control of the members (Ibid). This marked a shift in the 

South African trade union movement, especially for independent black trade unions that 

emerged after the 1973 strikes. Maree (1987: x) posits that independent trade unions were 

“unions that emerged in the early 1970s and were free from the control of white unions, from 

those African unions that appeared content with such controls. Over time the meaning of 

‘independent’ broadened out to incorporate trade union autonomy from both the state and 

employers.”  

These trade unions were independent, and they were to be truly democratic in the control of 

their members. The introduction of FTSSs presented a new dimension into the anatomy of 

these unions, for FTSSs were to be fully paid by the employer while doing full-time union 

work. This begs the question, are they an organiser accountable to the trade union, or are they 

workers still accountable to the employer? Thus the contested meaning of the s is explored in 

this study.  

This thesis carefully explains the role of both the shop steward and FTSSs and provides a 

detailed account of the shop steward movement that gave birth to FTSSs. It argues that FTSSs 

are an excellent avenue to build the strength of the trade union and avoid oligarchic tendencies, 

as Robert Michels (1958) argued in his seminal work. Michels contended that as democratic 



32 
 
 

 

 

organisations grow, they tend to develop oligarchic tendencies. This means that instead of the 

majority dominating decision-making processes within an organisation, these processes tend 

to be dominated by an elite few. Michels’s argument applies not only to organisations but also 

to trade unions. To avoid oligarchic tendencies from developing within trade unions, the thesis 

asserts that they must adequately manage FTSSs to ensure they are accountable to the trade 

union members. Lack of accountability may result in FTSSs being a law unto themselves as 

well as risk being co-opted and turned into tools of management. Furthermore, the thesis 

demonstrates that FTSSs utilise the social status and prestige attached to this position for 

upward social mobility and as a stepping stone to lucrative positions. Finally, the thesis asserts 

that the opposite is also possible for those who fail to secure re-election as they face social 

downgrading.    

Problem statement 

The celebrated German sociologist Robert Michels (1958) memorably argued over a century 

ago that even though working-class organisations are started on the basic principle of 

democracy, as they grow, these principles inevitably evaporate, and oligarchy emerges. 

Michels, (1958: 418) stated: 

[w]ho says organisation says oligarchy. Every party organisation represents an oligarchical 

power grounded on a democratic basis. We find everywhere electors and the elected. Also, we 

find everywhere that the power of the elected leaders over the electing masses is almost 

unlimited. The oligarchical structure of the building suffocates the basic democratic principle. 

That which is oppresses THAT WHICH OUGHT TO BE.  

He called this phenomenon between democracy and oligarchy the ‘iron law of oligarchy’.  



33 
 
 

 

 

Trade unions face this quandary because although they are based on democratic goals, they 

find these difficult to realise in practice. Democracy, however, is a contested concept that can 

assume different forms. Direct democracy occurs where participation in decision-making 

occurs through popular assemblies or mass meetings. The election of shop stewards in trade 

unions is an example of direct democracy. Democracy is also evident in more indirect ways 

where participation takes place through representatives, for example, in a parliament. In this 

instance, parliamentarians are elected to represent the interests of their constituency (Pateman, 

1970).  

This thesis seeks to interrogate Michels’ notion of oligarchy and examines, through the lens of 

FTSS, how oligarch tendencies can be averted at local and branch levels of the trade union, 

whether it is a law or a tendency. If it is a law it would mean that as organisations grow, they 

will inevitably be suffocated by oligarchy and dominated by the elite. With the re-emergence 

of independent trade unions in South Africa after 1973, Maree (1982: 42) argued that the shop 

steward “rests on the ultimate control by workers of their organisation. This requires that they 

take part in decision-making on policy and strategic matters affecting the union and that union 

representatives and officials remain accountable to the rank and file.” In a sense, this is what 

all trade unions strive to achieve. This was especially the case regarding the unions that 

emerged after the strikes in Durban in 1973, which emphasised the principle of worker control.  

The relation between oligarchy and democracy is explored by examining the role and function 

of the shop stewards, particularly the FTSS. In the wake of the Marikana massacre in August 

2012, FTSSs have come under the spotlight. FTSSs were blamed for being too close to 

management and neglecting workers, thus becoming tools of management (see Chinguno, 



34 
 
 

 

 

2012; Hartford, 2012 and Sacks, 2012). Marikana brough to the fore the fault lines of internal 

democracy within the post-1973 trade unions and the challenge that democratic institutions 

such as trade union faces an existential crisis under neo-liberalism.  

FTSSs can be a tool of management, which in turn undermines the democratic principles of 

the trade union and worker control, much to the frustration of workers who they ought to 

represent. FTSS, in this context, become a threat to their own organisations as they fail to 

represent their members, and individual self-interests take over, thus the eruption that occurre.  

This study seeks to understand the role of the FTSS, whether they contributed to the growing 

social distance between rank-and-file members and their elected leaders, and whether they have 

become the bottom layer of managerial bureaucracy on the shop floor.  

The question of union democracy has been enduring in industrial sociology. Lipset et al. (1972: 

163) discussed the changing role of trade unions in the United States. They argued that the 

position of a union leader comes with a certain price. They experience moving up the status 

hierarchy, enjoy the “income and prestige of the member[s] of the upper-middle class (North 

and Hatt, 1949), and often wield more power than the average upper-middle-class person.” 

Lipset et al. (1972: 163) further noted that higher positions possess some security of tenure.  

Democracy, on the other hand, implies permanent insecurity for those in leadership and 

government positions: “The more truly democratic the governing system, the greater the 

insecurity. Thus, every incumbent of a high-status position of power within a democratic 

system must of necessity anticipate a loss of position” (Lipset et al., 1972: 163). Hence, 

ironically, leaders of democratic organisations often thrive on a lack of democracy.  



35 
 
 

 

 

A range of questions arise at this point. Is this the case with FTSSs? Do the perks of being an 

FTSS make them want to retain their positions? Is the high level of contestation for these 

positions due to the perks associated with this position? Does Lipset et al.’s (1972) argument 

apply to FTSSs? Do they stifle democracy as it presents greater insecurity for them instead of 

entrenching democracy? Lipset et al. (1972: 163) warned that “[i]t is hard for the persons in 

such positions to accept insecurity with equanimity. Once high status is secured, there is usually 

a pressing need to retain it and protect.” Does this also apply to both male and female FTSSs? 

These are the questions that the thesis grapples in particular, on the issues around the 

bureaucratisation of the trade unions, which are linked to Michels’ (1958) notion of the ‘iron 

law of oligarchy’. Does the failure of union officials to be more responsive to members turn 

principally around bureaucracy or class mobility?  

Accordingly, this study investigated how shop stewards negotiate and execute their functions. 

The literature suggests shop stewards serve both the employer and the workers, which places 

conflicting demands on them. This thesis seeks to understand the contradictory role of FTSSs, 

who have to do this job on a full-time basis of representing their members while maintaining 

labour peace in the workplace, as expected by management who pays their salaries. For this 

reason, Tony Lane (1974) classified shop stewards as the man with two masters. They are 

expected to satisfy the employer, who wants labour peace in the workplace, and the workers 

seeking representations against the employer. Thus, one may ask if FTSS are a problem and a 

danger to shop floor democracy or not. Do FTSSs lead to bureaucratisation and oligarchy in 

trade unions because of their character of representing workers on a full-time basis while paid 

by the employer? These are just some of the questions that this thesis answers.  



36 
 
 

 

 

Structure of the thesis - Chapter outline  

This thesis comprises nine chapters. Chapter 1 is the introductory chapter. The background to 

the problem and historical context are provided in Chapter 2. BMW is located in the large car 

assembly industry of South Africa. The National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa 

(NUMSA) is the union involved in the company. BMW is a critical player in the car assembly 

industry in South Africa and a significant contributor to the gross domestic product (GDP) of 

the country. BMW provides an interesting case for this study on FTSS because of the 

company’s unique arrangement with the trade union. It is the only company in South Africa 

with an all FTSS Shop Steward Committee (SSC), a first in South Africa. Consequently, I 

decided to study this company. NUMSA, on the other hand, is a significant player in the labour 

sphere and the largest trade union in the country. It had over 400 000 members before it 

declined to 290 000 members, as recorded by the South African 

Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU) in its 2022 National Congress report.3 NUMSA has 

expanded its scope to cover more sectors, including higher learning institutions. The union is 

the major and almost the only trade union organising in the auto sector.  

The literature review of the thesis is presented in Chapter 3. A list of theorists that outline the 

significant themes employed in the thesis is discussed. The themes explored in this thesis 

include worker control, internal democracy, and democratic rupture. The works of Michels 

(1958), Maree (1982; 1990; 2017) and Pateman (1970) are explored. The second theme 

 
3 Eye Witness News: https://ewn.co.za/2022/05/24/saftu-s-vavi-numsa-fawu-have-seen-drop-in-

membership-in-the-last-5-years 

https://ewn.co.za/2022/05/24/saftu-s-vavi-numsa-fawu-have-seen-drop-in-membership-in-the-last-5-years
https://ewn.co.za/2022/05/24/saftu-s-vavi-numsa-fawu-have-seen-drop-in-membership-in-the-last-5-years


37 
 
 

 

 

engaged in the literature review as a tool of analysis is the modernisation project of trade unions 

as outlined by Buhlungu (2010; 2012) and Masondo (2012).  

The modernisation phase that trade unions undergo, including introducing FTSS as part of this 

project, is studied. The third theme examines the role of the FTSS as a central feature of the 

post-1973 trade unions by first focusing on the evolution of the shop steward movement that 

gave birth to FTSS as outlined by Wright-Mills (1948), Beynon (1973), Lane (1974), Webster 

(1985; 1992), Theron (1990) and Muller (1992). The fourth theme concerns accountability in 

the trade union movement and draws from the works of Maree (1992), Webster (1992), 

Buhlungu and Tshoaedi (2009), Sacks (2012) and Chinguno (2012).  

The final theme examines upward social mobility and how the trade union can be vulnerable 

and employed for self-interest as a stepping stone for ambitious individuals occupying the 

FTSS’s office. In this regard, the works of Buhlungu (2000; 2012) and Masondo et al. (2015) 

are reviewed.  

In Chapter 4, the methodology of the study is presented. The qualitative methods that were 

employed in the study are detailed. The research methods employed included document 

analysis, ethnography, focus groups, life histories and in-depth interviews. These were 

employed in triangulation and complemented each other and helped me to gain a deeper 

understanding of FTSS towards answering my research questions. The summary of some of 

the methods employed is as follows:  



38 
 
 

 

 

• In-depth interviews: To gain in-depth knowledge of the phenomenon of FTSS, I 

interviewed 10 FTSS at BMW, former FTSS, former and current trade union officials, 

experts, labour historians, and industrial sociologists.  

• Life histories: To understand the lives and daily experiences of the FTSS and their 

history of trade union activism. 

• Ethnography: To study a day in the life of a FTSS, I stayed in the township of Ga-

Rankuwa for eight months and went to the BMW workplace almost every day. I also 

attended trade union activities, including union meetings at plant and local levels, 

campaigns and strikes. I also socialised with workers and FTSS in the township during 

the week and on weekends to acquire a first-hand understanding of the daily 

experiences of FTSS and a complete picture of their work as FTSS. The ethnographic 

research complemented the other research methods employed in the study.  

Chapter 5 explores Buhlungu’s (2010) notion of a paradox of victory, arguing that the 

introduction of FTSS was in itself a paradox of victory as it has yielded two contradictory 

outcomes. One is promoting availing extra hands for the trade union as FTSS augment the work 

of organisers, and the second one is the fact that the position opens space for upward social 

mobility and self-interest. The letter impacts negatively on the trade union as it is reduced to 

being a stepping stone for self-interested individuals. This is explored through the principle of 

worker control and internal democracy, which is explained, particularly the principle of worker 

control amongst the post-1973 trade unions. Worker control is premised on the notion that 

members should control the union and their officials and elected leaders, including shop 

stewards and FTSS.  



39 
 
 

 

 

Chapter 6 explores the notion of worker disconnect between the FTSS and the workers they 

ought to represent. A gap is created between workers and FTSS, who see themselves as office 

workers and hardly connect or visit the production line to engage with workers. Thus, it places 

emphasis on the issue of having regular general meetings for mandates seeking and reporting 

back and that trade unions’ decisions should mirror the interests of the workers on the shop 

floor. Regular FTSS elections need to be institutionalised to maintain worker control and 

internal democracy.  

Chapter 7 highlights the resources and perks attached to the position of FTSS. At BMW, these 

include a BMW car with a petrol card, air-conditioned office, communication facilities, 

including a laptop and internet access, and other resources as tools of trade. I argue that if not 

properly managed, these resources attached to the FTSS are likely to be used for self-interest, 

and FTSS may neglect the trade union objectives and duties. Trade unions must develop tight 

monitoring structures to use trade union resources or tools of trade so that they are not abused 

for personal use. It is noteworthy that the resources and perks associated with the FTSS elevate 

the status of the member occupying the FTSS position. FTSS also enjoy prestige. Thus, the 

thesis argues that FTSS have become a stratum within the workforce because of the perks and 

resources attached to this position. These perks include being removed from the production 

line to an air-conditioned office, receiving a BMW car and being afforded educational 

opportunities. These FTSS benefits as markers of social status for the FTSS explain the fierce 

contest among trade union members for this position, notably the prestige this position bestows 

on the member.  



40 
 
 

 

 

In Chapter 8, I explain that despite good intentions from the trade unions, the FTSS position 

affords self-interested individuals an opportunity for upward social mobility because of the 

historical fact that both shop stewards and FTSS are a recruitment ground for management, 

especially for team leaders, foremen, and Industrial Relations (IR) and HR managerial 

positions. Thus, self-interested individuals can abuse this position for their upward social 

mobility and employ it as a stepping stone to more lucrative positions. I argue that trade unions 

should put measures in place to mitigate against this position from being employed for such 

purposes.  

Findings from BMW in Rosslyn, in Tshwane, clearly demonstrate that this position not only 

presents an opportunity for upward social mobility but also that social downgrading is possible 

for those not re-elected to this position. The latter are forced to return to their old posts in the 

production line. I contend that social downgrading comes at a significant personal cost. Three 

options are open to members. First, a member is demoted and is forced to return to their job in 

the production line. Second, members may resign or retire early to avoid returning to their old 

jobs. However, after failing to be re-elected, I also demonstrate that some of the FTSS may 

enjoy a more lucrative opportunity or, as commonly known, have a soft landing when they are 

offered a less intense job with a better salary. I argue that social downgrading should be 

understood in the broader context of human development, which is about progress and not 

regress, thus the member's psychological traumas.  

Finally, in Chapter 9, the issue of accountability is elucidated. It is contended that 

accountability is a pain of democracy. I argue that FTSS need to be accountable to members 

to avoid the development of oligarchic tendencies and that they have to promote worker control 



41 
 
 

 

 

in the trade union movement. I contend that failure to do so risks FTSS becoming tools of 

management, and thus, they could easily be co-opted to the detriment of the trade union 

movement. Thus, it is imperative that FTSS be accountable to their members to mitigate the 

risk of them becoming an instrument of management. In this way, they will entrench the 

principle of worker control, which is the cornerstone of these post-1973 trade unions.   

 

 



42 
 
 

 

 

Chapter 2: Historical context and background 

Introduction  

This chapter aims to establish the historical context and foundation of the thesis by delving into 

the South African trade union movement, focusing on the black trade union movement that 

gave rise to post-1973 unions, including NUMSA. It offers insights into the history of NUMSA, 

the central trade union under examination, and traces the evolution of the shop steward and 

Full-Time Shop Stewards (FTSS) movement. The emergence of FTSS is elucidated, driven 

partly by management's response to production disruptions caused by shop stewards being 

diverted from the production line for union duties. 

The chapter explores NUMSA's FTSS policies and related documents, comprehensively 

understanding the union's stance on FTSS. Conversely, trade unions' negotiations for FTSS are 

outlined, emphasising their role in strengthening the union at the shop floor and local levels. 

FTSS, intended to complement the organiser's functions, encompass campaign work, 

recruitment, and overall trade union organisation. Additionally, the historical background of 

BMW South Africa and the location of the studied FTSS, organised by NUMSA, is presented, 

emphasising the pivotal role of FTSS in the union's organising machinery. 

The narrative extends to the challenges faced by FTSS, including issues of upward social 

mobility, social distance, and accountability. The chapter concludes by critically examining the 

idealisation of the worker control principle and assessing the continued meaningful role played 

by FTSS in monitoring post-1994 transformative policies within the workplace. 



43 
 
 

 

 

A brief history of the rise of the black trade union movement in South Africa  

The black trade union movement's evolution is one of defeat and triumph, and its existence 

today marks the resilience black workers have always had in the fight to have a voice in a 

system that viewed them as second-class citizens who did not deserve the right to have a voice 

or representation. The South African trade union movement has a rich history, especially the 

black trade unions movement dating back over a century, with the Industrial and Commercial 

Workers Union (ICU) established in 1919 (Baskin, 1990; Forest, 2011).  

In 1955, following the demise of the ICU, black workers formed the South African Congress 

of Trade Unions (SACTU). SACTU suffered massive repression by the white government, and 

their leaders were imprisoned, and some were exiled. Subsequently, the Federation of South 

African Trade Unions (FOSATU) was born as a breakaway of SACTU, having explicitly 

critiqued them and their tactics and alliance with the ANC (see Friedman 1987). FEDUSA was 

established to continue efforts to organise black workers in South Africa. The 1973 Durban 

strikes catalysed this movement, eventually forming the Congress of South African Trade 

Unions (COSATU). 

COSATU, formed in 1985, adopted one of the fundamental principles of FOSATU, which 

focused on building shop floor structures to sustain the trade union under state repression, 

which jailed union leaders and led to the subsequent demise of the unions. This shop floor 

organisation was led by shop stewards elected directly by workers to lead the union on the shop 

floor. The shop steward movement has carried these unions over the years and is premised on 

the worker control principle. The worker control principle views workers as the owners of the 

union and their active participation as central. Worker control is premised on participatory 



44 
 
 

 

 

democracy, and membership participation breathes life into the principle and shop floor 

democracy on which shop stewards are premised.  

The black trade unions in South Africa developed their shop floor organisation and strength. 

They started negotiating for recognition and shop floor representation in the form of shop 

stewards and, later, FTSS. FTSS positions were negotiated to strengthen the work of the trade 

union on the shop floor as well as the local office of the union, as FTSS were to represent union 

members on a full-time basis and not engage in any form of work or production while being 

paid by the employer.  

The introduction of the FTSS strengthened the union organisation and gave birth to a new 

stratum of leaders in the union and dimension. Unlike other union workers and officials such 

as organisers, FTSS were paid by the employer even though they worked full-time on union 

work. Gomomo (1985) noted that for the employer, the introduction of FTSS was a solution 

to production disruptions caused by shop stewards who frequently had to leave production to 

attend to union business. In this sense, FTSS benefited the trade union and the employer for 

different ends.  

The National Union of Metal Workers of South Africa: Insimbi Ayigobi (Metal 

that will not bend) 

 

NUMSA has a rich history in South Africa and continues to be one of the militant trade unions 

in the country. NUMSA was formed in May 1987 when four unions that organised in the metal 

industries amalgamated, namely:  

1. The Metal and Allied Workers Union (MAWU); 

2. Motor Industry Combined Workers Union (MICWU); 



45 
 
 

 

 

3. National Automobile and Allied Workers Union (NAAWU); and 

4. United Metal, Mining and Allied Workers of South Africa (UMMAWOSA).  

The General and Allied Workers Union (GAWU) and Transport and General Workers Union 

(TGWU), both COSATU affiliates, handed over their metal workers to NUMSA in adherence 

to the COSATU principle of one union, one industry4.  

NUMSA organised workers in the metal sector, including motor components manufacturing, 

bodybuilding, car servicing, petrol attendance, tyre and rubber and auto assembling (ibid). Over 

the years, the scope of the union has been increased to include energy, engineering, and related 

industries. In 2013, the trade union expanded their scope to organise across the value chain, 

including organising workers over 22 industries and sectors. The 2013 amended Constitution 

of the union notes that: “The Industries (sic) defined above shall hereinafter be referred to as 

the metal and related industries, ‘The scope of the union.”5 

Notably, these metal and related industries included mining, health care, the IT sector, 

industrial chemicals, transport, cleaning, security, building and construction, and canteen 

services. The expansion of NUMSA's scope meant they were encroaching on the scope of other 

COSATU affiliates. It defied the trade union federation’s principle of one union, one industry 

of which they had previously been beneficiaries, as highlighted previously. The failure of 

NUMSA to reverse its decision to expand its scope as requested by COSATU led to their 

expulsion from the trade union federation on 8 November 2014. Subsequently, they formed 

another trade union federation, namely, the South African Federation of Trade Unions 

 
4 NUMSA History: https://numsa.org.za/history-2/ 
5NUMSA Constitution:  https://numsa.org.za/numsa-constitution/ 

https://numsa.org.za/history-2/


46 
 
 

 

 

(SAFTU), in 2017, together with the suspended and later expelled former COSATU General 

Secretary Zwelinzima Vavi.  

NUMSA, at the time, claimed over 350,000 members and was the largest trade union in 

COSATU and the country. The trade union continues to have a significant influence and voice 

in the South African labour space and is regarded as one of the country’s progressive and 

militant trade unions. Its strength is based on the continued adherence to the worker control 

principle, which grounds the trade union in the workplace through shop stewards and FTSS. 

The trade union prides itself on adhering to values that include worker control and democracy.6 

NUMSA’s forerunners, UAW and NAAWU, were the first trade unions in South Africa to win 

the rights of FTSS at the Ford and VWSA plants, respectively (see Masondo, 2003 and Forrest, 

2012). This agreement was a game changer in that it transformed the industrial relations 

landscape in the country and set a precedent for others to start demanding FTSS. Other trade 

unions that followed this historical agreement started to demand FTSS rights in the workplaces 

where they organised.  

The rationale for FTSS: FTSS as an organiser 

Unlike the employers, trade unions negotiated for FTSS as part of building the trade union 

machinery at the branch and local levels. The FTSS were to augment the role of the organiser 

as the trade unions increased in size and did not have the necessary resources to service 

individual workplaces. The National, Labour and Economic Institute (NALEDI) State of 

Affiliates (SOA) Report reveals that FTSS has become a central feature in the South African 

 
6 NUMSA Service Charter: https://numsa.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/NUMSA-Booklet-DPS.pdf  

https://numsa.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/NUMSA-Booklet-DPS.pdf


47 
 
 

 

 

Trade Union movement, especially in COSATU affiliates. It details that FTSS, in most 

instances, are considered part of the organising departments of the trade unions, as noted 

previously, because they augment the role of an organiser. Thus, in Table 1, the report notes 

what it represents or illustrates (NALEDI, SOA Report, 2012: 36): “The Table reviews the 

numbers of staff in various categories of relevance to organising, including local and provincial 

organisers and organising-related staff.”  

It is noteworthy that the organising-related staff in Table 1 also include FTSS as part of the 

personnel relevant to organising because the FTSS perform the organising role of the trade 

union. The NALEDI SOA Report further notes that: 

The public sector unions and NUM have more full-time shop stewards than local organisers.  

In fact, SADTU and POPCRU have no local organisers, and their full-time shop stewards act 

as organisers. In the case of the public sector, they have negotiated for these FTSS to be 

seconded full-time to the union. Therefore, they can more effectively act as organisers. 

(NALEDI, SOA Report, 2012: 36)   

This provides evidence of the rationale of FTSS augmenting the role of organisers. The 

NALEDI SOA Report also states:  

In fact, in SADTU’s case, the FTSS are full-time regional secretaries. NUMSA combines local 

and provincial organisers and full-time shop stewards, which appears ideal, although the 

union’s ratio of organisers to members is rather low. (ibid) 

The low ratio of organisers to members can be attributed to the belief and notion that FTSS 

augment the role of organisers; hence, there is no need to have more organisers if you have a 

large pool of FTSS. The evidence from Table 1 supports this notion. Thus, NUMSA has 123 

FTSS compared to 94 local organisers.  



 
 

Page | 48 
 

Table 1: Union Staff Numbers (NALEDI SOA Report, 2012: 36-37) 

Union Membership 

2012 

No of 

locals 

Full Time 

Shop 

Stewards 

Local 

Organisers 

Local 

Administrators 

Provincial 

Organisers 

Provincial 

Administrators 

Organising 

related 

staff 

Other 

staff 

National 

staff 

total 

staff 

CEPPWAWU 80 658 32 19 55 14 0 7 0 0 23 99 

CWU 18 666 42 17 0 0 5 11 0 0 12 28 

CWUSA 1 500  0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 4 

DENOSA 74 883 0 12 0 0 13 14 9 5 35 76 

FAWU 126 930 44 0 42 13 49 15 9 9 29 166 

NEHAWU 260 738 39 65 76 39 9 9 27 9 85 254 

NUM 310 382 746 173 0 0 60 27 9 0 85 181 

NUMSA 291 025 45 123 94 54 10 42 31 0 65 296 

POPCRU 149 339 90 125 0 0 0 9 0 9 25 43 

SACCAWU 120 352 60 29 84 18 4 13 17 3 31 170 

SACTWU 85 025 30 5 26 20 0 30 3 4 30 113 

SADTU 251 276 53 53 9 48 9 9 0 0 47 122 

SAMA 7 759 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 11 11 

SAMWU 153 487 35 60 0 10 44 29 3 2 28 116 

SASAWU 7 074 28 1 8 3 0 3 0 0 3 17 

SASBO 67 402 28 61 28 0 0 0 0 0 89 117 

COSATU 2 191 016 1 274 743 431 240 262 266 108 109 643 1 951 



 
 

Page | 49 
 

It is evident from Table 1 that trade unions overall have more FTSS than local organisers. Trade 

unions have almost double the number of FTSS, 743, compared to 431 local organisers. Thus, 

the significant role of FTSS in organising at the local level of the trade union is worth noting. 

In the table, it is also clear that FTSS are a central feature of the union’s organising department, 

mainly developing the trade union in their workplace and in that specific locality, also known 

as the local. In essence, FTSS augment the role of the organiser as envisaged when they were 

first negotiated. Thus, overall, trade unions have more FTSS than local organisers as they 

perform the organising duties of the trade union. FTSS are viewed as part of the staff 

complement of the trade union organising departments because they do full-time union work 

and are more accountable to the trade union than the employer. 

Bayerische Moteren Werke (BMW) South Africa  

This study was conducted at the BMW plant in Rosslyn, north of the Tshwane Municipality in 

Gauteng, South Africa. Masondo (2003:39) explained,  

BMW South Africa was the first BMW plant to be established outside Germany … In 1972 the 

Munich-based parent company, Bayerische Moteren Werke (BMW), took control of the South 

African operation. In 1973 BMW South Africa was born as a wholly owned subsidiary of 

BMW. 

BMW-SA has been in the country for over 50 years, currently employs approximately 3,500 

workers, and can manufacture over 76,000 units annually.7 The BMW plant in Rosslyn was 

first designed to produce the BMW 3 series. In addition, the famous Gusheshe was 

manufactured in the plant. In 2018, BMW invested immensely in the South African plant and 

started making the X3 models in the Rosslyn plant. Most of the vehicles manufactured in the 

 
7 BMW Annual Report 2018:  https://www.bmwgroup-werke.com/rosslyn/en/our-

plant/history.html 

https://www.bmwgroup-werke.com/rosslyn/en/our-plant/history.html
https://www.bmwgroup-werke.com/rosslyn/en/our-plant/history.html


 
 

Page | 50 
 

Rosslyn plant are exported to markets in the USA, Great Britain, Japan, Australia, Hong Kong, 

Singapore, New Zealand, Taiwan, Germany, and Iran (Masondo 2003).  

BMW Group announced a R6.1bn investment to prepare the Rosslyn facility, and the associates 

who work there, for X3 production. It is one of the biggest single automotive investments in 

South African history. In February 2018, Plant Rosslyn produced the last 1 191604 BMW 3 

Series cars built over five model generations and 35 years.8 (ibid 

The BMW-SA Group is an essential player in the country’s automotive industry, contributing 

significantly to the country’s GDP and creating employment opportunities for our citizens. The 

company is organised by NUMSA, which has been in the plant since 1978, through its 

predecessor, the United Automobile Workers Union, which merged with NAAWU (Masondo, 

2003). NUMSA’s presence in the plant has matured over the years and they won the rights to 

FTSS in the plant.  

The rights of FTSS at the BMW plant in Rosslyn have evolved over the years. The plant is one 

of the union plants with a unique arrangement and agreement regarding FTSSs, as all the shop 

stewards are FTSSs. In the early 1990s, the company, in pursuit of production and efficiency, 

offered the trade union the option to have an all-FTSS committee in exchange for lowering the 

number of shop stewards in the plant. The employer had argued that ordinary shop stewards 

who are also engaged in production line tended to disturb the production process in terms of 

planning and efficiency. Ordinary shop stewards can sometimes be called and pulled out from 

the production line to go and represent a worker in a hearing or attend to other union activities, 

which in turn disturbs production, because their replacement is not always readily available.  

as a replacement for the shop steward in the line is not always available. The employer 

subsequently offered the trade union the agreement to have an all-FTSS shop steward 

 
8 BMW Annual Report:  https://www.bmwgroup-werke.com/rosslyn/en/our-plant/history.html 
 

https://www.bmwgroup-werke.com/rosslyn/en/our-plant/history.html


 
 

Page | 51 
 

committee, ten FTSS and reduced the number of shop stewards in the plant. Both parties agreed 

on this. Accordingly, it was decided to study FTSS in this plant and how they have contributed 

to the trade union representation dilemma that was foregrounded in the Marikana massacre.   

The NUMSA FTSS policy  

The book Labour Beyond COSATU based on the fifth Taking Democracy Seriously Survey U 

notes that although the trade unions have negotiated for shop stewards in the workplace, FTSS 

has become a central feature of these unions (Buzuidenhout & Tshoaedi, 2017). Maree (2017) 

explained that of all the participants surveyed in 2014, 76.1 % reported having had a FTSS in 

their workplace. The COSATU Workers’ Survey also confirms the presence of FTSS in 

workplaces: 

Overall, two-fifths of COSATU members said they had at least some full-time shop stewards. 

(COSATU Workers’ Survey, 2012:29) 

These findings indicate that FTSS exist in workplaces organised by COSATU in South Africa 

and have become part of the trade union organising machinery in the country. NUMSA, as 

depicted in Table 1, has more FTSS than organisers. This is due to their emphasis on FTSS 

organising work for the trade union and building a democratic and vibrant trade union 

movement at the local level. Thus, the trade union has an articulated policy on FTSS, which 

states the roles and functions of the FTSS, including ratios and related matters.  

The NUMSA FTSS policy notes:  

There should be at least one full-time shop steward (FTSS) for every 250 paid-up members of 

NUMSA or fewer members as required. Where the Union and its members see the need for a 

NUMSA FTSS in a particular workplace, the Unions shall, irrespective of the size of the 

workforce/membership, engage with management to secure this fulltime shop steward in that 

specific workplace by the provisions of the NUMSA FTSS Policy Full-time. (Shop Stewards 

Policy 115 of NEC May 1994 as amended CC July 2010) 



 
 

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The policy further notes that FTSS would be elected amongst the ordinary shop stewards:  

Once members have elected part-time shop stewards, NUMSA would call on the membership 

to elect their full-time shop stewards from amongst the part-time factory shop stewards 

committee. (ibid) 

The policy also emphasises the accountability of FTSS to their members by their worker 

control principle, which places workers and members at the centre of the trade union 

organisation, specifically, workers as owners of the trade union. The policy’s Rule of Conduct 

(Shop Stewards Policy 115 of NEC May 1994 as amended CC July 2010), which is in line with 

its democratic principles, clearly articulates that:  

• Every full-time shop steward must take instructions from the factory shop stewards 

committee, the factory general meeting and the REC.  

• Every full-time shop steward must give a full monthly report to the factory shop 

stewards committee and the general meeting.  

• Every full-time shop steward must write a full monthly report on their activities to the 

local shop stewards council. A copy of this report must be sent to the regional secretary 

for the REC.  

• A full-time shop steward must notify the chairperson of the shop steward committee, 

the senior shop steward and the local union office if they are leaving the plant or will 

be away from it and must give the reason. Full-time shop stewards can only leave the 

plant for bona fide union business. If they leave for private enterprise, they must take 

time off like ordinary workers.  

• No full-time shop steward can accept an increase in wages a bonus, or any other extra 

remuneration for being a full-time shop steward. Full-time shop stewards get the 

expected increases for their normal grades.  



 
 

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• No full-time or part-time shop steward can use company transport for any private 

business.  

The policy breathes life into the principle of worker control and internal democracy in the 

trade union and enforces the FTSS to be accountable. This policy serves as a countervailing 

force against developing oligarchic tendencies among FTSS, rooting them in the workers 

and enforcing accountability. For trade unions to be genuinely democratic, their FTSS and 

other elected leaders ought to be accountable to the general membership of the trade union 

and represent their interests at all material times through regular mandates and reports, 

hence ensuring the centrality of a democratic and participatory public meeting. Failure to 

do so will lead to the possibility of abuse of office, positions for self-interest and upward 

social mobility and erosion of the democratic principles of the trade unions. The 

development of trade union bureaucracy and the elite few that are unaccountable may lead 

to the development of oligarchic tendencies.   

The sins of incumbency and social distance  

There are debates within unions about the role of FTSS; while they are often viewed as closer 

to workers in their orientation and experience, there are also significant problems in addressing 

accountability issues for workers and the union. Of course, trade unions may also experience 

challenges regarding the accountability of their officials (organisers). It is important to view 

accountability in relation to workers and union structures from the workplace upwards. 

(NALEDI, SOA Report, 2012: 38) 

The accountability of FTSS is sacrosanct in preserving the principle of worker control and 

internal democracy in the trade unions. Therefore, this thesis seeks to investigate this as there 

is increasing evidence that FTSS have become a law unto themselves and, thus, the crisis of 

trade union representation (see Chinguno, 2012, Sacks, 2012; Masondo, 2010). Hence, the 

focus has recently been on FTSS, especially after what happened in Marikana. The 2012 



 
 

Page | 54 
 

Marikana massacre, which resulted in the death of 34 mineworkers at the hands of police on 

14 August 2014, highlighted the issue of FTSS. Chinguno (2012), Hartford (2012) Sacks 

(2012), Alexander (2014) and other authors that followed the killings of the mineworkers 

detailed how NUM FTSS were part of the genesis of the dispute that eventually led to the 

massacre. The authors argued that the NUM members in the platinum belt in the North-West 

province had rejected their trade union representative, particularly the FTSS. They opted to 

represent themselves and engage management directly. The workers and members argued that 

the FTSS had been co-opted and first represented management interests and then their own and 

were accordingly rejected. Thus, the increasing gap between members and their 

representatives, particularly FTSS, may be referred to as social distance.  

There is consensus among labour scholars and analysts in South Africa that an increasing gap 

between union leaders and rank-and-file members the former claim to represent has emerged. 

Byrne et al. (2015) argued that this development permeates all affiliates of the COSATU; This 

presumably includes the unions that were expelled from COSATU and formed parallel trade 

unions. I am of the view that this increasing gap is endemic to all trade unions in South Africa 

across federations. In the process, opportunities for oligarchic tendencies have opened up, 

undermining longstanding principles of worker control, which are the cornerstone of these 

trade unions and safely guarded tradition. 

At its 2012 National Congress, COSATU noted: 

There is a growing social distance between union leaders and the membership. Different 

lifestyles and material realities create a leadership that is not fully in tune with what members 

are facing. (COSATU, 2012: 16)9 

 
9 COSATU Secretariat Political Report of the 11th National Congress 2012: 

http://www.cosatu.org.za/show.php?ID=6535   

 

http://www.cosatu.org.za/show.php?ID=6535


 
 

Page | 55 
 

The federation further admitted that worker control is declining, an important guiding principle 

of the labour federation. The transition to a democratic dispensation presented a paradox for 

COSATU. While COSATU’s influence grew, the labour federation was plagued by a chronic 

loss of organisational power, especially on the shop floor where it mattered (see Adam et al., 

1997; Buhlungu, 2010). Loss of organisational power has negatively affected the founding 

principles of worker control of these post-1973 trade unions. Indeed, worker control has 

entered into a whirlpool of decline. The notion of social distance captures the emerging reality 

of material inequalities between rank-and-file members and union leaders. COSATU, in 

particular, attributed this to full-time unionism. However, others have argued that oligarchic 

bureaucracy that reduces worker control results from the union leaders’ corruption and material 

greed (see Byrne et al., 2015). These differing interpretations are not merely analytical but the 

basis of the dramatic political contestation within unions. Thus, FTSSs present a dilemma of 

trade union representation at the branch and shop floor level. Thus, this thesis seeks to provide 

a detailed account of what FTSSs are and how they function as part of the trade union 

structures, particularly their relation to shop floor democracy within the trade union movement. 

The BMW plant in South Africa was employed as the case study. It is noteworthy that although 

the principle of worker control is the cornerstone of these trade unions, it has been more formal 

than practical at times, thus leading to the trap of over-romanticising it.  

Romanticising of worker control and internal democracy 

Webster (1985) noted that the agreements negotiated by the Metal and Allied Workers’ Union 

(MAWU) in the 1980s were too complex. The shop stewards did not easily comprehend legal 

documents, and organisers with minimal education levels had to rely on a white organiser who 

was often a lawyer: “The complexity of the agreement entered into with management could 

make the accountability of the negotiating committee to the rank-and-file formal rather than 



 
 

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real” (Webster, 1985: 248). This highlights that even though worker control was seen to be at 

its pinnacle during the 1980s, in some instances, it was formal rather than real or practical. 

Certain decisions were made without rank-and-file participation because of their complexity.  

In an interview with Webster (ibid), John Stanwix, a white MAWU organiser, explained the 

intricacies of agreements and how there was a lack of participation by black shop stewards and 

organisers:  

The kind of agreements we discussed in the Transvaal were absurdly complex. That was the 

mistake we made. People were struggling to understand the agreements. The shop stewards 

could not negotiate the agreements, and the African organisers were extremely reluctant to 

negotiate without the white organisers present. 

This demonstrates that even though shop stewards and organisers were meant to be 

accountable, they may have gotten away with some non-accountability because the various 

agreements they negotiated were just too complex for the rank-and-file. Thus, there was a 

danger of over-romanticising worker control in the 1980s when the state of unions was 

assessed, especially when the decline in attendance of union meetings compared to the past 

was examined. Attendance at meetings meant participation in decision-making. Thus, it is 

imperative to consider that worker control has shortfalls when accessing the trade union 

movement and explore ways to make it more practical than lip service.  

The trade union movement has evolved over the years. Furthermore, FTSSs have become a 

central feature of the trade unions in South Africa. The democratic breakthrough in 1994, which 

presented the trade unions with new opportunities and dynamics, has had mixed results. From 

1994, the trade unions could organise in a democratic terrain that required new organising and 

engagement strategies. Buhlungu (1994) and Masondo (2012) noted that the democratic 

breakthrough opened new avenues of progression and career opportunities for trade union 

activists, including business, government, and civ