The Adaptation of the Shadow Corpse Belief System for Change Management in Corporate Organisations by Richard G. Chazuza (1705946) A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law & Management at the University of the Witwatersrand in fulfilment of the requirements for a degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Dr. Christoph Maier February 2021 i ABSTRACT This thesis examines how the use of an African natural idea and practice, Mumvuri loosely translated in English to the Shadow on the Corpse Belief System can be adapted and used to understand change management in corporate organisations. While the talk of Ubuntu and other African ideas has received a lot of prominence in organisations and academia of its potentially untapped value in management, few to non-existent African ideas and practices are known to realistically permeate and guide management thinking and practices in corporate organisations. This thesis is informed and guided by the interpretive paradigm. It adopted and followed the qualitative approach where the basic interpretive qualitative research design was used. In-depth, semi-structured, open ended and thematised interviews were used to collect data from 35 carefully selected experts that were placed into 3 homogeneous groups. Thematic analysis was used as the data analysis method aided by ATLAS ti version 8 software package, a computer assisted data analysis software package (CAQDAS). The evidence from the research revealed that Mumvuri is a known and commonly practised African socio-cultural belief system. Even though it is rooted in the Karanga ethnic culture of modern day Zimbabwe, its traces are found in other African cultures. Despite the prevalence of Mumvuri in African culture, it has not been adapted and used in corporate organisations. The main contribution was the development of a conceptual framework for change management in corporate organisations and the accompanying guidelines of implementation for executives and practitioners. These guidelines outline the process of adaptation of Mumvuri as an African idea, belief and concept in management. The thesis makes an empirical, methodological and practical contribution. Further research is suggested in testing this conceptual framework in corporate organisations. Key words: African; Mumvuri; hovering; shadow; corpse; beliefs; culture; practices; philosophy; change management; corporate; organisations; adaptation; conceptual; framework. ii DECLARATION I, Richard Gwauza Chazuza, hereby declare that this thesis is my own unaided work except where due recognition has been given. The thesis is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. It has not been submitted in part or full for any other degree or any other university. ___________________ Richard G. Chazuza __________________ Date iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost my profound gratitude and appreciation goes to my supervisor, Dr Christoph Maier, who ably and maturely guided me throughout the thesis. His composure and constant reassurance in the seemingly arduous task of writing, thinking, collecting data and making sense of it gave me the much needed stimulus to persevere and push through this academic journey. Words cannot adequately express my indebtness but can only exhibit the confidence that he posit in me through quality research work and writing as a life long skill and competency. I am grateful to Professor Terri Carmichael for the literature she shared on research methodology during the PhD research seminar series, Dr Zandamela for crystallising my thoughts on the appropriate research design for this thesis and all the academics that took cohort 17 through the PhD seminar series. I am indebted to the guidance and critical analysis of the proposal by Dr Hugo Canham that helped in shaping the thesis in its formative stages. All these scholars ignited an unending passion to pursue and nurture academic excellence. I would like to thank Wits Business School (WBS) staff particularly Mmabatho Leeuw for her attention to detail and timely communication and administrative efficiency. I also extend my gratitude to Jennifer Magodhela from the Faculty Office for the support and guidance on procedures and standing rules. My heartfelt appreciation is extended to all the experts who I cannot name for ethical reasons for their time and invaluable contribution to the thesis. It was not easy but they created the time and applied their expertise into shaping the thesis and advancing the frontiers of knowledge. I am particularly grateful to experts who saw value in this thesis from the word go and accommodated me unreservedly on numerous occasions and offered their offices and literature in their libraries. Some of iv these experts, due to their passion for the study area availed their unpublished manuscripts to demonstrate the amount of work that still needs to be accomplished in getting the African story and perspective on the radar of conventional management and organisational thinking and debate. It was a privilege to walk and share this academic road with them all. To my lovely wife Tendai and son, Donovan, you were my pillar of strength throughout this journey. Your patience and encouragement was the light at the end of a long tunnel in undertaking the thesis. To my parents, Island and Gladys, all late, I am forever grateful for the seed of seeking knowledge and education as a life long endeavour. To my beloved brother, Ronald, now late, you were the beacon and torcher bearer of resilience and hard work. To my countrymen, African brothers and sisters, fellow researchers, executives, practitioners and ancestors, I salute you and thank you for this journey. To Almighty God, I am grateful for this opportunity to undertake and reach this milestone and the encounters I had with all the wonderful people that had a part in this thesis even those that declined to participate in it. All shaped what it is and what I eventually am, a balanced researcher. I am truly grateful. v DEDICATION To all those who seek knowledge, expose it, as what it is truly, this is a piece for you. To my parents and family, you deserve this one. vi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ACAD Academic expert AMP African Management Philosophy CEO Chief Executive Officer ED Executive Director EXEC Corporate Executive FD Finance Director HRD Human Resources Director SCBS Shadow on the Corpse Belief System MD Managing Director PhD Doctor of Philosophy PRAC Practitioner in Human Resource Management WBS Wits Business School WMP Western Management Philosophy ZSE Zimbabwe Stock Exchange vii GLOSSARY OF TERMS Chisi – a sacred and culturally observed day where working is not allowed Chirozvamavi – the One who blesses and withholds blessings Bvuri – the sinister and darker side of the hovering shadow on the corpse Dare – the traditional chief’s court Duve, Dhuve, Dube – zebra totem Duma – earlier name given to the Shona people Gudo, Shoko, Tsoko, Ncube – monkey totem Gumbo – leg Hera – earlier name given to the Shona people Indaba - meeting Kalanga – dialect of the Shona culture Karanga – dialect of the Shona culture Korekore – dialect of the Shona culture Kurova guva – a spiritual and cultural practice of bringing back home the departed Lobola - bride price charged during traditional marriage negotiations N’ anga – traditional healer, traditional diviner and seer Ndau – dialect of the Shona culture Ngozi - the spirit of the departed that returns to torment the living Magadziro – another name for kurova guva in Shona culture, a ritual practice Matsvakirai kuno – a Karanga marriage custom of notifying in laws that their daughter is with the prospective husband Marimba – an African musical instrument Masoso – watery and leafy pasture or vegetation that is placed on top of the grave of the departed signifying the cooling of the hot tempered spirit of the departed Manyika – a dialect of the Shona culture viii Mbeva – mouse or rat Mbira – an African musical instrument Mbudzi – goat Mbudzi yeshungu – the goat of anger or bitterness Moyo – heart Mudzimu – ancestral spirit, ancestor Mukaranga – refers to the land of the Karanga Mutangakugara – the One who originated before anyone else Musikavanhu – God the creator of everything Mumvuri – the hovering shadow on the corpse of the departed - loosely translated in English as the Shadow Corpse Belief System Munhu – a human being Mhofu, Mpofu, Pofu – eland totem Mwari – God Sekuru – elderly relative or uncle Shumba, Sibanda – lion totem Svikiro – spirit medium Ndoro – a spiral symbol that signifies the continuity of life in Shona culture Nhimbe – a cultural practice of pulling resources together, collectivism Nyadenga – the Owner of the skies Nzou, Zhou, Ndlovu – elephant totem Roora – similar to lobola, bride price paid during traditional marriage negotiations Pwanyaruzohwa – refers to the Karanga custom of disturbing the protective hedge of the homestead in seeking the hand in marriage of one of the daughters Vakaranga – refers to the inhabitants of the Karanga land Vana tete – aunts in Shona culture Vanhu – human beings Varipasi – those who live below the earth Unhu - ethics of humanity, personhood and humility ix Watisiya – he/she has left us Watungamira – he/she has gone ahead of us Watsakatika – he/she has disappeared Wazorora – he/she has rested Zezuru – dialect of the Shona culture Zunde ramambo – the Chief strategic grain reserve or storage x TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………………………I DECLARATION…………………………………………………………………………...II ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………………….III DEDICATION….…………………………………………………………………………..V LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS……………………………………………………………...VI GLOSSARY OF TERMS………………………………………………………………....VII TABLES OF CONTENTS………………………………………………………………….X LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………….XVII LIST OF FIGURES………………….…………………………………………………XVIII CHAPTER 1………………………………………………………………………………...1 THE CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND……………………………………………….....1 1. INTRODUCTION……………………………..…………………………………….....1 1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY……………………………………………….......3 1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT……………………….………………………………….....6 1.3 PURPOSE STATEMENT………………………………………….…………………..8 1.4 STATEMENT OF RESEARCH OBJECTIVES……………………….……................8 1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY…………………………………………………....8 1.6 DELIMITATION OF THE STUDY…………………………………………………...9 1.7 CHAPTER CONCLUSION…………………………….…………………………....11 CHAPTER 2……………………………………………………………………………….12 LITERATURE REVIEW………………………………………………………………….12 2.0 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW………………………………………………12 xi 2.1 MUMVURI AS ANAFRICAN SOCIO-CULTURAL PHENOMENON…………12 2.1.1 The origins of Mumvuri…………………………………….………...………..12 2.1.2 The shona and their broader belief systems………………………………....15 2.1.3 Manifestations of Mumvuri……………………………………………….…...22 2.1.4 Similar shona beliefs and practices to Mumvuri……………………..……...25 2.1.5 The anthropological view of society and organisations………………..….31 2.1.6 Similar shadow on the corpse beliefs in other cultures..…………………...35 2.1.7 First vague references of Mumvuri to the corporate environment………...36 2.1.8 Transferable elements of Mumvuri to the corporate environment………..39 2.2 AFRICAN MANAGEMENT THEORIES…………………………..………..……..44 2.2.1 Anti-colonial and postcolonial theories……..…………………………..………44 2.2.2 African management philosophy (AMP) and Western management philosophy (WMP)……………………………………………………….………..50 2.2.2.1 Characteristics of African management philosophy…………..…………..51 2.2.2.2 Characteristics of Western management philosophy……………………..52 2.2.3 Views concerning African management in academic literature…….………..54 2.2.3.1 Organisational management systems found in Africa………….…....….56 2.2.3.2 The essence of African thought system….………………………………...57 2.2.3.3 African management in the context of corporate organisations….…..…59 2.2.3.4 Visible expressions of African management knowledge in literature.…60 2.2.3.5 Constraints affecting African management knowledge………………….61 2.2.3.6 Let Africa lead framework……………………………………..………..64 2.2.4 The Four Worlds Intellectual model..…………….……..……..…...…………...65 2.3 IDENTITY THEORY AND SOCIAL IDENTITY THEORY………………………66 xii 2.4 MUMVURI AND CORPORATE ORGANISATIONAL LIFE………….…………71 2.5 CHANGE MANAGEMENT IN CORPORATE ORGANISATIONS…………….74 2.5.1 Change categorisation framework…………………………...………………….76 2.5.1.1 Change conceptualised by the rate of occurrence…………………...……..76 2.5.1.2 Change conceptualised by how it comes about………………………….....77 2.5.1.3 Change conceptualised by scale……………………………………..………79 2.5.2 State of change management programmes in organisations…...…………......79 2.5.3 Why change management programmes fail in organisations…………..….…81 2.5.4 Van de Ven and Poole (1995) model for organisational change………..….....85 2.5.5 Other change management models……………..…………….…………………86 2.5.5.1 Lewin (1951) …………………………………………..…………...…………..88 2.5.5.2 Beckhard (1969)………………………………………………………………..88 2.5.5.3 Thurley (1979)………………………………………………………………….89 2.5.5.4 Quinn (1980)…………………………………………………………………....89 2.5.5.5 Nadler and Tushman (1980)………………………………………………….90 2.5.5.6 Bandura (1986)…………………………………………………………………90 2.5.5.7 Beer, Eistenstat and Spector (1990) …………………………………...……..91 2.5.6 The link between strategic change and transformation…………………..…...93 2.5.7 Contemporary discourse on change management in organisations……....…94 2.6 CHAPTER CONCLUSION…………………………………………………..………96 CHAPTER 3……………………………………………………………………………….97 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY………….………………………………………..……97 3.0 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW……...............................................................97 3.1 RESEARCH PHILOSOPHY…………………………………………………….……98 xiii 3.1.1 Epistemology………………………………………………………………………99 3.1.2 Ontology…………………………………………………………………………..100 3.1.3 Axiology………………………………………………………………………..…100 3.1.4 Methodology………………………………………………………………….…..100 3.2 RESEARCH PARADIGM…………………………………………………………..101 3.2.1 Qualitative research classifications…………………...………………………...102 3.2.2 Qualitative research methodologies…………………………………………....102 3.3 RESEARCH DESIGN…………………………….………………………………….103 3.4 POPULATION AND SAMPLING STRATEGY…………………………………..106 3.4.1 Unit of analysis……………………………………………………………….….106 3.4.2 Participants……………………………………………………………………….107 3.5 RESEARCH INSTRUMENTS………………………………………………………109 3.6 DATA COLLECTION PROCEDURES……………………………………………111 3.6.1 Interview scripts, profiles and publications…………………………………...111 3.6.2 Empirical data from experts…….……………………………………………....111 3.6.3 Memoing………………………………………………………………………….111 3.7 DATA ANALYSIS METHOD………………………………………...……………112 3.7.1 Data immersion…………………………………………………………………..113 3.7.2 Data coding……………………………………………………………………….113 3.7.3 Categories…………………………………………………………………………113 3.7.4 Themes identification……………………………………………………………114 3.8 QUALITATIVE DATA ANALYSIS METHODS…………...…………………….114 3.9 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY…………..…………………………………….....115 3.10 CREDIBILITY, TRANSFERABILITY AND DEPENDABILITY ISSUES…...…116 xiv 3.11 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS…………………………………………………..118 3.12 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK BUILDING PROCESS…………………….….121 3.13 CHAPTER CONCLUSION………………………………………………………..123 CHAPTER 4……………………………………………………………………………………… 124 PRESENTATION OF RESEARCH FINDINGS………………………………………………..124 4.0 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW……………………………………………...……….124 4.1 Experts general views and experiences of African beliefs and cultural practices……..125 4.2 Mumvuri as an African belief system and cultural practice…...........................................135 4.2.1 Awareness, knowledge and significance of Mumvuri in African culture and religion…………………………………………………..………………………………...135 4.2.2 The elements making up Mumvuri……………………………………….…………….142 4.2.3 Elements coming out of Mumvuri that can be adapted and used in life in general & transferable to corporate organisations……………..………………………………146 4.2.4 Locating Mumvuri in management and its usefulness in developing a conceptual framework………………………………………………………………………………...151 4.3 MUMVURI AND CHANGE MANAGEMENT IN CORPORATE ORGANISATIONS……..…………………………………………………...156 4.4 PRACTICAL GUIDELINES OF IMPLEMENTING MUMVURI IN CORPORATE ORGANISATIONS………………………………………………….............159 4.5 CROSS SOURCE PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS DASHBOARD……….....................166 4.5.1 Views and experiences on African beliefs and cultural practices………………….167 4.5.2 Knowledge and significance of Mumvuri……….…………………………………….168 4.5.3 The elements coming out of Mumvuri that are transferable to life in general and corporate organisational life…………………….……………………………………...169 4.5.4 Mumvuri and change management…………….……………………………………...171 4.5.5 Practical guidelines of implementation……………..………………………………171 xv 4.6 CHAPTER CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………….……173 CHAPTER 5……………………………………………………………………………………….174 DATA INTEPRETATION AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS……….……….……………174 5.0 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW……………………...……………………………….174 5.1 RECAP OF RESEARCH OBJECTIVES………………………….……………………….…174 5.2 TO EXPLAIN THE DEEPER NATURE OF MUMVURI AND WHY IT CAN BE VALUABLE FOR ORGANISATIONAL CHANGE MANAGEMENT THEORY AND PRACTICE………………………………………………………………………...…………..175 5.3 TO ESTABLISH A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR MUMVURI IN CORPORATE ORGANISATIONS…………………………………………………...……..179 5.3.1 Mumvuri conceptual framework (MCF)…………………………………..…………….184 5.3.2 Mumvuri and change management………………………………………………….…..190 5.4 TO PROVIDE PRACTICAL GUIDELINES OF IMPLEMENATION OF MUMVURI IN ORGANISATIONS………………………………………………………………….……193 5.4.1 General guidelines of implementing Mumvuri………………………….…………....193 5.4.2 Specific guidelines of implementing Mumvuri for executives & practitioners….....196 5.4.2.1 Mumvuri flag…………………………………………………………………...........197 5.4.2.2 Mumvuri areas or zones……………………………………………………...…….199 5.4.2.3 Principles of seeking understanding, co-operation & harmony…………...201 5.5 CHAPTER CONCLUSION…………………………………………...……………………..206 CHAPTER 6……………………………………………………………………….………………207 CONCLUSIONS AND CONTRIBUTION …………………………………….………………207 6.0 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW…………………………...………………………….207 6.1 SUMMARY OF MAIN CONCLUSIONS……………………………...…………………...207 6.1.1 Responding to the 1st research objective………………………………………..……..208 6.1.2 Responding to the 2nd research objective…………………..………………………….209 xvi 6.1.3 Responding to the 3rd research objective…………………………………………..….209 6.2 CONTRIBUTION OF THE STUDY…………………………………………………………210 6.2.1 Theoretical contribution………………………………………………………………...210 6.2.2 Empirical contribution………………………………………………………………….211 6.2.3 Methodological contribution…………………………………………………………...211 6.2.4 Practical contribution…………………………………………………………………...212 6.2.4.1 To academics………………………………………………………..…………….212 6.2.4.2 To corporate executives……………………………………………..…………...212 6.2.4.3 To practitioners……………………………………………………….…………..213 6.2.4.4 To policy makers………………………………………………………..………...213 6.3 LIMITATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH………….………..213 6.4 CHAPTER CONCLUSION……………………………………...…………………………..216 REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………………………..217 APPENDIX A: PARTICIPATING EXPERTS…………………………………………………..239 APPENDIX B: PARTICIPATING EXPERTS INFORMATION………………………………240 APPENDIX C: EVOLVING INTERVIEW THEMES/GUIDELINES…………………………255 APPENDIX D: ETHICS CLERANCE CERTIFICATE…………………………………………257 APPENDIX E: PARTICIPANT INFORMATION SHEET…………………………………….258 APPENDIX F: PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM……………………………………………260 APPENDIX G: MEMOING CHECKLIST………………………………………………………261 xvii LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Categorisation of post aparthied fears………………………………………………..36 Table 2: Research enquiry process (adapted from Denscombe (2010b, page 111) …………97 Table 3: Quantitative & Qualitative criteria for assessing research quality & rigour……...117 Table 4: Cross source analysis of findings dashboard……………………...………………..166 Table 5: Views & experiences on African beliefs and cultural practices……………………168 Table 6: Knowledge & significance of Mumvuri evidence……………………………………169 Table 7: Elements of Mumvuri transferable to organisations evidence……………………...170 Table 8: Mumvuri and change management evidence……………………………………….171 Table 9: Practical guidelines of implementation evidence……………………...…………...172 Table 10: Summary of findings……………………………...………………………………….207 xviii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Mumvuri transferable elements to corporate organisations………………..……….41 Figure 2: Crotty’s (1998) framework……………….……………………………………..…....105 Figure 3: Conceptual framework process flow…………..……………………...……..…...… 120 Figure 4: Mumvuri Conceptual Framework (Family environment)………..…...………..….185 Figure 5: Mumvuri Conceptual Framework (Corporate environment)……………..………186 1 CHAPTER 1 THE CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND 1.0 INTRODUCTION Chapter one gives the contextual background of the thesis. It outlines what the natural, socio-cultural phenomenon under scrutiny is and introduces key concepts that make up the thesis. The chapter is arranged in different sections as it unpacks the concepts and issues under investigation. This thesis proposes a conceptual framework for the adaptation of a social, cultural and non business concept, Mumvuri, loosely translated and equated to the Shadow on the Corpse Belief System (SCBS) although maintaining the vernacular word best identifies and describes the true meaning and nature of this African phenomenon in corporate organisations. The thesis extends to provide guidelines of implementing the conceptual framework in the management of organisational change. There has been a lot of arguments for embracing indigenous knowledge concepts in traditional management theory (Khoza, 1993; Mangaliso, 2001; Mbigi and Maree, 2005; Nyathi, 2009; Nkomo, 2011; Jongwe, 2017; April, Makgoba and Forster, 2018; Marnewick, Erasmus and Joseph, 2018). However this talk has not translated in the adoption of any African concepts in reality for corporate organisations (Nkomo, 2011; Marnewick, Erasmus and Joseph, 2018). The adaptation of Mumvuri, it is argued, transforms the discussion on African concepts and provides a significant contribution to the existing literature on change management theory in corporate organisations. The thesis further argues that corporate organisations in Southern Africa seem reluctant to embrace and make use of their indigenous ideas, beliefs and practices in enhancing their competitiveness (Khoza, 1993; Mbigi and Maree, 2005; Theimann, April and Blass, 2006; Nyathi 2009; April and Peters, 2011; Nkomo, 2011; Jongwe, 2017). The thesis argues that Africans are detached from their identity and cultural ecosystem due to the endearing effects of colonialisation (Biko, 1973; Nkrumah, 1973; Ramose, 2005; Nyathi, 2009; Thiong’o, 2009; Nkomo, 2011). Colonisation and neo- 2 colonialism has continued to entrench the inferiority complex and an unwillingness to embrace local ideas, beliefs, practices, philosophies and experiences and extending these in managing corporate organisations for enhanced competitiveness in the African context (Nkrumah, 1966; Nkrumah, 1973; Biko, 1973; April and Shockley, 2007; Nussbaum, 2003; Nyathi, 2009; Nkomo, 2011). The thesis advances a conceptual framework. This framework seeks to assist corporate organisations to adapt social and cultural ideas, beliefs and practices in their management conceptualisation and practice. The conceptual framework is rooted in Mumvuri loosely taken as the Shadow on the Corpse Belief System (SCBS) which the thesis draws from its rich social and cultural sources for adaptation in corporate organisations. Mumvuri is an African social and cultural idea and belief system that is found among the Karanga ethnic culture of modern day Zimbabwe (Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014). According to this belief and cultural tradition, a corpse of the departed that manifests a hovering shadow on it is not buried as the presence of the hovering shadow is believed to represent negative feelings of the departed (Mhaka, 2014). These negative feelings need to be addressed as failure to do so may attract bad luck and misfortune to the living (Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014; Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014; Ndlovu, 2019). The adaptation of Mumvuri in the corporate environment is anchored on empirical data from experts. The empirical evidence from experts was used for theory building. The existing literature was used to point to gaps that informed the researcher of specific areas, themes or questions to further explore and ask in the inquiry. It is argued by the researcher that theory building through Mumvuri generates a framework that is academically and practically adaptable to corporate organisations. It is argued that change management offers the greatest potential for a conceptual framework than other management areas that encompass organisational culture, leadership and strategy management. It is argued that by offering an adaptation conceptual framework anchored in African culture and philosophy, corporate organisations in Africa and those around the world can become relevant and competitive in the global economy (Mbigi and Maree, 2005; Theimann, April, Blass, 2006; April and Ephraim, 2011; April and Peters, 2011; Nkomo, 2011). The thesis therefore builds a theoretical argument and framework primarily based on African culture and philosophy; anti-colonial thought perspective; post colonial 3 theory; black consciousness philosophy; identity theories and change management models and proposes a research agenda for future study based on this argument. 1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY Corporate organisations in Zimbabwe, Southern Africa and the greater African continent seem not to possess that slight edge to out compete the best in the world (Ibrahim Index, 2014; Mbigi and Maree, 2005), This is despite Africa being projected as the emerging high growth region in terms of economic growth (Seny Kan, Apitsa and Adegbite, 2015). Walsh (2015) argues that in recent years Africa has surpassed the rest of the world in terms of economic growth and argues that between 2004 to 2013 African countries achieved a growth rate of 4.99% consistently indicating vast wealth and business opportunities existing on the continent. Carmody (2011) argues that while Africa is the focus continent, greater growth and attractive investment is concentrated mostly in Sub Saharan Africa. This part of the African continent is viewed as more engaged to the changing global economic trends than the rest of Africa (Carmody, 2011). This view is supported by a study published by the Wall Street Journal (2014) of the top ten African economies that attracted the attention of 200 European and American multinationals. The Wall Street study revealed that a staggering nine top countries in Africa were found to be in Sub Saharan Africa pointing to the vast opportunities and potential that the region and its organisations possess as economic engines for growth and prosperity (Seny Kan, Apitsa and Adegbite, 2015). With these economic indicators and favourable perceptions, corporate organisations in Southern Africa as economic vehicles for wealth creation find themselves unable to rise up, compete and exhibit their uniqueness in tapping into this booming focus on them and the Sub Saharan region by international investors and capital. This seemingly stagnation can be explained as arising from the inability of corporate organisations to adapt and apply their indigenous ideas, beliefs and practices in managing and transforming corporate organisations for sustained prosperity at the global stage (Mbigi and Maree, 2005; Jongwe, 2017; Schaffer, 2017; Marnewick, Erasmus and Joseph, 2018). The prevailing management concepts and practices in corporate organisations are predominantly western based (Mangaliso 2001; Maier, 2002; Lessem, Schieffer and Moussavian, 2010). These western ideas, concepts and practices seem not to be congruent with corporate organisations found in emerging economies in Southern Africa (Khoza 1993; Mangaliso, 2001; Theimann, April and Blass, 2006; Lessem and Schieffer, 2009; April and Peters, 2011; Jongwe, 2017). 4 This incongruence seems to have triggered anxiety in academic corridors on the efficacy of management theories conceptualised and developed in the west to address African phenomena (Jongwe, 2017). This restlessness has resulted in the calls for an African focused management research which has been termed “autochthonous high impact research” by the African Academy of Management (Jongwe, 2017). Autochthonous research is management research that seeks to generate theories that address local management problems. These theories are grounded in the African social and cultural context and its uniqueness. Jongwe (2017) argues that there are a few studies that have attempted to explore the impact of culture on management in the African social and cultural setting. There are no studies of note that have tried to explore indigenous concepts such as spiritualism, traditionalism, communalism, co-operative team work and mythology (Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014; Jongwe, 2017). Apart from the seemingly reluctance to adopt and embrace indigenous ideas, beliefs and practices, academic literature on African management concepts and philosophies appears to be limited in the traditional management discourse (Nkomo, 2011). Western management philosophies and practices seem to ignore African ideas, beliefs, concepts and practices in management theory and practice (April and Ephraim, 2011; Lessem, Schieffer and Moussavian, 2010; Nkomo, 2011). African theories are rarely captured in academic literature on organisations (Theimann, April and Blass, 2006; Lessem, Schieffer and Moussavian, 2010; Nkomo, 2011; Jongwe, 2017, Marnewick, Erasmus and Joseph, 2018). African Management philosophy has attempted to offer an alternative concept to the western philosophy (Khoza, 1993; Nkomo, 2011). However, Africa as a continent is broad. Africa is not culturally homogeneous (Nkomo, 2011). Khoza (1993) advocates for a narrower South African based management approach as a way to gain impetus towards an African management approach for the entire continent. Nkomo (2011) argues that projecting the African management philosophy as an alternative to the western management philosophy reinforces the binary dichotomy of West versus African management concepts and systems. This distinction leads to the continued self perpetuation of western management concepts, philosophies and practices in organisations (Nkomo, 2011). Conceptualisation of existing organisational theory is strongly rooted in the western school of thought (Khoza, 1993; Lessem, Schieffer and Moussavian, 2010; Nkomo, 2011). To substantiate this position, aspects of organisational change management are used in the thesis (Todnem By, 2005). There are six theoretical categories of 5 organisational change management in corporate organisations with each category bringing out models that reflect its understanding of change in organisations (Kezar, 2001). These categories assist in the conceptualisation of the change process in corporate organisations. These categories explain the nature of change and why it happens. These six change categories explain change in the context of evolutionary models, teleological models, life cycle models, dialectical models, social cognition models and cultural models. These models are discussed in detail in chapter two that is focused on literature review. There appears to be no other form of conceptualisation of organisational change management that is outside the existing western school of thought and value system. This position is despite a lot of talk on the promise that is held by the African philosophy of Ubuntu (Mangaliso, 2001). However Ubuntu has been criticised in management theory and academic discourse as lacking scientific rigour and hard evidence (Swartz and Davies, 1997). Ubuntu appears to be regarded as a myth and a fading African social and cultural philosophy (Swartz and Davies, 1997). Futter (2016) argues the uncertainty that lingers on the conceptual role of Ubuntu further complicates its standing and use in theory and practice in both academia and organisations. This thesis however sought to come up with a narrower and deeper African conceptualisation of organisational change. This borrows and builds on the idea put forward by Khoza (1993) of the need for a narrower African management framework as the initial step towards a much broader African management approach for corporate organisations. This narrower conceptualisation is through the adaptation of Mumvuri in corporate organisations as a change management conceptual framework. The adaptation of social and cultural ideas and beliefs in management theory and practice is not a new phenomenon (Brunet and News, 2003; April and Peters, 2011). The Japanese ‘kaizen’ concept is a well known concept that has been integrated into management theory and practice (Brunet and News, 2003; Lessem, Schieffer and Moussavian, 2010). A place and a voice from an African idea is unoccupied (Nyathi, 2009; Nkomo, 2011; Jongwe, 2017). Corporate change management can be conceptualised from an African perspective through the introduction and adaptation of Mumvuri by executives and practitioners in organisations. 6 1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT Corporate organisations seem to have predominantly western based management concepts and practices in use (Lessem, Schieffer and Moussavian, 2010; Nkomo, 2011; Jongwe, 2017; Marnewick; Erasmus and Joseph; 2018). This extends to concepts and practices in organisational culture, organisational strategy, organisational transformation and change management (April and Peter, 2011). This prevailing status quo in organisational theory appears to undervalue indigenous ideas, concepts and practices that may lead to sustainable competitiveness of corporate organisations in emerging economies (Khoza, 1993; Theimann, April and Blass, 2006; Lessem and Schieffer, 2009; Jongwe, 2017). The predominantly western management concepts and practices seem to alienate and remove the identity of Africans (Biko, 1973; Ndlovu, 2019). It appears to remove Africans from their efforts to participate and contribute to management theory conceptualisation and their subsequent practices in corporate organisations (Nyathi, 2009; Nkomo, 2011; Jongwe, 2017). This isolation and marginalisation makes organisational theory poorer and lacking in multiple narratives and perspectives apart from existing western concepts and narratives (Theimann; April and Blass, 2006; Nyathi, 2009; Lessem, Schieffer and Moussavian, 2010; Nkomo, 2011). The position that 70% of change management programmes implemented in corporate organisations fail is a worrying and disturbing state of affairs for corporate executives, practising managers and academics (Blogun and Hailey, 2004). This failure rate of change management efforts in corporate organisations appears to show that there is a conceptual gap in how change is viewed and implemented in corporate organisations. The existing western frameworks seem to be contradictory and confusing (Burnes, 2004). These theories seem unsupported by empirical evidence on organisational change and other broader management aspects of organisational culture and strategy (Blogun and Hailey, 2004; Burnes, 2004). While the concept of the African Management philosophy has made significant strides in getting scholars to think critically of existing organisational theory and its shortcomings (Nyathi, 2009; Nkomo, 2011), there appears to be little or no adaptation of its prescriptions in conventional management theory and practice. This lack of adaptation may be explained in that there lacks a conceptual framework of African or indigenous origin (Nyathi, 2009; Nkomo, 2011; Jongwe, 2017). It appears that the lack of an adaptation conceptual framework has relegated the contribution of alternative narratives of organisation theory to the peripheries of conventional 7 management discourse and practice (Khoza, 1993; Nkomo, 2011; Marnewick, Erasmus and Joseph, 2018). The existing conceptualisation of corporate change management is western inclined. There seems to be no indigenous framework that guides corporate organisational change from a conceptual and practical perspective (Burnes, 2004). The need to change, to survive and to be competitive is well documented in literature (Todnem By, 2005). However there appears to be a gap conceptually and practically on how to describe and explain organisational change including the envisaged benefits to organisations, individuals and communities (Burnes, 2004; Todnem By, 2005). This conceptual and practical gap introduces the need for a wider narrative that is embodied by the African management promise that has remained evasive in organisation theory and practice in corporate organisations. Mumvuri is a social and cultural philosophy of African origin (Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014; Mhaka, 2014; Tatira 2014). It expresses that a departed person who has a lingering shadow around his or her corpse is not buried (Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014, Ndlovu, 2019). An investigation has to be undertaken as to why the hovering shadow is present before burial can take place (Mhaka, 2014; Ndlovu, 2019). In Afro centric religion, it is believed that burying a person who has a hovering shadow on their corpse brings misfortune to the living (Mhaka, 2014). In African religion and culture it is considered a taboo to bury a person with the image of a hovering shadow on their corpse (Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014). The statement of the problem therefore is that Mumvuri despite being a relevant and widespread social, cultural and non business belief system and practice is not applied in corporate organisations. The problem is that there is no conceptual framework that enables corporate organisations to embrace and adapt the social and cultural elements of Mumvuri for organisational change. This is despite the promise that indigenous concepts and knowledge systems seem to possess in transforming and changing the competitiveness agenda of corporate organisations in the 21st century (Mangaliso, 2001; Theimann, April and Blass, 2006; Nyathi, 2009; Nkomo, 2011). The work place and corporate organisations adopted the Japanese ‘kaizen’ philosophy in managing change and continuous improvement (Brunet and New, 2003; Lessem and Schieffer, 2009). The adoption of African ideas, belief systems and natural philosophies in corporate organisations seems elusive from a conceptual and practical implementation levels (Nkomo, 2011). This is the gap that Mumvuri seeks to occupy and promote for corporate organisations. 8 1.3 PURPOSE STATEMENT This thesis provides a conceptual framework that leads to the adaptation of Mumvuri for change management in corporate organisations. It seeks to explain the deeper nature of Mumvuri as a social and cultural concept of African origin. The inquiry seeks to give a conceptual and practical framework and guidelines of how the adaptation of an African natural belief system and idea may lead to the modification or development of existing management theory and practices. This modification or development is focused on change management in organisations. The thesis seeks to move away from what seems to be the presentation of African management concepts and prescriptions as myths and fork tales (Swartz and Davies, 1997). The focus is to provide impetus for Africans irrespective of race, creed and gender to be able to be involved and engaged in organisational theory conceptualisation and practice. This involvement is expected to meaningful and valuable to Africans and their circumstances and uniqueness as a people (Khoza, 1993; Nyathi, 2009; Nkomo, 2011; April and Ephraim, 2011; Jongwe, 2017). 1.4 STATEMENT OF RESEARCH OBJECTIVES The research objectives are: 1. To explain the deeper nature of Mumvuri and why it can be a valuable concept for change management theory and practice. 2. To establish a conceptual framework for Mumvuri in corporate organisations. 3. To provide practical guidelines of implementation of Mumvuri in organisations. 1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY This research provides a conceptual framework for conceptualising and adapting an African social, cultural and non business concept in corporate organisations. It endeavours to show the significance of indigenous concepts in corporate organisations. It seeks to move away from indigenous, social and cultural ideas and beliefs being labelled as fork tales and myths (Swartz and Davies, 1997) to concepts that are conceptually and practically useful in assisting academics, executives and practitioners in corporate organisations (Mangaliso, 2001). 9 The thesis strives for empirical contribution in the manner in which change is conceptualised and practised in corporate organisations. The list of experts provided empirical data that was used in coming up with a conceptual framework. While existant literature equipped the researcher to know and to ask the relevant questions and to be cognisant of the academic gaps in literature, it is data from the experts that was used to drive for new frontiers of knowledge through the development of a conceptual framework for corporate organisations. Practical guidelines of implementing Mumvuri are provided in explaining how change management can be conceptualised and practised in corporate organisations. The practical guidelines of implementation are informed from a social, cultural and African sphere of existence and meaning. The thesis therefore seeks to move beyond mere talk of the potential embedded in African ideas and practices (Mangaliso, 2001) and give practical guidelines of implementation that are useful to academics, corporate executives and practitioners in conceptualising management theory and practice anchored in African culture and religion. 1.6 DELIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY Delimitations are choices that are made by the researcher. The researcher has control over delimitations. They describe the boundaries that are set for the study and explain the things that the researcher is not going to do. Delimitations explain the reasons of not doing certain things or taking certain assumptions. Delimitations are strongly linked to the theoretical and philosophical framework of the study, research design and the nature of the research questions or objectives (Price and Murnan, 2004). The focus of this thesis is on Mumvuri as a social and cultural concept and practice of African origin. It does not deal with the broader notions and arguments of Ubuntu as an African management philosophy. Mumvuri is looked at as a separate, distinct and unique, social and cultural idea and practice that has significance and value for adapting in corporate organisations. Mumvuri in this thesis is not confined to the Shona ethnic setting and context. While the phenomenon originates from the Karanga ethnic community of modern day Shona people of Zimbabwe, this study takes a broader view of social and cultural practices and similar practices across Africa. State institutions, public entities, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or agencies, voluntary and welfare organisations are not part of the research inquiry. 10 The focus is on corporate organisations. It narrows the focus to individuals in corporate organisations, universities and consulting firms who are knowledgeable and experienced in African social, cultural concepts, practices and change management practices. The thesis does not look at diviners, local chiefs or headmen, traditional healers, herbalists, religious priests, clergy, pastors and community elders. The focus is on experts with corporate and academic standing and who are familiar with Mumvuri loosely translated in English to mean the Shadow on the Corpse Belief system. The focus is on participants who are able to articulate Mumvuri from both an empirical and conceptual standpoints. The focus is on change management as an aspect of corporate organisational life. An in depth analysis of Mumvuri and change management in corporate organisations is intended to allow for adequate theory building that provides useful and practical insights into management theory conceptualisation and practices in corporate organisations (Rieley and Clarkson, 2001; Burnes, 2004). 11 1.7 CHAPTER CONCLUSION The background and context of the thesis was outlined. The problem statement and research objectives were highlighted and discussed in this chapter. The next chapter locates and places the research study in academic and management literature while unpacking various key concepts that underpin this thesis. 12 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 INTRODUCTION This chapter locates the thesis in academic literature. It discusses the theoretical models that inform the research inquiry and identifies the gap and contribution that this thesis occupies in literature. 2.1 MUMVURI AS A SOCIO – CULTURAL PHENOMENON 2.1.1 The Origins of Mumvuri Mumvuri is loosely translated in English to be the Shadow on the Corpse Belief System is a natural, AFRICAN, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL BELIEF TRADITION AND PRACTICE. It is a phenomenon that originates from the Karanga ethnic tribe of modern day Zimbabwe (Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014; Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014). The Karanga ethnic tribe is part of the modern day Shona people of Zimbabwe (Sitshebo, 2000; Ndlovu, 2019). The Shona people are part of the Bantu tribes of Southern Africa. Zimbabwe has two main ethnic tribes. These are the Shona and the Ndebele tribes. The Shona constitute 71% of the population of 12 million inhabitants while the Ndebele constitute 16% (Sitshebo, 2000; Ngara and Porath, 2004; Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014; Ndlovu, 2019). The population has grown to around 14 million with another national consensus planned for in 2022. The Shona traditionally practise agriculture and pastoralism (Mudenge, 1988). This group is to some extent fairly established. Three of their dynasties can be traced back in history (Sitshebo, 2000). Samkange (1973, p. 2) describes the Shona people saying “It is this group which, they assure us, definitely spoke a Bantu language and arrived in successive waves from the north. Today it is credited with having built throughout this area various stone structures of which those known as the Great Zimbabwe are only the largest and the most famous. It is this group which today is believed to have established the great empire of Mwene Mutapa”. The Karanga are a subgroup of the Shona speaking people of Zimbabwe (Mazarire, 2009; Ndlovu, 2019). The term Karanga is an old and loaded term that carries both linguistic and ethnic overtones (Mazarire, 2009; Mpofu, 2001). Today the word Karanga generally refers to speakers of a dialect of the Shona language concentrated 13 in the South - Central parts of Zimbabwe (Mazarire, 2009). This group of people trace their ancestry to small bands of settlers that occupied the south central region of present day Zimbabwe in phases between the end of 18th century and the beginning of 19th century (Mazarire, 2009). Mudenge (1988) argues that between the 15th and late 18th centuries, literate Portuguese observers made reference to the greater part of the Zimbabwean plateau as “Mukaranga”meaning the land of the Karanga and its inhabitants as the “Vakaranga”. According to Ngara and Porath (2004) the Shona culture has its historical roots and origins in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe is a geographically land locked country and is surrounded by five Southern African states namely Zambia in the North, Mozambique in the East, Namibia and Botswana in the West and South Africa in the South (Ngara and Porath, 2004). Zimbabwe is a former British colony with a colonial legacy that span over ninety years from 1890 to 1980 when it got self independence (Ndlovu, 2019; Ngara and Porath, 2004). Zimbabwe is a culturally diverse nation with ninety five percent being Africans and the remaining five percent being Whites, Asians and others (Ngara and Porath, 2004). Shona constitutes the main language of eighty percent of the population while fifteen percent are composed of the Ndebele cultural group (Ndlovu, 2019; Ngara and Porath, 2004). Shona is one of the three official languages in Zimbabwe together with English and Ndebele. The language policy of the country requires children to acquire literacy in two languages that is English and one indigenous language either Shona or Ndebele depending on the region of residence. English is the main language of instruction from elementary school to university (Ngara and Porath, 2004). Language is at the core and heart of culture (Mpofu, 2001). No culture can exist without at its centre a natural language (Mpofu, 2001). Language as argued by Mpofu (2001) reflects a specific culture. Different languages reflect and express different cultures. The Shona language conveys a specific culture. The Shona culture has a wide range of terms and expressions that refer to traditional practices and artefacts and to cultural norms and rites (Mpofu, 2001). The emergence of various terms that express Shona culture and practices poses a translation problem between Shona and English languages. This translation problem is due to the cultural gap that exists between the speakers of the source language and the target language (Mpofu, 2001; Ndlovu, 2019). If speakers of a certain source language in Shona refer to a particular concept or practice that does not exist in another language, it is almost 14 impossible to translate that concept or practice with a short word or phrase from that language (Mpofu, 2001). Smit (1990) refers to this problem where functionally relevant features in a source language do not exist in the target language as cultural untranslatability. When attempting to explore Mumvuri as a Shona cultural concept to the English language and set up, the argument by Smit (1990) become real and tangible. Kurova guva (the bringing home ceremony) is a Shona word and cultural custom that does not exist in the English vocabulary and worldview (Mpofu, 2001). There is no equivalent term of kurova guva in English as this practice does not exist in English culture. Kurova guva is a ceremony in Shona culture of bringing home the spirit of the departed one year after their passing on to become a family ancestral spirit (Mpofu, 2001; Ndlovu, 2019). Other Shona cultural customs that do not have English equivalent include roora (lobola), pwanyaruzhowa and matsvakirai kuno. Roora is money and cattle that a man pays to his in-laws as a way of seeking permission for him to marry and live with their daughter as his wife. Roora is loosely translated in English as “bride price”. There is no exact equivalent of roora in English because the English have a different system of marriage altogether from the Shona cultural system (Mpofu, 2001). Pwanyaruzhowa literally means that a man who would have come to marry one of the daughters has actually broken the protective hedge around the homestead in order to gain access and entrance to her dwelling residence. It is a term in Shona custom that refers to the money or a beast that the man has to pay for disturbing the peace of the homestead by seeking to take one of their daughters in marriage. There is no English equivalent for this word and custom (Mpofu, 2001). Matsvakirai kuno is another term that has no equivalent in English. It refers to the monetary gesture or token that a man sends through his go-between to the parents of the girl that he has eloped with informing them that he is the one who has taken their daughter and commits to look after her as his wife from the point of this cultural notification to them (Mpofu, 2001). There are many other Shona cultural practices that have no English equivalents. This extends to musical instruments such as mbira and marimba. Some musical instruments are culturally bound and found in a particular culture and not in another (Mpofu, 2001). The mbira and marimba are found in Shona music and not in English culture and music. There are no English equivalents for mbira and marimba (Mpofu, 2001). The argument of lack of equivalents from one source language to the target language resonates with Mumvuri which is a key and integral element of this thesis. Mumvuri is a Shona cultural word and custom. Mumvuri does not have an 15 English equivalent as this phenomenon does not exist in English culture and natural existence. It is loosely equated to refer to the shadow on the corpse of the departed but is not exactly the same as there is no English equivalent of Mumvuri. 2.1.2 The Shona and their broader belief systems The Shona traditions of present day Zimbabwe are characterised by strong belief systems (Tatira, 2014; Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). When the missionaries arrived in the 19th century, they ignored the fact that the Shona people had their own strong beliefs that were an integral and intrinsic part of their natural existence. On the contrary, rather, missionaries deliberately chose to propagate their own western Christian beliefs on local inhabitants (Tatira, 2014). The departure from the Shona natural belief systems and the assimilation of western beliefs marked the beginning of western influence and preferences that have been culturally entrenched and systematically held as true and noble in the 21st century by most Africans (Tatira, 2014). This long held view and belief is far from the perceived truth and reality of African belief systems and natural identity (Biko, 1973). Beach (1986) argues that despite the detailed and documented history of the Shona people and their accomplishments, they did not seem to have a name to identify themselves as an ethnic group. Beach (1986, p. 14) states that “until the twentieth century Shona speakers had no common name for themselves. Most of them used terms like “Shawasha”, “Hera”, “Duma” for their local groups and found them perfectly adequate in local politics. In the eighteenth century, more general terms like “Zezuru” or “Ndau” were beginning to come into use, but they were by no means generally accepted by 1900. The spread and acceptance of those terms came as a result of missionary influence…the word ‘Shona’ was first used by the Ndebele in the 1830’s, to refer to the Rozvi, and was gradually applied by Europeans in the nineteenth century to Shona speakers as a whole”. Samkange (1973) highlights that regardless of the origin of their name; this Bantu group (Shona) of people had a proud history and cultural tradition. Samkange (1973, p. 6) says “they are people with long deep roots, a people with a distinct civilisation”. Beach (1986, p. 8) supports this view adding “they also engaged in economic production including mining, hunting, trading, manufacturing, fishing and gathering”. Stan Mudenge, a Zimbabwean Historian came up with the name ‘Karanga’ as the historic name for most of the people known today as the Shona people of Zimbabwe (Sitshebo, 2000). The term ‘Shona’ is now accepted and used (Sitshebo, 2000). It gives credence to their use of the word ‘chiKaranga’ to refer and reference to their customary rituals. Kuper et al (1954) argue that the term ‘Shona’ takes care of six 16 dialect groups in modern day Zimbabwe ethnic dynamics. These dialects are Kalanga, Karanga, Kore Kore, Manyika, Ndau and Zezuru. Samkange (1973, p. 3) reveals that “these are the bearers of the Shona culture which once flourished between the Zambezi and Limpopo rivers, stretching eastwards as far as the sea”. Sitshebo (2000) agrees with Samkange highlighting that these six dialects making up Shona ethnicity share similar views relating to the departed and the living although individual variations are evident in their actual cultural observances and practices in reality. Ngara and Porath (2004) also concur that the term Shona is common in six major dialects with a common standard orthography. These dialects are Zezuru, Karanga, Manyika, Kore Kore, Budya and Ndau. Kalanga though a Shona dialect from Karanga with marginal linguistic influences of Ndebele language is left out of the Shona syllabus due to a mere historical technicality (Ngara and Porath, 2004). The Shona and the greater Bantu people believe that communities consist of the unborn, the living and the dead (Sithebo, 2000). This tripartite relationship of the unborn, the living and the departed is elaborated quite strongly by Ramose (2009) writing on African culture. The Shona Traditional Religion is seen and experienced as a living, organic religion (Sithebo, 2000; Mhaka, 2014). It exists with the people. It permeates the whole social life of a traditional Shona person (Sithebo, 2000). Gehman (1989, p. 18) argues that “It is the total traditional world view with all the values and beliefs”. Bahemuka (1986, p. 2) says “African Traditional Religion is ontological in both its nature and outlook. It permeates traditional being in its wholeness vis-a-vis environment, attitude towards life, values and self-awareness”. Africans are deeply religious and their religious convictions permeate every aspect of their existence (April, Makgoba and Forster, 2018). Sitshebo (2000) asserts that African Traditional Religion influence goes beyond the grave. The Shona religion is traditional. It is passed on from generation to generation. It has shaped and has been shaped by society through the ages. It is communally owned (Sitshebo, 2000; Tatira, 2014). The belief in ancestors is a strong part of the Shona traditional belief system (Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014). The Shona ethnic people believe that there is one God. They give different titles to God. Some of these names are Mwari (God), Musikavanhu (The Creator of human beings), Nyadenga (The Owner of skies or one who resides in the sky), Mutangakugara (The One who originated before anyone else) and Chirozvamavi (The One who blesses and withholds blessings) (Mhaka, 2014). The belief in ancestors or ancestral belief system of the Shona people is summarised by Tatira (2010, p. 37) saying “contrary to all these views, (that Shona worship animals, plants and other objects) the Shona people view Mwari (God) as someone who is up there and one who 17 is very senior, as a result He should not be bothered with less important issues. The Shona believe that they can communicate with God through their ancestral spirits. According to their belief, it is improper to by-pass the ancestral spirits, and communicate directly with God. In fact, like the Asante ethnic group of Ghana (Boaduo, 2011) believe that such an address will be disrespect and ignored by God”. For the Shona cultural tradition and practice, God is approached through the ancestral spirits. Approaching God outside the intercession of the ancestral spirits is viewed as improper and disrespectful (Ndlovu, 2019; Tatira, 2014). Ancestral spirits are believed to be the guardians and intercessors of the people with God. The Shona believe that ancestral spirits are territorial spirits which guard the whole community (Mhaka, 2014). These spirits are communicated to through the chiefs who are responsible for a particular locality or community. It is believed by the Shona ethnic culture that when ancestral spirits are offended, they are believed to possess the powers to punish the community through droughts and diseases (Tatira, 2014). The Shona people believe that the chief of a local community is the chief priest of the ancestral spirit. The chief ensures that there is peace and harmony in the community. Issues such as sexual incest, bestiality, senseless killing and other bizarre cultural acts are avoided in the community. Allowing these acts attracts the wrath and punishment of ancestral spirits to the local inhabitants (Tatira, 2014). The Shona believe that the supernatural punishment by ancestral spirits glues people together in communities. It glues people to live in peace and harmony with each other (Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014). Any acts of bizarre cultural misconduct within a community urgently calls upon the local chief to find the culprits and single them out. Misconduct may include acts such as murder and incest. After identifying the culprits, the chief has the responsibility of publicly punishing the offender for their misdeeds before facilitating a cleansing ritual to appease the ancestral spirits. The ancestral spirits are appeased to protect the community from their anger and vengeance (Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014). Apart from territorial ancestral spirits that guard communities, the Shona traditional culture believes in family ancestral spirits (Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014). These are ancestral spirits that are believed to guard the lives of a particular family. They are focused on a specific family and its genealogy. Family ancestral spirits possess the same powers as territorial ancestral spirits and can punish errant family members (Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014). It is the Shona cultural belief that when a family member dies, it is not the end of life and his or her influence. Rather, the departed are transformed into an ancestral spirit and join the family lineage in the 18 spiritual realm (Mhaka, 2014; Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014; Tatira, 2014). A cultural ceremony known as home coming (kurova guva) is practiced by the Shona people a year after a family member has passed on. The belief that a family member’s spirit has to be brought back home after sojourning in the wilderness after death is strong among the Shona culture (Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014). The spirit is brought back to be part of the family ancestry. There is a ritual ceremony that is conducted to mark the returning home of a departed family member. This practice is undertaken to try to keep in check all family members and protect the living from the vengeance of the departed while in the wilderness (Mhaka, 2014). The family spirits listen to the most senior member of the family. This senior member of the family is believed to be the priest of the family (Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014). This hierarchal structure is a social control mechanism that keeps the young and adventurous in check. It implores upon the young to respect and look after the elderly as failure to do so attracts misfortune from the family spirits (Tatira, 2014). The fear of misfortune if the young fail in their duty to look after their parents and elderly is a belief system that is also prevalent among the Ghanaian culture and migrant workers in Israel (Sabar, 2010). The belief in avenging spirits is prevalent in the Shona traditional culture (Mhaka, 2014). Avenging spirits are known as ngozi in Shona culture. The Shona believe that if someone in the community is innocently murdered, that victim will fight back as an avenging spirit (Mhaka, 2014). The avenging spirit will go on a rampage killing all the blood relatives of the offender and kills the offender as the last person. This traumatic experience is meant to show the anger of the departed. The avenging spirits belief moderates and controls the Shona from committing murder due to the devastating consequences on other innocent family members. To avoid this torture, the Shona believe in appeasing the avenging spirit as a way to safeguard the living from the power and wrath of the departed (Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014). Indigenous religion plays an important role in the lives of many African Zimbabweans (Ndlovu, 2019). To argue this point, before traveling, some African Zimbabweans pour traditional snuff or tobacco on the ground as a way of asking ancestors to look after them (Ndlovu, 2019). Ancestors are referred to as the ones who live below (varipasi) and although they departed earthly existence long ago, they are believed to continue to guide and influence the lives of the living (Ndlovu, 2019). In indigenous religion, when elders pass on, they are brought back home as spirits and continue to live as guardians of the home (Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014; Ndlovu, 2019). Indigenous people believe in life after death as a strong and enduring 19 belief system of not only the Karanga but covers all other dialects of the Shona ethnic people (Ndlovu, 2019). The Karanga and broader Shona dialects believe that there is a community of the living dead who continue to watch and protect the living (Mhaka, 2014; Ndlovu, 2019). The living are always reminded to honour those who died long back and failure to honour the ancestors has negative consequences at both individual and family levels (Ndlovu, 2019). The belief in eternity is seen in various symbols in the Karanga African culture and religion. The Ndoro (spiral symbol) signifies that life does not end but continues to the next phase after physical death (Ndlovu, 2019). The Ndoro (spiral symbol) used to be worn by Shona chiefs as a symbol of authority. The Shona worship God through spirit mediums (Ndlovu, 2019). Spirit mediums communicate with ancestors and then pass on the information to the living. The belief in spirit mediums is an integral part of the Shona cultural heritage (Ndlovu, 2019). Believers in African religion communicate with ancestors through a number of traditional ceremonies and rituals. This communication is a bold reminder that Africans believe in the existence of a community of ancestors who continue to live and watch over events of those among the living (Tatira, 2014; Ndlovu, 2019). Traditional ceremonies are part and parcel of life in African religion (Ndlovu, 2019). Rituals are facilitated and conducted to cleanse families and communities. The conduct of rituals is informed by the belief that people occasionally make mistakes that offend ancestors and God. These mistakes may include acts of murder, adultery, disrespecting sacred places and so on which anger the ancestors. For peace and harmony to exist and to avoid misfortune triggered by angry ancestors, rituals are conducted as peaceful gestures (Ndlovu, 2019). Community rituals are also performed to appease family and tribal ancestors so that they forgive the community and continue to protect the land and give it good rains and harvests. In African cultural existence, rituals are conducted at family and community levels (Ndlovu, 2019). Rituals are usually conducted under a Muchakata tree. It is also known as Muhacha, Muvhula or Umkhuna tree (Ndlovu, 2019). Rituals can also be conducted at the shrine of a leading spirit medium who communicates with ancestors and advises the community of all the things that must be done to maintain peace and harmony between the living and the departed and amongst the living themselves (Ndlovu, 2019). In African tradition and existence, the land belongs to ancestors and it must be cleansed of bad spirits and other bad things that people have done on it for peace and good harvests (Ndlovu, 2019). 20 Linked to cleansing ceremonies in African religion is the bira rekukumbira mvura (rain asking ceremony). It is also known as Mukwerera, Gungano la u humbela mvula or Umkhosi wokucela amanzi (Ndlovu, 2019). This ceremony usually takes place in September every year before the beginning of the rainy season. Rituals to purify or cleanse the land are usually performed around this time in Shona cultural tradition. This ceremony is organised by chiefs working with Mhondoro also known as Midzimu Mikuru or Amadlozi Amakhulu which are national guardian spirit mediums that look after the entire nation (Ndlovu, 2019). Everyone attends the rain asking ceremony and it usually takes up to 5 days marked by singing, dancing, beer drinking and rituals. After harvesting, chiefs and village headmen organise community thanksgiving ceremonies to thank ancestors and God for life, rain and protection. Thanks giving ceremonies are held in sacred shrines such as the Njelele shrine or well known shrines of spirit mediums dotted around Zimbabwe (Ndlovu, 2019). Mandova and Chingombe (2013) argue that Unhu (humaneness) is a Shona word which is Ubuntu in Nguni. The concept of Unhu (humaneness) in Zimbabwe is similar to that of other African cultures. Unhu (humaneness) in Karanga tradition is a social philosophy which embodies virtues that celebrate mutual social responsibility, mutual assistance, trust, sharing, unselfishness, self-reliance, caring and respect for others among other ethical values (Mandova and Chingombe, 2013). Unhu (humaneness) therefore means those behavioural traits and patterns that are acceptable to the Shona people. It therefore follows that there are some behavioural traits and patterns that are unacceptable to the Shona people. In Shona culture, not all people are vanhu (human beings) (Mandova and Chingombe, 2013). A person has to meet certain obligations regarded and considered as good to be referred as munhu (human being). It is based on the Shona worldview. Unhu (humaneness) as seen by the Shona tradition is the school of life. It generates ethos that inform, govern and direct Shona people’s institutions socially, economically, politically and religiously (Mandova and Chingombe, 2013). Unhu (humaneness) regulates, informs and directs the action and approach to life and its challenges. It sets the premium on human behaviour and relations and is a product of the Shona cultural experiences derived from their cultural heritage (Mandova and Chingombe, 2013). The traditional Shona society celebrates co-operation and discourages individualism. Social relationships exist between and among people and their natural environment. This relationship extends to spiritual forces (Mandova and Chingombe, 2013; Ndlovu, 2019). The maintenance of African social relationships is through ethos such 21 as reciprocity, participation, harmony and hospitality. This predisposition gives credence to the argument that the African social philosophy is basically communal (Mandova and Chingombe, 2013). The traditional Shona society celebrates connectedness and cohesion. The African society does not elevate the individual. The individual is not seen as solitary and unbound and this is an important cultural philosophy of the Shona people (Mhaka, 2014). It is the spirit of communal fellowship and solidarity that is celebrated by Shona culture (Mandova and Chingombe, 2013). A fragmented stance is perceived as subverting the possibility of positive participation and contribution and the Shona belief that fragmentation of society is detrimental to the realisation of societal goals (Mandova and Chingombe, 2013). The Shona tradition believes strongly in the Dare concept. This is the chief’s governance framework and structure that deals with disputes and societal matters through his council of elders. Dare according to Mandova and Chingombe (2013) is a platform for dialogue in Shona culture. Dialogue is a fundamental aspect of Shona culture and an instrument for national development and progress (Mandova and Chingombe, 2013). Ramose (1999) attests that the concept of a king with absolute power is odd to traditional African constitutional thought. A chief’s orders derive their significance and authority in that before they are issued out, there would have been discussed and agreed upon between the chief and his council of elders. It allows for different voices and different views to be heard and shared collectively. The chief is assisted by his council of elders to make decisions and these elders are held in esteem as repositories of African culture, history and traditions and the legitimate representatives of the people (Mandova and Chingombe, 2013). By looking closely and interrogating the Shona cultural beliefs, Makaudze and Gudhlanga (2014) argue that Shona beliefs and religion are not superstitious. Shona beliefs and religion is real and authentic. It performs real and tangible activities in people’s lives and provides solutions to people’s problems. The passing into reality of any foretold word through African religious mediums such as ancestral spirits, diviners or n’angas reflects the truth of the Shona religion and its significance. This position is contrary to the accounts given by western scholars (Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014). This argument is summarised by Boaduo and Gumbi (2010, p. 47) stating “Western intellectuals always look for what is wrong or lacking in Africa. Such scholars go into libraries and look for all the negatives to advance Eurocentric tendencies. Here we challenge African people to reclaim their powers to redefine and rename themselves, the power to speak their own special truth and ultimately, the power to call forth and create a 22 better future for themselves and future generations. We also argue that it is time for African people to reject the use of derogatory and disempowering terminology in reference to African life and culture and therefore, find their own terminologies that can recognise their worth and contribution to the advancement of humanity”. It can be argued that Mumvuri is an African socio-cultural practice and belief system of the Shona people predominantly the Karanga ethnic culture found in modern day Zimbabwe. It is closely related to the belief in ancestral spirits and the continued communion between the departed and the living. The departed in Karanga tradition and culture are believed to possess immense power to influence the lives of those still in their earthly existence. It is the belief in ancestral spirits that informs and controls the behaviour of those still in bodily existence on matters regarding the departed. The dreaded power of the departed necessitates the cultural practice of homecoming as a Karanga belief system as something that is significant culturally and socially. The next section of the thesis explores the manifestations of Mumvuri and the social and cultural significance of these manifestations in Karanga tradition. 2.1.3 Manifestations of Mumvuri Mumvuri advocates that a corpse that has a lingering and hovering shadow is not buried until the reasons of why the hovering shadow exists are established (Mbigi and Maree, 2005). Mhaka (2014, p. 378) articulates that “if a shadow is seen in the hut where the deceased is lying in state, burial of the deceased should not take place until the shadow disappears lest the deceased’s spirit comes back to trouble the living”. Once the reasons are found out and addressed can the hovering shadow then disperse and burial can take place (Mbigi and Maree, 2005; Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014). In African culture and religion, burying a corpse with a lingering and hovering shadow is bad omen and is a taboo (Mhaka, 2014; Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). According to the Karanga ethnic culture, Mumvuri symbolizes negative feelings (Mbigi and Maree, 2005; Mhaka, 2014). These negative feelings can be those of guilt, bitterness, fear and anger (Mbigi and Maree, 2005). It appears to be an engraved belief in the Karanga tradition that a corpse that has a hovering shadow represents the negative feelings that the departed has that need to be addressed before he or she can transcend into the spiritual and ancestral lineage (Mhaka, 2014; Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014). There are traditional rituals that are conducted as part of the investigation process. It is during these rituals that the departed spirit expresses their negative feelings and the kind of compensation that he or she desires as 23 appeasement. Some of the common appeasement gestures include the slaughtering of a cow or the brewing and drinking of traditional beer (Mhaka, 2014). There is contestation as to the description of the hovering shadow that manifests itself on the corpse of the departed. Some scholars make a distinction between the shadows. There are those who say the shadow is black and some who say it is white (Sitshebo, 2000; Mhaka, 2014). It is argued that the black shadow is the one which is seen every day and disappears when a person dies. The white shadow is not usually visible. It is not an everyday occurrence. The white shadow is the one that becomes an ancestral spirit or mudzimu. The white shadow is supposed to disappear soon after someone’s death. If it does not disappear and appears on the wall of the hut where the deceased in lying, it is a sign that the deceased is restless. He or she will have issues that need to be addressed (Mhaka, 2014). Sitshebo (2000) reveals that oral tradition holds that the shadow of a dissatisfied male is seen in a standing position while that of a woman is seen in a lying position. The Karanga believe that a restless spirit is angry and dangerous (Mhaka, 2014). They try to cool the restless spirit through rituals. Bourdillon (1976, p. 204 – 205) analyses the cooling concept of the restless spirit as follows ‘at death, a new spirit with its appropriate superior powers enters the conceptual world of the community. Nobody knows quite how the spirit will react to its new environment nor what secret, grudge the deceased might have harboured before his death, which explains the necessity of keeping the spirit “cool” and of discouraging it from returning to the homestead. In the Shona idiom, as in English, the concept of ‘coolness’ carries overtones of calm, placid peacefulness; the opposite of ‘cool’ is “hot, much as the concept is used in the English expression, ‘hot tempered”. Mbiti (1970, p. 257) explains that “it is the general feeling that if the dead are not properly buried they may take revenge upon the living or remain unpeaceful in the land of the departed”. The Karanga in whose ethnic culture Mumvuri (the Shadow on the Corpse Belief System) originates believe that the anger of a deceased spirit soon after death can be calmed through rituals (Mhaka, 2014). According to Mbiti (1975), a ritual or a rite is a prescribed way of conducting a religious act or ceremony. Mbiti (1975) identifies six various types of rites in African religion. These include personal rituals, agricultural rituals, health rituals, homestead rituals, professional rituals and festival rituals. Rituals have a sacred element or side attached to them (Adler cited in Schmidt, 1980). Rituals constitute the language of religion. Rituals bring into being the invisible and unseen into the daily life existence (Alder cited in Schmidt, 1980). Rituals including death rituals appear to be important in understanding a people’s religious and philosophical orientation of life (Alder cited in Schmidt, 1980). 24 In order to discourage the restless departed spirit from harming the living, two seeds or masoso are placed in the grave one above the head and one below the feet. Grass from watery places is placed in the grave to cool the spirit. Water is sprinkled soon after burial on the new grave as a way of cooling the spirit. To calm the anger of the departed, a goat is sacrificed. This goat is known as mbudzi yeshungu or loosely translated as the goat of anger (Mhaka, 2014). The meat of the goat is roasted as a gesture to ensure that the departed’s anger is calmed and all the meat of the goat of anger is consumed on the same day including the bones. All the food has to be eaten as one of the rules of this cultural ritual (Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014). The departed spirit is feared by the Karanga ethnic culture as it is believed to possess power to cause misfortune to the living. It is believed to cause unusual and mysterious occurrences such as causing a sting of bees to harm people at the funeral. It is believed to emit excessive odour of the corpse or to increase abnormally the weight of the departed in the coffin such that no one can lift it for burial. It is also believed to cause the corpse to expand such that it cannot fit through the door (Mhaka, 2014). If the death wish of the departed was to be buried in a particular place and this is ignored, this is considered a taboo. The departed, it is believed, will make it difficult to transport the corpse to that final resting place that is against their stated wish when alive. It may be difficult to dig the grave and those digging it may encounter numerous challenges such as rocks, roots or water seeping into the grave. The Karanga believe that death equips the departed with more powers than the living (Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014; Mhaka, 2014). This belief may explain why Karanga culture attaches importance to Mumvuri as a natural practice and way of life. It may seem to explain their behaviours and conduct in undertaking rituals to address the negative feelings of the departed before burying them. A taboo is something that is sacred and dangerous. It is something that is avoided (Mhaka, 2014). Taboos among the Akan people of Ghana are associated with supernatural beings (Gyekye, 1987). Taboos are associated with a people’s metaphysical ideas (Mhaka, 2014). For Steiner (1956) taboos are all those situations in which attitude to values is expressed in terms of danger behaviours. Taboos are enshrined values of a society. The Karanga people believe in life after death (Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014; Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2014). It is a belief of the Karanga that the departed continue to live as ancestors. As ancestors, the departed continue to commune with the living giving them instructions and warnings (Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014). The rituals and taboos of the Karanga culture seem to give credence to their belief that the 25 soul of the departed embarks on a journey soon after death. This journey has to be sojourned by a restful and peaceful spirit. It has to be commenced by a departed spirit without a shadow as it is an initiation into the community of the long departed. It is believed that the long departed occupy a custodianship role over the living and the unborn. Banana (1991, p. 27) captures the essence of this belief stating “Life is an endless enterprise, death is not death; it is a vehicle from the ontology of visible beings to the ontology of invisible beings. Death is part of life, it is a gateway to eternity, it’s a gateway to life in the hereafter”. Death is argued to be a part of the natural rhythm of life. The underlying philosophical idea that is expressed is that life continues after death. Death is seen as a departure and not the end of life. This deep thinking and view of the world is reflected in the following Karanga terms: Watisiya (he has left us), watsakatika (he has disappeared), watungamira (he has gone ahead of us), waenda (he has gone) and wazorora (he has rested) (Mhaka, 2014). The ancestors are believed to communicate what they want to the living through various ways. One of these ways is to cause a family member to be sick. The other way is speaking through a spirit medium or svikiro whom ancestors can possess and say what they expect the living to do (Makaudze and Gudhlanga, 2014). The ancestral spirits are regarded by the Karanga as the torch bearers of society. Ancestors give direction and solve conflicts of the living. Disobedience to ancestors usually attracts their wrath in disastrous proportions to the living communities (Gudhlanga, 2011). 2.1.4 Similar Shona beliefs and practices to Mumvuri Culture is defined as those learned beliefs, values, rules, norms and traditions that are held together by the generality of a people (Schein, 2004). “Culture is taken to mean whatever a person must know in order to function in a particular society” (Wardhaugh, 1998, p. 215). In this case, culture refers to common learned values, beliefs, norms and traditions of the Karanga people found in modern day Zimbabwe (Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). Carpenter, Barrier and Erdogen (2010) argue that culture is composed of a mixture of visible and non visible aspects. These aspects may be visible to a person’s own conscious awareness or invisible to their conscious awareness. Culture exhibits itself at three levels (Schein, 2004). These levels are the artefacts level, the espoused beliefs and values level and lastly the basic or underlying assumptions level. The first level of artefacts is the surface level. Artefacts are visible things, visible objects that are seen, touched and understood by people. These can include buildings, language, dress code, ornaments and technology. Below the surface is the second level of beliefs and values. Espoused 26 beliefs and values operate at the conscious level and may not be visible. Beliefs and values influence how individuals and people behave and conduct themselves. Basic or underlying assumptions expose how individuals think and act in a certain way or manner that is different and unique to a particular setting or cultural identity. Basic or underlying assumptions are difficult to change as these are entrenched and deep rooted (Schein, 2004). Using these three levels of categorisation by Schein (2004), Shona cultural beliefs and practices operate under the basic or underlying assumptions. The reasons for this view are discussed below. The Karanga culture shares similar cultural beliefs and practices with Mumvuri (the Shadow on the Corpse Belief System). Some of the dominant beliefs that make up Karanga culture include the belief in witchcraft, the belief in ancestral spirits, the belief in the importance of the extended family, the belief in polygamous marriages and the belief in collectivism (Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). Some of the social and cultural practices that are religiously observed in Shona culture include roora or lobola (traditional marriage ceremony), magadziro or kurova guva (homecoming ritual ritual), nhimbe (the pulling of implements, labour, skill sets and other resources for planting and ploughing the land), zunde ramambo (collectivism in building the chief’s grain reserve for the community’s sustenance in droughts or famine seasons), dare ramambo (the traditional chief’s court and counsel), vana tete and sekuru’s counsel (the role of aunts and uncles in the African set up) in solving family disputes and keeping families together), chisi (a sacred day) that is designated by the chief where no work is carried out in the whole village or community among other practices (Tatira, 2010; Mhaka, 2014; Tatira, 2010; Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). The cultural belief in witchcraft has endured over time in the Karanga culture. This is a belief which presupposes that Africans use sorcery or black magic to cast a spell on someone, their family, harvest or wealth (Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). This spell usually has negative effects on the fortunes and success of the recipient of the black magic. Witchcraft is believed to come as a result of rivalry for resources, envy for someone’s wealth, success, wives or agricultural harvests between individuals, families and communities. The belief in witchcraft is strong in the Karanga culture and it influences how individuals, families and groups relate to one another (Mhaka, 2014). Even in the workplace, employees may not trust each other due to the suspicion of witchcraft and this influences their behaviour and conduct towards each other (Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). Such witchcraft fears are exhibited by some employees not willing to eat and share food in the staff canteen, some locking their offices all the time they go out even on small errands within the 27 company’s vicinity and some employees not willing to share chairs or sit in certain staff chairs. These few examples in organisations express and demonstrate the influence of basic underlying assumptions of employee’s beliefs on their behaviour and actions. This conduct occurs naturally and is deep rooted in the conscious mind of the participants (Schein, 2014). In their study of small to medium companies in Zimbabwe, Zinyemba and Machingambi (2014) discovered that some African businesses engaged in ritual killings of children and wives as a belief and practice that such ritual acts enhances the fortunes of their businesses. This phenomenon used to be prevalent and strong in the past soon after Zimbabwe gained its independence in 1980 (Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). Over the subsequent years, the practice has been eroded and is shunned by the community. In corporate organisations, employees do not trust each other due to suspicions of witchcraft. Witchcraft is believed to affect the work performance of the individual and the prosperity of business in the long run (Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). The relevance of bringing up the issues of ritual killings and witchcraft is to unearth the deeper significance of African beliefs and how these permeate across African social, political, religious and economic facets of life. African beliefs influence and moderate behaviour and the interactions between individuals and communities. The belief in the role of ancestral spirits in the life and general existence of the Karanga people is evident in their cultural practices and rituals such as kurova guva or magadziro (the homecoming ritual) or ngozi (avenging spirit appeasement ritual). In the homecoming ritual, the spirit of the departed is assumed to be returned home back into the family through a ritual ceremony conducted at the grave of the departed. A procession is undertaken whereby the spirit of the departed is believed to be taken from the grave into the home. It is believed that the spirit will come back to protect and superintend over family members who are still in their bodily life existence. There exists a strong bond between the departed and the living anchored in the Shona cultural belief that the spirit of the departed does not die but continues to exist in a different form (Mhaka, 2014). It is the belief in ancestral spirits that necessitates individuals, families and communities to always appease the departed so as to guard themselves from their wrath. It is a Karanga cultural believe that ancestral spirits that are at peace bring good fortune, bumper harvests, rain and prosperity in families and communities. Bitter and restless ancestral spirits bring misfortune, famine, conflict, wars, death and calamities on families and communities (Tatira, 2010; Mhaka, 2014). 28 The belief in extended families is another aspect of Karanga culture. This belief is different from the western categorisation of the family unit which is nuclear in nature. For the Karanga and other dialects of the broader Shona culture, a family embodies brothers, sisters, wives and the off spring of sisters together with one own’s wife and children (Ndlovu, 2019). It is broader and more inclusive compared to the western categorisation of the family. It extends to all those who are related to a person through the sharing of similar totems. Totems are animal symbols that distinguish one clan from another along blood lines. Totems are cultural identification symbols in African communities that follow the behavioural characteristics of wild animals found in nature. A totem is a symbol of identity and power (Ndlovu, 2019). Clans in Shona tradition believe that adopting the characteristics or behaviour of their specific totems will enable them to rule over clans and continue to survive (Ndlovu, 2019). Some of the totems include nzou (elephant), shumba (lion), gudo (monkey), mbeva (mouse) and many others. It extends to cover body organs such as moyo (the heart), gumbo (the leg) and others. These identity symbols assist to distinguish people of one clan or lineage from the other. The use of totems is strictly observed in the Karanga and broader Shona African culture and opens access to resources and collaboration between communities (Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014; Ndlovu, 2019). People who belong to the Ndlovu, Nzou or Zhou (elephant) totem are found across different tribes such as the Tonga, Karanga, Ndebele and Remba (Ndlovu, 2019). The totem symbolises big stature, power and the destroying force seen in the elephant as an animal (Ndlovu, 2019). Another totem is Mpofu, Mhofu or Pofu (Eland). People who share this totem demonstrate hard work, are great hunters and very brave warriors. The Shumba or Sibanda totem (lion) is another identity symbol of a people in Shona culture. Those of the Shumba or Sibanda totem are believed to exhibit strong qualities similar to a lion and possess power in all their engagements (Ndlovu, 2019). The Tsoko, Shoko or Ncube (monkey) totem demonstrate behavioural qualities of a monkey such as intelligence and swiftness in all their interactions. The Duve, Dhuve or Dube (Zebra) totem are smart, proud and prefer to be alone (Ndlovu, 2019). Totems gave identity to indigenous clans and helped to avoid inter marriages between and among relatives. The use of totems as symbols of identity is still being practiced in the modern Shona ethnic culture (Ndlovu, 2019). The belief in polygamous marriages is another belief system that characterise the Karanga culture. It is common to find a man marrying multiple wives in the Karanga culture. There is belief that having many wives builds communities and nations. The 29 children that are born out of these polygamous marriages look after each other as a collective and assist with farming and household chores (Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). It is important to bring out that the belief in polygamy is slowing fading away due to the influence of Christian beliefs that promote the principle of one man, one wife. The Christian marriage set up is given divine status in society and celebrated as ideal and good while polygamy is shunned and viewed as backward and bad (Mhaka, 2014, Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). Closely linked to the belief in polygamous marriages is the belief in collectivism. The Karanga culture believes that people need each other to survive. There is interconnectedness and the pulling of resources as families and as communities. A person, family or community that does not share in the ethos of collectivism is shunned upon and labelled as social outcasts. In extreme cases, these are labelled as ‘witches’ (Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). The belief in collectivism versus the notion of individualism is expressed in Shona cultural idioms which include ‘chara chimwe hachitswani inda kana kuti rumwe rimwe harikombi churu’ (a single finger cannot sting a fly or to say, a single man cannot complete a task alone, he needs others), chisi hachieri musi yacharimwa (evil does not expose its ugly head there and then but it takes time to be exposed) among other cultural idioms and ideas that express the value and importance of team work, co-operation and harnessing of collective efforts in the African social and cultural context (Gudhlanga, 2011). To institutionalise these African beliefs, there are social and cultural practices that are conducted by the Karanga and Shona people broadly. These include roora (traditional marriage ceremony) where two families are joined together socially and culturally. The marriages are recognised as legitimate unions. Unions that are not culturally joined together are socially frowned at and despised in the community. This stigmatisation and marginalisation extends to the offspring of the socially illegitimate union (Zinyemba and Machingambi, 2014). The ritual practice of kurova guva or magadziro (homecoming ritual) whereby the spirit of the departed is culturally returned home from the grave is observed and practiced in Shona culture including Karanga traditions. This practice reflects the deep belief that there is life after death and that the spirit of the departed continues to exist even when the body has been buried. It is believed in Karanga culture that the departed come to protect and warn the living of any impending danger to their existence and must be listened to. Failure to listen and take heed has disastrous consequences on individuals, families and communities (Mhaka, 2014). 30 The belief in collectivism is expressed in the social practices of nhimbe (co-operative team working a