i Exploring the Personal, Relational and Communal Role of Religion in Diepsloot by Brenton Stephen Thornton 1348542 Department of Psychology, University of the Witwatersrand PSYC7015A: Research Report Supervisor: Associate Professor Tanya Graham 08 June 2023 ii Plagiarism Declaration Declaration I, Brenton Stephen Thornton, declare that this research is my own unaided work. It is being submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Community- based Counselling at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. It has not been submitted before for any degree or examination at any other university. ________________ Brenton Stephen Thornton The 28th day of May 2023 in Linmeyer iii Acknowledgements I would like to start by thanking Prof Tanya Graham for all the help she has given me over this time as my research supervisor. You let me hold true to my style, values, and interests in this field of research and knowledge production. Thank you for pushing me with appropriate deadlines and thank you for understanding my needs throughout this process. Without this help, I would have struggled immensely. To my loving parents, thank you so much for emotionally and practically supporting me throughout this challenging yet rewarding journey I have pursued. You both allowed me to do what needed to be done with so much understanding, and for that I am so grateful. Specifically, I have the utmost appreciation to my darling mother, who has helped so much in keeping me sane throughout this journey. Thank you for being my rock. To my family and friends that have been by my side over this journey, thank you for listening, caring, and understanding my challenges over this time. You helped to keep my life balanced, and I cannot thank you enough. To my participants, I have you to thank for letting me in, and teaching me of your experiences; I never thought I could learn and grow this much, and I have you to thank for this. Being an outsider, I knew there was a risk of being pushed away, and you came with an open heart and an open mind. I hope that in some ways I have contributed towards making your voices louder. iv Abstract South Africa has a populace that perpetuates diversity in every demographic group. Although there are peaceful aspects to this diversity, there are also conflicts that have been shown historically and contemporaneously. Township communities in South Africa have experienced a particular development over time, due to aspects such as racial discrimination from Apartheid. Religion within this context was explored due to its diverse and consistent presence within South African township communities. Diepsloot is a township with particularly high levels of psychosocial struggles. To understand if religion adversely affects or alleviates these issues, this study examined the role and function of religion in this community. Religious experiences, roles, and the meaning of religion as a meaning making system were explored using a hermeneutic, phenomenological approach in the marginalised township community of Diepsloot. The specific analysis employed was Interpretative Qualitative Analysis (IPA). Data were collected using qualitative, semi-structured interviews with 12 participants. The core theoretical areas of this study that were discussed was attachment theory and social identity theory in the context of religion; while ecological systems theory was also applied but used as a contextual tool to understand and organise the themes for each structural, ecological level of the social environment of Diepsloot. Qualitative findings suggested that there were four main themes of this study; The Personal Relationship with Religion and God, Internal and Interpersonal Religious Conflict, Discrimination Based on Different Beliefs, and Diepsloot Factors Contributing to the Disconnected Community. Within these results and discussion of this paper, religion was shown as a factor that significantly impacts the perceptions, feelings, and behaviours towards the self on a personal level, and others on an interpersonal and communal level. Religion therefore has a significant part to play in social settings, and it is recommended that more studies exploring the phenomenon of religion be explored qualitatively to contribute further to the subjective understanding of the psychology of research within such contexts. Keywords: Religion, Religious Experience, Psychology of Religion, Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis, Qualitative, Attachment Theory, Ecological Systems Theory, Social Identity Theory v List of Abbreviations IPA – Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis PoR – Psychology of Religion RSA - Republic of South Africa Yrs - Years ZCC - Zionist Christian Church vi Table of Contents Plagiarism Declaration ........................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements................................................................................................................................ iii Abstract .................................................................................................................................................. iv List of Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................... v Table of Contents .................................................................................................................................. vi Chapter One: Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 1 Focus of this Study ............................................................................................................................. 1 Reflexive Preface ............................................................................................................................... 2 Aims .................................................................................................................................................... 4 Rationale for the Study ...................................................................................................................... 4 Structure of the Report ....................................................................................................................... 6 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................................... 7 Chapter Two: Literature Review ............................................................................................................ 8 Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 8 The Origins of the Psychology of Religion ........................................................................................ 8 The Development of PoR over the 20th Century .............................................................................. 9 The Contemporary Development of PoR ....................................................................................... 11 A Paradigm for PoR ......................................................................................................................... 12 Conceptual Framework ................................................................................................................... 12 Substantive Approach ................................................................................................................. 13 Functional Approach .................................................................................................................... 14 vii Theoretical Framework .................................................................................................................... 15 Overview of Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................... 15 Ecological Systems Theory ......................................................................................................... 16 Attachment Theory ...................................................................................................................... 19 Social Identity Theory .................................................................................................................. 23 The Existing Global Research on PoR ........................................................................................... 24 Existing Quantitative Research on Religion ............................................................................... 25 Existing Qualitative Research on Religion .................................................................................. 26 Gaps in General, Attachment Theory and SIT Global PoR Research ..................................... 30 Religion in the South African Context ............................................................................................. 32 The Research Gap in South African Studies ................................................................................. 35 Religion in the Context of Diepsloot ................................................................................................ 36 Specific Diepsloot Research and the Gap ...................................................................................... 40 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................ 41 Chapter Three: Research Method ...................................................................................................... 43 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 43 Research Questions ........................................................................................................................ 43 Research Design ............................................................................................................................. 43 Sampling of Participants .................................................................................................................. 44 Sampling Method ............................................................................................................................. 45 Data Collection Tool ......................................................................................................................... 45 Procedures of Data Collection ......................................................................................................... 47 Data Analysis ................................................................................................................................... 48 viii Establishing Quality .......................................................................................................................... 49 Ethical Considerations ..................................................................................................................... 51 Ethical Clearance ......................................................................................................................... 52 Participant Selection and Conflict of Interest .............................................................................. 52 Informed Consent and Non-Deception....................................................................................... 52 Confidentiality and Safety ............................................................................................................ 53 Right to Withdraw ......................................................................................................................... 53 Debriefing and Managing Issues Arising Post-Interview ........................................................... 53 Reflexivity.......................................................................................................................................... 54 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................ 56 Chapter 4: Findings and Discussion ................................................................................................... 58 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 58 Theme 1: The Personal Relationship with Religion and God ....................................................... 59 The Relationship and View of God and Religion ....................................................................... 60 God and Religion as an Instrument for Hope and Dread .......................................................... 64 Behaviours Towards Practicing One’s Faith .............................................................................. 71 Similarity Towards Satanism ....................................................................................................... 72 Theme 2: Internal and Interpersonal Religious Conflict ................................................................. 74 The Power of the Pastor and the Prophet .................................................................................. 75 Pastors and Prophets for Profit ................................................................................................... 78 The Cultural Clash between African beliefs and Christian beliefs ............................................. 81 Contention of Traditional Christianity and going to Church ....................................................... 86 Traditional Familial Influence and Conflict .................................................................................. 88 ix Theme 3: Discrimination based on different Beliefs ....................................................................... 92 Friends and Discrimination .......................................................................................................... 93 Discriminating One’s Personal Characteristics Instead of Religion .......................................... 98 Religion being used to Justify Xenophobia ..............................................................................101 Consequences of leaving are being Lost and Mistrusted .......................................................105 Theme 4: Diepsloot Factors Contributing to the Disconnected Community ..............................107 Disconnected Community due to Religious and Denominational Differences .......................108 Money and Power’s influence for Violence in Religious Differences ......................................111 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................114 Chapter 5: Conclusion .......................................................................................................................115 Introduction .....................................................................................................................................115 Overview of the Findings ...............................................................................................................115 The Personal Role of Religion in Diepsloot ..............................................................................116 The Interpersonal Factors Involved with Religion in Diepsloot ................................................119 The Communal Role Religion and Religious Experiences bring to Diepsloot .......................122 Strengths and Contributions to Knowledge ..................................................................................126 Limitations .......................................................................................................................................128 Recommendations for Future Research ......................................................................................128 Final Comment ...............................................................................................................................129 References .........................................................................................................................................130 Appendices .........................................................................................................................................157 Appendix A: Participant Information Sheet ...................................................................................157 x Appendix B: Participant Consent Form ........................................................................................159 Appendix C: Interview Schedule ...................................................................................................162 Appendix D: Ethics Certificate .......................................................................................................164 1 Chapter One: Introduction Introduction This chapter provides an integration of the conceptualisation of the study and the reasoning as to why religious experience and the role of religion are important areas for research within marginalised communities, such as Diepsloot, Johannesburg. Township communities in South Africa are impacted by severe psychosocial issues (Ngwenya, 2015). Diepsloot has its own extremities of violence, murder, rape, and poverty (Mahajan, 2014; Milan, 2015). Alongside these difficulties, it also has a proliferation of churches that represent differing religions and denominations, which suggest that religion plays a significant role in community setting. Several studies have indicated its relevance in such a setting (Belzen & Hood, 2006; Paloutzian, 2017). This factor highlights a need for expanding the research in South African community townships such as Diepsloot, while exploring how religion functions within this community. This chapter elaborates on these aspects by firstly engaging in the focus of this study, followed by the reflexive preface, where I account for my positionality as a researcher undertaking this study. After this, the aims of the study are detailed to clarify the intentions of the study, followed by the rationale, which develops an argument for the importance of this study. The chapter then provides a section on the structure of the report where all the chapters are explained and outlined. Focus of this Study The area of focus in this study is directed towards religion, and how religion impacts the experiences of Diepsloot residents. Diepsloot is a location riddled with high rates of crime, violence, unemployment, inadequate education, municipal neglect, and marginalisation due to many systemic factors (Mahajan, 2014; Ngwenya, 2015). Religion is a complex aspect of everyday life; it affects our experiences in a unique way and can create peace but also create tensions amongst members of religious communities (Paloutzian & Park, 2014). The function it therefore plays within a community with adverse circumstances is therefore the focus of this study, and efforts are made to shed light on the functions that 2 religion provides to people within these communities. The purpose is not to argue that religion is good or bad; this dichotomy is unrealistic given the complexities found within communities and real-life contexts. Instead, the aim is to understand the subjective, qualitative ways in which the participants experience religion within this setting. Reflexive Preface My positionality in this research is acknowledged as an aspect that is characterised by complexity. If I felt it were not the case, then there would be a blind spot within such a study. I am a white South African male who occupies a privileged position within societies in general. In South Africa, where the effects of Apartheid are still evident in socially engineered communities based on race that have structurally oppressed black, Indian, and coloured South Africans while empowering white South Africans (Carolissen, 2006), I understandably hold pre-emptive power that may influence the way this study is actioned. Many white academics struggle with diversity, as they have had fewer expectations and experiences to enable them to understand the psychosocial issues that other races have had to deal with (Muhammad et al., 2015). It is white, male researchers that dominate most of the psychological literature, largely due to the higher levels of access white men have had towards higher levels of education (Dutta, 2018). Specifically with regard to this research, Prilleltensky (2005) states that well-being includes having the necessities one needs to be fulfilled. Many individuals within Diepsloot and other underdeveloped, impoverished settings often do not have these necessities (Mahajan, 2014). Noting these aspects, I therefore needed to understand my positionality and interrogate it throughout this research, due to the automatic privilege that I hold. The way to go about this task was to avoid positional bias, by acknowledging and understanding where I hold power in the study (Daley, 2010); by interrogating my positionality through constant reflection, I was able to understand where there were blindspots that needed to be considered. In order to address the blindspots, the voice of the participant remain the focus; there was a need to limit my interpretation and allow for the participant to bring in insight, truly from their 3 subjective voices (Daley, 2010; Dutta, 2018). For these reasons, I conducted a qualitative study with the intent to experience the phenomenon of religion from the participants’ perspectives; any interpretations from my stance were carefully shaped from what the participants mentioned. Due to my privilege, I am more decontextualised due to the increased freedom I have in navigating social spaces, as well as the neutral, objective academic upbringing I have had to remove myself from my personal context when involved in these settings (Boughey & Mckenna, 2016). Although being decontextualised is seen as a strength within academia and critical thinking (Bou Khalil et al., 2022; Boughey & Mckenna, 2016), the downside of this approach is that it allowed me to retain power over others that were more contextually bound and immersed within their unique context (Dutta, 2018). Many segregated and oppressed communities are embedded and contextualised within their race, culture, and tradition, and remain in that space due to the inability to access power in their positions (Dutta, 2018). Even being able and willing to travel to and from Diepsloot, a township far removed from where I stay, is privileged in and of itself. I therefore needed to acknowledge this privilege and ensure that the participants were viewed within their own, unique world that holds different values and meaning making systems. I acknowledge that these values are not lesser than mine, they are simply different, and my genuine interest to understand and give voice to these participants needed to be utilised in the right and ethical way. My interest in the psychology of religion needs to be understood and acknowledged. I have always had a need to understand the meaning people derive from their belief systems; since I was a child, I always found the concept of “faith” interesting, especially when experiencing more empirical, objective people who do not have religious beliefs, as well as people who have faith in their religious beliefs. I am aware that wars and peace can be influenced through religion, and I have often grappled with this dichotomy over the years. I also had a need to remove myself from my personal context when studying populations. For this reason, I researched Diepsloot and found that there was a different Church (often Christian) with a different denomination on most street corners in the township (see Figure 4). This finding really excited me, as I felt that religion as a stimulus for psychological wellbeing could be an intense 4 phenomenon in such an adverse setting as Diepsloot. Being privileged enough to be a white male in a middle-income context, I have had the ability to decontextualise my interests and knowledge to better understand external aspects (Dutta, 2018), such as different religions, ideologies, and value systems. Due to this, I have always been interested in understanding how religion can be used as a vessel to psychologically change behaviours in different contexts. I have therefore had the need to see and explore aspects outside of my immediate surroundings, which was a core factor motivating me to undertake this research topic. Aims This study aimed to explore the perceived role that religion plays within the Diepsloot community. Understandings related to the importance of religion and religious experience in the community are interpreted by attempting to uncover perceptions about the personal, relational, and communal role that religion serves for community members. It was anticipated that this approach would develop insight into how religion shapes the community, and what effect it may have on members who live within the same residential area. Using the experiences of participants who reside in a community that suffers from many adversities (Mahajan, 2014), it was envisaged that this study might contribute to the development of creative ways to create community strength, cohesion, and tolerance within communities living in similar adverse social conditions. It was further anticipated that this approach would allow for future qualitative and quantitative research to build on religious experiences within this community and others. Rationale for the Study The nature of religion, religious experience, or religiosity cannot be captured within a single thought or idea. In a webbed network of the numerous possibilities that religion represents, the dynamics this “complex cultural concept” (Taves, 2015, p. 25) provides is undoubtedly unique and challenging (Paloutzian, 2017). The role religion plays within personal, interpersonal, and collective 5 contexts is often shown to be paramount in matters of in-group and out-group peace and conflict (Hogg, 2016; Paloutzian & Park, 2014; Ysseldyk et al., 2010). On a personal level, theories such as attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969) have illustrated the personal component in one’s relation to their belief. On a global level, historical and contemporary events that communities still experience are usually deeply affected by religion, regardless of the extent of secularisation that has occurred within a context (Vail et al., 2010). New wars, new alliances and religious extremism begin and end on a consistent basis solely based on the religious landscape of communities, countries, and continents (Vail et al., 2010; Wibisono et al., 2019). Third-world countries and neglected communities have specifically been shown to rely on religion to a greater extent, due to the loss of more tangible factors of economic and social control (Inglehart & Norris, 2004). This factor is especially relevant when considering the ecological model of human development (Bronfenbrenner, 2006; Bulbulia & Sosis, 2011) and the social identity model (Tajfel, 1970; Trepte & Loy, 2017) that highlight how phenomena such as religion can shape the psychological dispositions of individuals within a larger communal context (Botero et al., 2014). Due to religion being such a diverse part of human life, whether one is religious or areligious (Tarakeshwar et al., 2003), the effect religion has can uplift or break down the social cohesion of a community (Paloutzian & Park, 2014). Based on this fact, as well as the three theoretical frameworks mentioned and expanded on below, my study sought to investigate the perceived experiences of diverse members of the Diepsloot community inductively and subjectively. This community is defined geographically by members who live within the community, as previous empirical studies have neglected to address this classification, due to groupings more often persisting in schools (Naidoo, 2015), race (Brittian et al., 2013; Sorsdahl et al., 2009; van der Merwe et al., 2010), and other non-geographical factors. This research contributes to filling the subjective gap that has been left in the global and South African context, as psychology of religion studies have been found to be overly quantitative in justifying their presence within the scientific community (Cresswell, 2014). Instead of justifying religion in objective science, I aimed to use religion in its true form; something that is subjectively experienced (James, 1985; 6 Vail et al., 2010). Therefore, I employed a hermeneutical, phenomenological approach to studying and understanding religion in Diepsloot (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). Diepsloot has experienced many socio- economic issues (Mahajan, 2014). Crime, violence, female unemployment, inadequate education, municipal neglect, and marginalisation have occurred in Diepsloot due to many factors (Mahajan, 2014; Ngwenya, 2015), and my research therefore sought to define the various ways in which religion could be a possible factor in either strengthening or weakening the community. I realized that the answer would not be clear-cut; however, it allowed my research to give true agency to participants. It sheds light on the matter and gives guidance on whether there should be future studies and interventions in addressing matters such as religious discrimination. This research brings insight that may further our understanding of the complexities that religion brings to the Diepsloot community and sets a qualitative platform that can be used for future inquiry. Structure of the Report This research report consists of five chapters, namely the introduction, literature review, research method, results and discussion, and conclusion. The first chapter (introduction) involves introducing the focus of the study on exploring religion in Diepsloot, explaining my positionality as a researcher in the reflexive preface, the aims behind actioning this research, as well as the rationale for this study which argues for its importance. The second chapter (literature review) builds the foundation for the study through exploring previous literature, while providing a theoretical grounding and contextualisation for the study. This chapter includes a general discussion of the origins, development, and current state of religion in psychology, also known as the psychology of religion field. The paradigm, conceptual framework and theoretical framework are also explained to give light to the core theories (ecological systems theory, attachment theory and social identity theory) and definitions this study uses to investigate religion in Diepsloot. This chapter also 7 brings in the existing literature on a global level with these theories in mind. Thereafter, the South African context and research is presented, giving a specific view on religion in Diepsloot. The third chapter (research method) explains the research questions, research design, sampling method, procedure, research analysis, ethics involved in the study, as well as the reflexivity section where I explain my experience throughout this research. The fourth chapter (findings and discussion) discusses the themes gathered from the qualitative interviews I conducted with participants from Diepsloot. These themes are discussed in depth, and there is additionally a commentary discussion where the findings are interpreted and explained in relation to existing theory and literature to situate this study in relation to other studies and theories. The fifth chapter (conclusion) concludes by synthesising the relevant aspects gathered from the results and discussion chapter and presents the general findings from this entire research process in a summative format, with strengths, limitations, recommendations and comments mentioned for future studies of a similar nature. Conclusion This chapter has integrated the initial conceptualisation, description, and argument for engaging in this field of study. More specifically, the chapter has argued for the importance of studying religion in Diepsloot as a necessary endeavour for the future of the psychology of religion field. Diepsloot, and all its adverse circumstances has residents that regularly interact with religious surroundings, and understanding how this interaction occurs qualitatively is likely to bring necessary understanding to the township community. These aspects were elaborated on by explaining the focus of this study, engaging with my positionality in the reflexive preface, presenting the aims of this study, the rationale (argument) for why this research area is of specific importance, as well as the explanation of the structure of the report where the organisation of the chapters is explained for the benefit of the reader. 8 Chapter Two: Literature Review Introduction When considering the phenomenon of religion, it is fair to state that the idea of religion, religious experience, or religiosity cannot be captured within a single thought or idea. This complex aspect of everyday life, whether one is religious or areligious, affects our experiences in a unique way. Consequently, religion has always been a topic of debate on almost every level (Paloutzian & Park, 2014). To understand this phenomenon, this literature review starts by providing the origin, development, and contemporary context of the psychology of religion (hereafter as PoR) field. The contextual understanding of the PoR field allows further exploration into the conceptual and theoretical framework that is discussed and critically analysed afterwards, with special emphasis on ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1992) being an umbrella for attachment theory (Ainsworth, 1970) and social identity theory (Tajfel, 1970). Thereafter, the methodological framework and state of PoR research is addressed. With the South African context being of utmost importance, the context of religion in townships is then discussed, focussing specifically on Diepsloot. Finally, the gap within South African empirical research is discussed as well as the contribution of this research in attempting to address this lacuna. The Origins of the Psychology of Religion When understanding the origins and development of PoR, it would be appropriate to state that it has had a slow, turbulent development over the past 20th century (Main, 2021; Paloutzian, 2017). In fact, around 1900 this area of psychological research was almost non-existent (Paloutzian, 2017). This factor was mostly due to the dominant, theological Christian stance that was uncontested and unexplored within Western research before the 20th century (Main, 2021). Due to the industrial era, the increase of naturalist and scientific advancements, the beginning of secularisation (where scientific modernisation contested traditional religion) (Zukerman & Shook, 2017) as well as upcoming religious disciplines such as 9 comparative religion (Müller, 1881), traditional religion was increasingly located within a more critical, scientific stance (Rambo & Haar Farris, 2012). The main research area of this literature review, PoR, was first introduced and implemented in 1902 by William James’s Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study of Human Nature (1985). PoR scholars have often stated that James made the outsized contribution to the development of the field, with Hall, Starbuck, Pratt, and a few others impacting the field’s initial growth as well (Main, 2021; Taves, 2018; Zinnbauer & Pargament, 2005). In James’ (1985) functionalist stance, he connected the dimensions of psychology and religion by implying that religion should be investigated experientially and subjectively, especially in terms of conversion and mystical experiences (Hill et al., 2000). This approach was adopted because religion was socially shown through an objective, impersonal experience of the divine (i.e., reading the bible), and first-hand subjective experiences (i.e., personal prayer) tended to be viewed as irrelevant (Cresswell, 2014; James, 1985; Taylor, 2007). By focusing on the first-hand, subjective religious experience, James (1985) demonstrated a need for the religious inquiry towards understanding the naturalistic (observing phenomena the way they are), non-reductionist (viewing religion as universal and not abnormal) truths of the psychological experience of religion (van Tongeren et al., 2021). The Development of PoR over the 20th Century After the initial contributions towards the PoR, the field had a few roadblocks in its development within the 20th century. Key theorists such as Freud (1987) theorised religion as an identification of neurosis (psychological distress and deficit in functioning) due to the need for people to psychologically control the external world around them, and unconsciously fulfil their instinctual wishes. On the other hand, the work of Carl Jung (1960) and Alfred Adler (1987) developed in more positivistic directions, maintaining that religion was instinctually an unconscious agent for allowing positive meaning making in individuals from all religions, as it provides goal-oriented meaning for persons achieving their individuation and potential for positive change. In the humanist lens, Abraham Maslow (1970) also gave credit to Jung and Allport, based 10 on the incorporation of self-actualisation and finding meaning in life through aspects such as religion. Self- determination theory, ecological theories, developmental theories and other contributory perspectives and theories of religion also shaped the field in its growth (Paloutzian & Park, 2014; Robak, 2015). Although the above works of Freud, Jung, Allport and other “grand theorists” (Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003, p. 379) contributed towards the psychological understanding of religion, PoR did not develop consistently (Zinnbauer & Pargament, 2005). Apart from speculations as to why PoR was not consistent (Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003), one of the definitive reasons for this inconsistency can be attributed to what was socially valued and appreciated at the time (Taves, 2015). As shown, religion has never been a “construct”, but more of a “complex cultural concept” (Taves, 2015, p. 25) that alters according to the context and theoretical perspective (Rambo & Haar Farris, 2012; Taves, 2015). The future historical context after the birth of PoR, such as the growth of the empirical, behaviourist perspective in the early 20th century (1920-1950s) and the move to cognitive psychology (from the 1950s) lowered the interest and view of religion and religious experience in psychology (Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003). This development can be attributed to the objective, empirical aspects of psychology becoming more valued over subjective experiences (Belzen, 2019). The overarching paradigm that existed after the 1950s was called the “measurement paradigm” (Gorsuch, 1984, as cited in Kirkpatrick & Hood, 1990, p. 443). This era dominantly focused on formulating key variables that were scientifically measurable (Hill & Pargament, 2017; Park & Paloutzian, 2013). Although this paradigm created effective and rationalised quantitative forms of psychology, religion for most of the 20th century was rather seen as “taboo” due to its philosophical and theological nature (Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Gorsuch, 1984). Therefore, the developments in the first half of the 20th century were sparse and turbulent for PoR. Despite the 1900s mid-century slump, the rise of PoR started to slowly expand, due to the shift from dominant Protestantism towards more equal cross-cultural religious acceptance (Wulff, 1996). This shift was due to many factors, such as the newer, secular affiliation of spirituality becoming more prominent 11 in contrast to traditional religious affiliations in the 80s and 90s (Hill & Pargament, 2003; Taves, 2015; Wulff, 1991, 1996). Thereafter, PoR started being used more in a critical, political, social, and empirical manner (Zinnbauer et al., 1999). The 3rd wave of humanism in the 60s-80s, which was critiqued by religious fundamentalists as “secular humanism” (Aanstoos et al., 2000, p. 22), also impacted this shift (Resnik et al., 2001). Evidence of this shift is shown in how the creation of the humanism Division 32 of the American Psychological Association in 1971 implied a need to value human experience and the therapeutic relationship, regardless of one’s belief system (Aanstoos et al., 2000; Resnik et al., 2001). In fact, the association in 1976 soon after established Division 36, named the Society for the Psychology of Religion and Spirituality (Belzen, 2020). The International Association for the Psychology of Religion was thereafter established in the 90s and has also highly influenced the field of PoR (Belzen, 2020). The Contemporary Development of PoR Along with other historical factors and the slow increase of PoR, there was still a contestation regarding the acceptance of religion within psychological research in the beginning of this century (Belzen, 2020). It was the catastrophic 9/11 attack on the World Trade Centre in 2001 that skyrocketed PoR and is argued as being a core reason for why PoR is used as much as it is today (Paloutzian, 2017). Evidence of the increase in the significance of PoR since 9/11 is found in how journal articles with “religion” and “spirituality” in their titles increased six-fold from 2005-2014 (Paloutzian, 2017). This increase is because the event occurred in the West, but due to the extreme act involving religious belief and behaviour (Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003). Thereafter, the psychological community mostly took PoR seriously (Paloutzian, 2017). Presently, because of all these mentioned events as well as other pertinent ones, it is safe to say that PoR is at least regarded as an established field (Paloutzian, 2017). However, there are still recurring debates amongst academics regarding which paradigm, theoretical frameworks, and conceptual frameworks are suitable for studying PoR. 12 A Paradigm for PoR In contemporary times, there is greater focus on multidisciplinary paradigms, such as the multilevel interdisciplinary paradigm, which focuses on accommodating quantitative and qualitative PoR research as well as other disciplines (i.e., sociology) while using a stable definition (Belzen & Hood, 2006; Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Paloutzian, 2017; Rambo & Haar Farris, 2012). Due to PoR’s past of mostly focusing on quantitative methodologies, this move is certainly in the appropriate direction (Belzen & Hood, 2006; Paloutzian, 2017). There are further debates as to whether there should be even more of a focus on interpretivist, qualitative analyses using a stronger hermeneutic paradigm to act as an umbrella for PoR (Belzen & Hood, 2006). However, this approach will likely not be well received, and diversity of research should be encouraged within this field, even when considering how quantitatively dominant it is. Therefore, considering that this study is qualitative and located within the interpretative-hermeneutic paradigm, this research would generally fall under the multilevel interdisciplinary paradigm as proposed by Belzen and Hood, (2006) and Paloutzian (2017), as it has a general contribution to the PoR field. In order to further understand this paradigm in the context of PoR, this review next discusses what conceptual and theoretical frameworks best suit PoR in the context of this study. Conceptual Framework When considering which conceptual framework to use for religion, religiosity, or religiousness, a myriad of meanings emerges, which is mostly due to the confusion around these constructs or variables (Hill et al., 2000; Robak, 2015). Evidence of this allusivity is how a highly renowned content analysis showed 31 definitions and 9 separate categories of religiosity, with no major category being used statistically more often than the others (Zinnbauer et al., 1997). Psychological matters are often more subjectively debated due to the impossibility of empirically seeing psychological phenomena, which has caused key foundations of psychology to be blurred and debated (Uher, 2021). However, when regarding the concept of religion, excessive debates have existed within PoR ever since its beginnings and have 13 caused major authors of the field to even consider PoR as needing to start over again (Belzen & Hood, 2006). The most confusing aspect around PoR is how religions are viewed differently cross-culturally (Rambo & Haar Farris, 2012; Taves, 2015). The research dominance in Western locations has also caused an imbalance in definitions of religion in the global sense, as other global conceptualisations are often not accounted for (Dueck et al., 2017). For PoR research to be more successful, there must be a stable, broad conceptual framework that is consistently used and applied (Paloutzian, 2017; Paloutzian & Park, 2014). The meaning systems framework and other broader types would allow cross-cultural sensitivity to exist, and would allow PoR findings, regardless of methodology, to be compared appropriately (Taves, 2015). Substantive Approach What often happens when conceptualising religion in PoR is that the psychological component is either lost in its definition due to the generality of it (Paloutzian & Park, 2013), or it is too specifically narrow (Hill et al., 2000). The substantive approach is used in the general sense, as it uses religion as a “broad- band construct” (Zinnbauer et al., 1999, pp. 897) that focuses on all multidisciplinary aspects related to a search for a higher power or divine being (Bruce, 2008; Zinnbauer et al., 1999). However, due to the complex nature of defining religiosity and religious experience, there are many inconsistencies in its use and broad overlaps with constructs of mysticism, spirituality, anomalies and the sacred, in particular (Bruce, 2008; Paloutzian, 2017). The substantive stance therefore clouds specificity behind the psychological meaning of religion and replaces it solely within the components of subjective perception and psychological experience (Bruce, 2008). Evidence of this would be how the sacred concept of religion derived from Durkheim and used by scholars in the substantive stance (Pargament & Mahoney, 2009) can be used for anything, even a beer can (Kripal, 2014). This is because it relies on the personal judgment of individuals and what they personally deem as religious (Kripal et al., 2014). This substantive stance aims to unscientifically combine 14 spirituality and religion and accept the construct as a broad, complex concept (Pargament & Mahoney, 2009). This approach is only arguably correct because loose terms such as these can literally mean anything, which therefore makes religion lose its distinction from other constructs such as “spirituality” (Taves, 2018). Functional Approach When considering another more specific concept, there are many well-known authors in the field (Hood, 1970; Paloutzian, 2017; Paloutzian & Park, 2014) who follow the functional approach to PoR. This approach looks at the reason or function that religion psychologically serves in the life of individuals, and their surrounding environment (Lewis Hall & Hill, 2019; Park, 2005; Zinnbauer & Pargament, 2005). I argue that the specific meaning making systems model, originally created by Park (1991) and used by numerous scholars of the field (Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Paloutzian, 2017; Park, 2005; Rambo & Haar Farris, 2012) can be appropriately applied to the concept of religion. This is because it integrates empiricism, worldviews, beliefs, and expectations together as people have an innate, automatic, and evolutionary need to make meaning in order to alleviate suffering (Lewis Hall & Hill, 2019; Kirkpatrick, 2013; Paloutzian & Mukai, 2017; Taves et al., 2019). This need is not necessarily a consciously experienced need, but more of an automated creation that shapes our conscious awareness of meaning as an after-effect towards a stimulus, and therefore changes our global beliefs into something more specific (Lewis Hall & Hill, 2019; Kirkpatrick, 2013; Park, 2010). Numerous studies have revealed the innate ability of humans and animals to create a psychological meaning system (Kirkpatrick, 2013; Park, 2010). At these levels, the meaning systems framework model is broad, and exists within the way we perceive, behave, and view ourselves and our interpersonal environments (Kirkpatrick, 2013; Park, 2010). Proof of this framework is how every phenomenon of human memory has been shown to be based on meaning making, as the memory retrieved gets reconstructed and changed into a new, subjectively created form (Debiec et al., 2002). 15 This may be a highly cognitive and neuroscientific explanation, but that does not make this only suitable for quantitative, empirical research (Paloutzian, 2017). This meaning making systems model can certainly be applied to all research, unless it is within a model that relies on dissecting and reconstructing the very definition of religion (Park, 2005; Taves, 2018). From previous research, there have often been tensions within the definitions of the mystical, religiousness, religiosity, and religion (Hall et al., 2017; Park, 1991; Taves, 2015, 2018). Using the meaning making systems model definition undercuts tensions of other definitions by accommodating the generality of religion, while also being sensitive of the specifics in terms of how the self and society interact and make subjective, specific, and functional meanings to one’s religion (Park, 2005). In fact, the application of this conceptual model has favoured more ecological, cross- cultural theories and research (Taves, 2015). By having a stable definition for religion as a meaning making system, all research under PoR, as well as this study, may be able to move forward and be acknowledged in a subjective, experiential manner (Paloutzian & Park, 2014; Taves, 2015). Theoretical Framework With regards to the concept of religion in PoR, there is a lot of controversy, due to the complexity of religion as a construct (Robak, 2015; Taves, 2015). However, using the meaning systems framework in conceptualising religion (Park, 2010, 2005; Taves et al., 2019) clarifies the overarching theory that is used. The more environmental and social psychology theories that are considered in this research are the ecological systems theory that provides a contextual backdrop to location-based studies, and social identity theory (hereafter SIT) that provides theory on group behaviour. In addition to these theories, a more personal and appropriate theory that has involved PoR on a personal level is attachment theory (Cherniak et al., 2021; Spilka et al., 2003), which is also used. Overview of Theoretical Framework As shown above in using the functional meaning systems framework for a conceptual framework, the personal and social theories are also functionalist in nature, as they serve to theoretically describe what 16 religion does (the function it serves) and how it operates in a psychological or social system to affect people and groups (Kunin, 2003; Schilbrack, 2022). These functionalist theories differ from substantive theories that aim to describe religion philosophically and universally from the inside (Kunin, 2003; Sharpe, 2005; Schilbrack, 2003). Park and Paloutzian (2005) also explain that theories such as ecological systems theory, social identity theory and attachment theory are “midlevel theories about a particular range of human behaviors” (p. 553). Midlevel psychological theories mostly explain human behaviour by incorporating deductive grand theories (overarching, deductive theories that are often not empirically proven or provable) with inductive, empirical observation (Kislov et al., 2019). The below-mentioned theories come from branches of grand theories (i.e., systems theory, psychoanalytic theory, and intergroup relations), but have been used with empirical observation to allow for specific, midlevel theories to exist (Koltko-Rivera, 2006). Based on the importance of exploring specific social phenomena in this research, it seemed useful to use midlevel theories that can address specific personal and social aspects but use overarching grand theories in its approach as well. With these aspects in mind, the social and environmental levels of ecological systems theory and social identity theory, as well as the personal level of attachment theory are discussed in the context of religion. Ecological Systems Theory The reason why the ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1974, 1992) particularly suits the construct of religion is due to the focus on interpreting how the environment affects the self, as well as the collective, interpersonal relations involved within the surrounding environment (Onwuegbuzie et al., 2013; Bulbulia & Sosis, 2011).Bronfenbrenner and Ceci (1994) revised the naming of this theory to the “bioecological model” over time; however, for the purpose of clarity this report uses the original term, “ecological systems theory”. 17 The ecological systems theory was created to explain how the differing parts of a developing child’s social environment play a role in their upbringing (Bronfenbrenner, 1992). This theory shows similarities to Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory (Jaramillo, 1996) and Bandura’s social learning theory (1971), due to the emphasis on how the environment ecologically impacts the development of a child. Although this developmental psychology theory starts at the beginning of life, this ecological systems theory explains how the environment can impact people in any of the different stages of development (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). An example may be how elderly populations have been studied with ecological systems theory to understand their developmental change in relation to the rapid growth of technology (Backonja et al., 2014). For this reason, this theory has been used in studies to understand all sorts of populations and ages in response to certain stimuli (Crawford, 2020; Podgorski et al., 2021). These ecological levels of society exist globally in human coping and identity formation (Spencer, 2007) and respect the contextual diversity of location-based differences, such as religious practices (Bulbulia & Sosis, 2011). Recent empirical research has also shown that moralising Gods within negative environments can promote cooperation amongst the communities within an environment and its diverse systems (Botero et al., 2014). This example shows how the ecological approach may help to understand and intervene in religious phenomena presented within communities (Kelly, 1966). This less assumptive, open-ended model certainly can be used globally, as cultural values and differences are of importance (Botero et al., 2014; Spencer, 2007; Bulbulia & Sosis, 2011). This open-ended model is not used to illustrate existing research in the discussion but serves as a contextual backdrop to add an ecological understanding to the interpersonal aspects of social identity theory, and personal aspects of attachment theory. Ecological Systems Theory Levels and Position within this Theoretical Framework: Having a systems model that differentiates all parts of society (Figure 1) has allowed cultural- based phenomena, such as religion, to be understood in these interpersonal parts of societies (Botero et 18 al., 2014). The way this theory explains human behaviour and development is through differentiating different social structural levels of ecological influence (Bronfenbrenner, 1992, 1974). These levels begin with the microsystem, which is the direct, personal surroundings that individuals experience in their immediate environment; this involves a bi-directional relationship that can involve influencing others while being influenced directly, and includes family members, teachers, and other immediate figures in one’s life (Bronfenbrenner, 1992; Botero et al., 2014; Probine, 2022). The second level is the mesosystem, which is the interaction amongst these immediate figures from the microsystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1992). An example would be how parents interact with teachers or siblings, and how that impacts on the person’s ecological development. The third level is the exosystem, which branches out into more social aspects of one’s surroundings that may indirectly influence one’s ecological development. Examples of this exosystem would be churches, neighbourhoods, mass media and anything else that can be an informal or formal social structure (Bronfenbrenner, 1992). The fourth level is the macrosystem, featuring the cultural aspects of one’s development on a social, communal scale. The individual is immersed amongst many in these aspects, and they could feature socio-economic class, location, ethnicity, and many other collective features (Bronfenbrenner, 1992). The fifth level is the chronosystem, which more broadly encapsulates all of the environmental changes over one’s life. This system features across all levels and is the largest system of the theoretical model (Bronfenbrenner, 1992; Probine, 2022). With these systems in mind, it has been demonstrated that this theory has great utility towards understanding the social surroundings and structures available (Botero et al., 2014). Considering this aspect, it would then be suitable to suggest that this theory can provide a contextual, overarching component that can hold other theories within it. Based on this report’s theoretical framework and research needs, it would therefore be suitable for attachment theory to feature within this model, as well as social identity theory. Figure one below illustrates this applicability: 19 Figure 1 The Structure and Position of the Theoretical Framework As shown in Figure 1, attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969) serves to feature within the microsystem, mesosystem and slightly on the exosystem level of Bronfenbrenner’s (1992) ecological systems theory due to the more personal based levels of influence. Social identity theory (Tajfel, 1970) features rather on the exosystem and macrosystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1992) due to its applicability to intergroup behaviour. The chronosystem includes all the levels and is applicable throughout. For this reason, this literature review and report does not refer to existing literature on ecological systems theory; it rather serves as an overarching contextual tool that can allow existing literature from attachment theory and social identity theory to be discussed and contextually placed in this research report. Attachment Theory The more personal level of psychology that is considered is attachment theory. The argument often put forward is that this theory is highly suitable to address the PoR due to the extent of literature on •Social Identity Theory (Tajfel, 1970) •Both theories explain changes over a lifetime that impact development •Attachment Theory (Bowlby, 1969) •Social Identity Theory (Tajfel, 1970) •Attachment Theory (Bowlby, 1969) Microsystem and Mesosystem Immediate environment and their interactions (i.e., family) Exosystem Formal and informal social structures (i.e., church) Macrosystem Cultural influences (i.e., sociocultural status) Chronosystem Environmental changes over a lietime (Bronfenbrenner, 1992) 20 the topic (Cherniak et al., 2021; Granqvist, 2021; Granqvist & Kirkpatrick, 2008), as well as the functional approach it has towards religion (Kunin, 2003; Schilbrack, 2022). It would also be considered an essential component that can be applied within the more immediate, direct overarching structural levels of the microsystem, mesosystem and exosystem from ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1992), as shown above. Originally, attachment theory was conceptualised within the behaviourist paradigm by Dollard and Miller (1950), and incorporated the condition that attachment was formed through the way an infant was fed and who fed the infant (the primary attachment figure). However, the evolutionary theory of attachment came later, and focused more on the response and care by the caregiver as the catalyst for attachment and attachment styles (Bowlby, 1969; Granqvist, 2021). The evolutionary theory perspective was mostly pioneered by Bowlby (1969) and Ainsworth (1970). This evolutionary perspective of attachment theory sees infants as having a pre-determined biological response to form attachments with others adaptively to survive and seek proximity with them (Fearon & Roisman, 2017; Granqvist, 2021). In this sense, the nature of evolutionary adaptation is incorporated alongside the nurturing environment the attachment figure can provide. More emotionally supportive caregivers are preferred, and many caregiver-infant experiments have shown a strong correlation that supportive caregivers will securely impact the internal representation, also known as the “internal working models”, of oneself and others into adulthood (Bowlby, 1973; Bowlby & Robertson, 1958; Cherniak et al., 2021; Schaffer & Emerson, 1964). If a secure attachment is lacking, it has been shown that this may lead to insecure attachment styles (i.e., anxious attachment) that negatively affect interpersonal security in adulthood as a result (Campbell & Marshall, 2011; Haydon et al., 2014). When experimental results are inconsistent, it is usually attributed to environmental changes in caregiving environments (Booth LaForce et al., 2014). When considering attachment theory and religion, what must be considered is that although attachment theory predominantly focused on caregiver-infant attachments, subsequent literature also 21 expanded our understanding of the further elements of one’s attachment to religion and God (Bradshaw et al., 2010; Cherniak et al., 2021). As Ainsworth (1993) states, the proximity to a perceived caregiver provides a safe haven to lower distress, as well as a secure base in which infants can explore life and thrive as they grow all the way into adulthood. In religion, this attachment is similar, as a God through religion fulfils an attachment figure in order to lower psychological distress and feel safe in one’s life (Granqvist & Kirkpatrick, 2008; Kirkpatrick, 2012). Acts such as prayer and worship have been shown to embody outward requests for a safe haven, and in turn having a secure attachment with God protects followers from perceived threats (also known as threat prime), such as failure, as there is an increase in positive emotions due to the access towards God (also known as God prime) (Granqvist et al., 2012; Kupor et al., 2015). Attachment theory in this context is theorised as the “religion-as-attachment model” (Granqvist & Kirkpatrick, 2016, p.49), and incorporates main religions and God as a safe and secure tool that is perpetuated through doctrines (beliefs taught by powerful structures like the church) and experiences (Cherniak et al., 2021; Davis et al., 2021). Studies have shown that the process of incorporating God as a non-physical, anthropomorphic, secure attachment figure and having an internal, dialogical exchange with such a figure is involved in the cognitive maturation process, as there is a lessening of reliance on the caregiver and a furthering of selfhood internally (Kirkpatrick & Granqvist et al., 2008; Schjoedt et al., 2009). Studies have also shown that self-referential aspects of being attached to God helps those who may have had negative internal working models (insecure attachment), as God may be a source of unconditional love or an entity that can be loving with certain acts one may perform (Granqvist et al., 2021). However, one may also experience negative settings in experiencing their religion and God, which may impact insecure attachment in such a bond, which has been shown to worsen general attachment styles due to a negative imagery of God (Bradshaw et al., 2010). Negative spiritual or religious experiences therefore may also cause God to be seen as distant, controlling, or judgmental, and one’s psychological distress and negative self-esteem tends to increase based on this insecure attachment (Bradshaw et al., 2010; Counted, 2018). As for 22 caregivers, God/s can therefore also impact one’s attachment style significantly. It should also be noted that there are gendered differences that have been shown in the way women often have their God concepts impacting their self-reference (if God is loving, one can love one’s self), while men are more likely to show that their image of God is impacted by their parent-reference (if the caregiver is distant, God is distant), mostly from their attachment towards their mother (Reinert & Edwards, 2014). However, this finding has been suspected to be more culturally impacted due to the use of Western samples, as women in these samples tend to seek more intimate relationships while men in these samples may seek acceptance in the larger, Western social societal sphere (Baumeister & Somme, 1997; Cross & Madson, 1997). Attachment theory therefore serves as a suitable basis to understand the interpersonal attachment of one person towards an intimate entity such as God (Bradshaw et al., 2010; Cherniak et al., 2021). Many argue that theories under the theoretical framework of social and cultural psychology are more relevant when considering the construct of religion (Saroglou & Cohen, 2011). These theories would include ecological systems theory and SIT but would exclude the more personal-oriented theories that describe personal relationships in psychology, such as attachment theory (Kirkpatrick, 2012). The explanation for this assertion is that the nature of religion is clearly something that is cross-culturally defined, flexible and controversial (Taves, 2018; van Tongeren et al., 2021), as the cultural perception of religion can affect “human cognition, emotions, identity, morality, and behaviour” (Saroglou & Cohen, 2011, p. 1311). This reasoning would therefore bring up the argument that more personal theories not specifically under social and cultural psychological frameworks (i.e., attachment theory) would be problematic to use in religion. However, the personal theory of attachment theory does explain the personal experience one generally has with one’s belief system and God/s when appropriately used, and there is extensive literature on its application (Kirkpatrick, 2012; Weingarten & Chisholm, 2009). The most prominent criticism of attachment theory is that it only focuses on a monotheistic God (Calvert, 2010). However, given the sample of Diepsloot participants, their religions have been shown to mostly include monotheistic religions, such as Christianity and Islam (Religion in Diepsloot, Gauteng, n.d.). Although attachment theory would not be 23 appropriate in contexts where there is more than one God, such as Japan (Rothbaum et al., 2000), it would be appropriately used within Diepsloot. Therefore, attachment theory is also used where relevant in this research to understand more personal aspects of one’s relationship with one’s religion. Social Identity Theory Social identity theory (hereafter as SIT) is a theory that explains intergroup behaviour, and how social groups affect the perception of the self and others (Abrams & Hogg, 1988; Tajfel, 1970; Tajfel and Turner, 2001; Ysseldyk et al., 2010). This theory explains behaviour (descriptive) and articulates one’s inner behaviour and thoughts (prescriptive) which lead to one’s self-image (Lips-Wiersma & Mills, 2002). This self-image and sense of self-preservation lead to the perceived separation of the individual’s associated group (in-group) and the contrasted outside group (out-group); individuals are theorised to favour their in-group and generalise or negatively perceive the contrasted out-group in order to maintain a consistent self-image (Abrams & Hogg, 1988; Tajfel, 1970; Ysseldyk et al., 2010). These groups may be defined through social roles, social categories, interests, and other relatable aspects amongst groups (Lopez et al., 2011), such as religion (Ysseldyk et al., 2010). The actual process of SIT theorises that social identity is formed through 1) social categorisation (categorising people to better understand the social environment as well as the norms in one’s group), 2) social identification (adapting the identity of the group as a member to form a psychological bond that impacts emotions and self-esteem based on group image); and 3) social comparison (comparing one’s in-group with other out-groups to maintain self-image and satisfy one’s self-esteem as a member of the group) (Tajfel, 1970; Tajfel & Turner, 2001; Turner & Reynolds, 2003). The reason for why (SIT) is applicable within the ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1992) is because this theory can be oriented towards the manner in which religious in-groups and out- groups shape an individual’s identity, cognition, and emotionality in different ways (Abrams & Hogg, 1988; Tajfel, 1970; Ysseldyk et al., 2010). These commonalities (heritage, values, and identities) amongst groups 24 and how they emerge can be conceptualised using the ecological systems theory model shown above to contextually locate where they emerge (Onwuegbuzie et al., 2013). This membership may include the interaction of group membership within religious institutions, as found within the microsystem (Onwuegbuzie et al., 2013). It has also been shown that this theory relates to group cooperation and group conflict (McKeown et al., 2016), as the perception of religious membership has indicated a sense of positive in-group comparison, and a sense of in-group superiority because of this (Ysseldyk et al., 2010, p.61). There are therefore positive mental dispositions but more distinctiveness in religious memberships, as the collective identity thus creates power of ideology, and competes with other religious identities in a more psychological (not physical) form (Ysseldyk et al., 2010). It would therefore be necessary and possible to understand how much influence certain intergroup behaviours have, which is another reason for its use with ecological systems theory. In the communal (ecological systems theory), interpersonal (SIT), and personal (attachment theory) sense, I have suggested the need for a combination of these three theories in order to understand how identities can cause these interpersonal problems, and where to ecologically locate these problems on the different systems with an overarching tool from ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1992). The Existing Global Research on PoR Considering the trends of empirical research within the field of the PoR, it is essential to understand the differing components of the quantitative and qualitative empirical research within this field. This section includes an in-depth, critical discussion of what research has been conducted in the field of psychology with religion. This aim is achieved by using the more highly cited articles in these areas due to their contribution to knowledge production, while understanding how psychology and religion have been used and applied with the theoretical frameworks discussed in depth above (ecological systems theory, attachment theory and social identity theory). As explained, this section does not discuss existing literature on the ecological systems theory model (Bronfenbrenner, 1992), as this theory is used as an overarching 25 contextual tool to rather map and apply existing literature from attachment theory and social identity theory in the fourth chapter (findings and discussions). Existing Quantitative Research on Religion The trend that links these most cited articles in PoR together is the full focus on the quantitative style of analysing psychological research. There are many different religious phenomena that has been explored in PoR, but it has often been done with quantitative or mixed methods research. When considering research from the general global context of PoR, investigation of the area leads one to becoming familiarised with frequently cited authors in this field. The link between all of these most cited authors is their empirical focus and orientation towards understanding (1) religious constructs (i.e., religious experience, spiritual experience, mysticism, conversion), (2) how to quantitatively study religious constructs and (3) how to use quantitative measures to study religious constructs cross-culturally with appropriate scales (Belzen, 2010; Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Exline & Rose, 2005; Hill & Edwards, 2013; Hood, 1970; James, 1985; Park & Paloutzian, 2013; Piedmont, 1999; Taves et al., 2019). The unbalanced methodologies of quantitative-heavy research in PoR poses an issue (Coyle, 2008). Even two renowned, quantitative-based authors, Belzen and Hood (2006), state that when conducting correlational religion research, studies “gain a privileged status” (p.20) due to the way the behaviourist-empirical tradition has neglected more phenomenological qualitative inquiries into the field of PoR (Belzen & Hood, 2006). This occurrence happens in many fields of psychology, and many of the authors involved within the quantitative methodological framework acknowledge that the field is primarily quantitative (Belzen & Hood, 2006; Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Spilka et al., 2003). Evidence of this methodological imbalance is revealed in the fact that only 15% presentations at the 2013 International Association for the Psychology of Religion congress in Lausanne used qualitative methodologies (Anczyk et al., 2019). 26 These quantitative authors often attempt to address the issues that quantitative studies bring to the PoR; an example is how a team developed the Inventory of Nonordinary Experiences (INOE) scale to cross-culturally understand the differences of religion in correlational research (Taves et al., 2019). However, the critique that will always exist in this matter is the fact that religion is fixed as an extremely personal and subjective experience that means different things for different people (Belzen & Hood, 2006; Cresswell, 2014). In fact, theories such as terror management theory has shown religion to mean different things amongst people even within the same religious affiliation, as their unique human awareness differs from each other (Vail et al., 2010). Examples are how historical conflicts within the same religions have created separate denominations and sects (Hoffmann, 2015). This literature review therefore argues that reducing this phenomenon into quantitative data may potentially remove agency and additional meaning from the participants, as well as the true meaning of religion in all its subjective intricacies. Due to the diverse religious aspects that need to be accounted for at a social and personal level, there should be a greater presence of phenomenological, qualitative approaches in the field of the psychology of religion (Belzen & Hood, 2006; Coyle, 2008). For this reason, the use of using Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (hereafter as IPA) approach (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014) in this study is implemented and explained in chapter three. Considering the general field of PoR research and the notable lack and gap of qualitative studies, the discussion takes a deep dive next into the general studies, as well as the specific studies involving SIT and attachment theory that do involve qualitative methods in the PoR field. Thereafter, the specific gaps found in this literature are described. Existing Qualitative Research on Religion Based on the above finding that there needs to be more qualitative-based literature, efforts were made to consider the more qualitative-based literature that exists on religion. When reviewing the more highly cited qualitative-based literature on the personal, interpersonal, and communal experiences around 27 religion in various populations, there are some general qualitative studies that have been carried out, despite its general neglect in the PoR field (Anczyk et al., 2019). These general qualitative studies have often addressed notably specific populations that arise from occupations (Cunha et al., 2020; Lun, 2015; Henriksen et al., 2015), traumatic events (Drinnan & Lavendar, 2006; Torbjørnsen et al., 2021), age (especially older populations) (Shaw et al., 2016) and sexuality (Iman et al., 2014; Mattis, 2002; Safavifar et al., 2016; Valera & Taylor, 2011). These studies arose out of specific experiential concerns in relation to specific needs of these populations. Examples would be literature addressing the complex relationship of homosexuality and black members of certain churches (Valera & Taylor, 2011), using religion to cope with Hodkins disease (Torbjørnsen et al., 2021) or Brazillian nurses’ concepts of religion and God (Cunha et al., 2020). Themes that emerged across most of the literature included the following: the thematic link of one’s upbringing and familial structure with one’s religious belief and relationship with God (Cunha et al. 2020; Drinnan & Lavendar, 2006; Iman et al., 2014; Safavifar et al., 2016; Shaw et al., 2016; Torbjørnsen et al., 2021; Valera & Taylor, 2011; Lun, 2015), the influential power of the church in directing behaviour and negatively impacting self-identity (Drinnan & Lavendar, 2006; Safavifar et al., 2015; Valera & Taylor, 2011), the impact of hardship in strengthening one’s relationship with God and one’s personal identity (Cunha et al., 2020; Drinnan & Lavendar, 2006; Henriksen et al., 2015; Iman et al., 2014; Mattis, 2002; Safavifar et al., 2015; Shaw et al., 2016; Torbjørnsen et al., 2021), and God as giving meaning to one’s life (Cunha et al., 2020; Mattis, 2002; Shaw et al., 2016). Qualitative Studies Using SIT and Attachment Theory: It should be noted again that ecological systems theory is not included in this analysis of existing literature with similar qualitative methodologies. The reason for this exclusion is because existing studies were already briefly mentioned in the general description; additionally, the purpose of using ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1992) is to provide a tool that may rather compliment and add an 28 ecological, contextualised understanding (Crawford, 2020) to attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969) and SIT (Tajfel, 1970). When using boolean terms such as “qualitative”, “study”, “social identity theory”, “attachment theory”, “religion” and “religious experiences”, there was less of a research presence for SIT than expected. There was interestingly more of a research presence for attachment theory than expected, however, this presence is only in relation to other PoR areas of research, as it is still generally under researched (Belzen & Hood, 2006). Starting with the more highly cited SIT literature on religion and religious experience, there were fewer literature sources cited on actual SIT studies that were conducted first hand (primary research); instead, there was more secondary research discussing other primary research. The common foci were mostly directed towards the way in which different group identities played a role in a person’s religious identity and identification. Examples were studies that focused on minority groups such as LGBTQ individuals (Minwalla et al., 2005), Muslim individuals (Cinnirella et al., 2010; Pamungkas, 2018; Peek, 2005), Jewish individuals (Coyle & Rafalin, 2001; Sinclair & Milner, 2005) and how these individuals’ identities differ from other more socially accepted groups. Interestingly, the literature on Muslims and their religious identity increased after 9/11 in 2001, which corresponds with how PoR studies increased since that event (Paloutzian, 2017); this factor was mentioned in the contemporary aspects of PoR above. In addition to these studies, there were other cited ones based on age (Lopez et al., 2011), acute events (Haslam et al., 2005) and different religious practices (Andries, 2018; Chusniyah & Pitaloka, 2016), such as the research from Andries (2018) on the “Pukul Ritual” in Indonesia. It was clear that almost all the aforementioned literature was based on minority groups and how their identities change not just on a religious level, but in terms of an ethnic and cultural identity level as well (Andries, 2018; Cinnirella et al., 2010; Chusniyah & Pitaloka, 2016; Pamangkas, 2018). These more socially discriminated minority groups were not only defined by culture and ethnicity, but also sexual orientation and socio-economic standing. They were shown to have identity-based hardships, and they commonly showed an increase of religious identification to strengthen and support their membership within 29 an in-group such as a religious affiliation (Coyle & Rafalin, 2001; Lopez et al., 2011; Minwalla et al., 2005; Peek, 2005). This finding demonstrates that people located in lower social standings (i.e., minorities) can change their social identities to increase religious identity and participation if individuals perceive that they need to preserve a more positive sense of self (Lips-Wiersma & Mills, 2002; Lopez et al., 2011; Minwalla et al., 2005; Pamungkas, 2018). This assessment is consistent with Tajfel and Turner’s (2001) theorisation that minorities often emphasise other social identities to preserve a positive sense of self. Literature on attachment theory revealed similar results to general PoR and SIT studies; however, there was more of a presence of this research field with more frequently cited articles, and the studies were more recent than the SIT ones, as it seems SIT has faded more in PoR from the later part of the 2000’s. As shown above in the patterns of SIT studies, there was more focus on specific groups that allowed the theory to be explained in relation to that group (i.e., minority groups). The difference for attachment theory studies is that these groups were often differentiated by religious groups, trauma/grief survivors (Davis et al., 2019; Kelley & Chan, 2012; Schmidt et al., 2012), and gender (Joung, 2006), children (Aydar & Tokur, 2019; Culver & Denton, 2017; Kiesling, 2011; Kimball et al., 2013; Muthert & Schaap-Jonker, 2023; Tau, 2023). These religious groups often included samples from the more socially dominant groups, such as Christians (especially Evangelical Christians) (Cicirelli, 2004; Currier et al., 2021; Kiesling, 2011; Miner et al., 2017; Okozi, 2010; Ross, 2007; Sandage, 2014). Some studies included ones like Latter Day Saints (Skidmore et al., 2022) or Muslims (Miner et al., 2017), but these ones were few and far between. These attachment theory studies were often focused on arguing the importance of mixed methods when incorporating qualitative methods (Cicirelli, 2004; Currier et al., 2021; Kimball et al., 2013; Miner et al., 2017). As shown above, with most of the existing quantitative PoR literature, SIT literature and attachment theory literature, there is generally a lack of a full qualitative methodologies for investigating religion for SIT and attachment theory. In attachment theory literature, qualitative studies often included “qualitative interviews” or explained that there was a “qualitative difference” in the findings after discussing the results, but this also does not engage deeply enough with the qualitative components of the phenomenon of 30 religion. In addition, many of these studies attempted to utilise quantitative scales, such as the Authoritarian and Benevolent God Scales used by Currier et al. (2021), in order to test the correspondence and compensation model of religious attachment (Kirkpatrick, 1992). This model theorises attachment towards God in two pathways; the correspondence pathway shows that a child with a secure attachment style is more likely to develop a stronger secure attachment with God, and the compensation pathway shows that a child with an insecure attachment style may develop a secure attachment towards God as a surrogate parental figure into adulthood (Kirkpatrick, 1992; Granqvist et al., 2010; Granqvist & Kirkpatrick, 2016). Gaps in General, Attachment Theory and SIT Global PoR Research In terms of the more frequently cited general qualitative studies on religion listed above, they do address experiential qualities involved in religion effectively, especially when considering the importance of subjective meaning making in religion (Cresswell, 2014; Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Vail et al., 2010). However, there were two types of gaps found in the aspects of sampling and methodology. Gaps Related to Specific Sampling: The first type of gap found in the research was based on how specific the samples were in addressing religious experiences; an example would be focusing on one religious group or age group. Except for some qualitative studies that focused on diverse multicultural and multireligious samples (Chusniyah & Pitaloka, 2016), the general, SIT and attachment studies mentioned above commonly focused on specific religions, ages, events, genders, and occupations in their approach. Of course, smaller samples and greater specificity is a common occurrence within more qualitative, in-depth research (Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Saunders et al., 2018). In this way it is argued that qualitative data may reach data saturation more quickly, as there are less participants in the total population being researched (Saunders et al., 2018). It therefore makes sense to use more specific samples in order to reach saturation. The issue noticed in this specific sampling orientation is that there was minimal sampling for religious studies in locations where there are diverse religions and different participants. When 31 “geographical homogeneity” (Robinson, 2014, p.28) is focused on, it can provide valuable data on the context of general life in such a location (Robinson, 2014; Roy et al., 2015). Dire and diverse circumstances may occur across these population groups based on locations, and not necessarily on other demographics (i.e., age), which gives rise to a need that must be addressed and a gap that must be filled. In these locations, there may be a myriad of differing social and personal experiences that may shed light on the subjective experiences of how religion and the relationship with religion forms, conforms and manoeuvres differing spaces (Robinson, 2014). Ignoring the value that a qualitative study may bring to a location-based sample may invariably result in neglect of the holistic impact religion may have on a general, location-based community setting. As Morse (2015) states, data saturation is achieved in all qualitative data if it involves a sense of replication; if the role of the theory and research is to generalise findings that can show patterns and future replication, then saturation may be shown as achieved in contrast to what others would claim (Saunders et al., 2018). Therefore, a gap that needs addressing within these studies is sampling based on geographic homogeneity. Gap related to Methodological Preference: The second gap found within the most frequently cited general, SIT and attachment theory qualitative research is within the methodologies used in the studies. When considering these studies, they aligned with the general field of PoR based on its quantitative-rich presence in the field (Belzen, 2010; Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Exline & Rose, 2005; Hill & Edwards, 2013; Hood, 1970; James, 1985; Park & Paloutzian, 2013; Piedmont, 1999; Taves et al., 2019). Even when searching for qualitative-based studies with appropriate boolean phrases, quantitative studies still emerged. The general, SIT and attachment theory studies often utilised inventory scales to assess religious experiences along with qualitative data in mixed methods studies to justify a qualitative presence. This approach was mostly prevalent in attachment theory studies that often focused on gathering insights into the correspondence and compensation model of attachment towards God (Currier et al., 2021; Kelley & Chan, 2012; Kimball et 32 al., 2013; Kirkpatrick, 1992; Skidmore et al., 2022). As explained above in the mixed methods research, there was a general justification for using qualitative measures with “qualitative interviews” or explaining that there was a “qualitative difference” in the quantitative findings after discussing the results (Culver & Denton, 2017; Lopez et al., 2011). The issue is that most of these qualitative aspects were not discussed sufficiently when mixed methods were used, as the inventory scales often over-shadowed most of the general narrative of the findings, and it was therefore difficult to gain truly subjective experiences and narratives of the participants. There was also a common explanation that the quantitative data may set the platform for further qualitative research. Although this assumption is true in the social sciences, this does not address the gap of there being a significant lack of qualitative-based research (Park & Paloutzian, 2013). When qualitative-only research was incorporated, it yielded rich data that truly showcased the voices of the participants, especially when IPA, narrative, and grounded theory methods were utilised (Andries, 2018; Aydar & Tokur, 2019; Coyle & Rafalin, 2001; Lips-Wiersma & Mills, 2002; Peek, 2005; Sinclair & Milner, 2005). Although this approach limits replication, it enhances richness and depth (Belzen & Hood, 2006; Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Spilka et al., 2003). The aspects discussed regarding general and more specific literature in qualitative and quantitative reports highlight gaps in the research as discussed, and this qualitative gap was considered worth addressing through this research report. However, another consideration is the South African context, which is discussed in the following sections. Religion in the South African Context A large proportion of the South African population believes in a religion and dedicates a large part of their lives to it (Chipkin & Leatt, 2011). When considering the 2001 statistics of for religious affiliation (Statistics South Africa, 2001), it broadly shows a trend towards Christianity having the most affiliates (79.8%), non-religious/non-stated being second on the list (16.5%), and non-Christian religions being third 33 (3.7%). More recently, data have estimated that South African Christians have decreased to 61.52%, and other religions have started to increase (The Association of Religion Data Archives, 2021). When considering the data, it would seem that religion in South Africa has had a different and diverse past and development, which can be attributed to South Africa’s apartheid and colonial histories, as well as the more contemporary view of religious acceptance and decolonisation (Chipkin & Leatt, 2011). The fact that most religious affiliations are Christian, may also be a cause of psychological concern, as the power of such a religion may be a reason for conflict stemming from silencing or minoritising other ones (Clobert, 2021; Giliomee, 2003). As shown by theorists such as Karl Marx, social conflict theory provides support for the case that religion has been used to justify leadership or actions in creating social imbalances (Coser, 1957). For example, evidence exists regarding the way in which the apartheid system was supported and “justified” through Christian denominations such as the Dutch Reformed Church (Gilomee, 2003). Religion can thus be clearly shown in many factors involving conflict within society, which poses a psychological problem for social development and communal wellbeing across South Africa. Following the COVID-19 pandemic, research has also shown a greater need for religious reliance by using it as a coping mechanism. For instance, there is evidence from a survey study in Italy indicating higher religiosity rates of attendance of church services and prayer due to COVID-19 (Molteni et al., 2020). This finding clearly underlines a heightened need for an increase in PoR research in psychology and particularly South African psychology. South African Research on PoR When considering religion in the context of South Africa, it can be stated that religious diversity runs deep within its roots (Chipkin & Leatt, 2011). As stated above, PoR has generally been underestimated by psychological research (Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Paloutzian, 2017). South Africa is certainly no exception in this trend (Chipkin & Leatt, 2011). Evidence to support this viewpoint stems from the most recent quantitative census data of religion in South Africa in 2011, when religion was lower on the 34 priority list of the census data (Statistics Africa, 2011). There is irony within this statement, as there is a huge amount of power vested in religion, as “South African cultures are still seeped in religion” (van der Merwe, 2010, p. 5) and psychology (van der Merwe, 2010). In terms of the diverse religious context of South Africa (van der Merwe, 2010), it is important for research to account for the different meaning systems (Paloutzian, 2017) that exist within such a context (van der Merwe, 2010). For more traditional African meaning systems, self-identity is not nearly as important as the collectivist identity that South Africa exists in ecologically (Ivey & Myers, 2008; Makhubela, 2016). Unlike Western meaning systems, African beliefs often entail a holistic approach towards the mind, body as well as non-tangible material that exists within existential aspects of religiosity and spirituality (Nwoye, 2015). African beliefs have also been shown to not correspond with quantitative, observable, and coincidental aspects of the self in psychology either (Nwoye, 2015). In fact, many South Africans who adhere to African traditional belief systems, believe in “mystical causality” (Nwoye, 2015, p.212) which is non-tangible and non-applicable to Western beliefs (Kaminer et al., 2018). In the same breath, South Africa’s past has allowed for a clash of Western Christian and African traditional beliefs that cannot be separated for many. For this reason, many South Africans are dualistic in using both in combination (Kaminer et al., 2018). The uniqueness of cultural diversity gives South Africa an immense difference from many other contexts. There is a need for a shared identity and deviation from Western normalcy in African communities and township communities (Ruane, 2010). These deviations need to be respected and treated differently within research (Nwoye, 2015). Therefore, more qualitative methodologies, such as the IPA (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014) explained in chapter four must be incorporated in order to not assume ones meaning making system, but to rather allow members of diverse South African religions to use their agency in explaining the phenomenon and how it plays a role collectively within their communities (Nwoye, 2015). 35 Although the secularisation theory (which rejects more traditional religious beliefs) has become more of a normality within the European context (Gill, 2002; Taylor, 2007), many places including South Africa, the US and many other countries have not shown this situation to be the case (Chipkin & Leatt, 2011; Paloutzian, 2017). Along with the backlash of secularisation, where there is a plausible counter that indicates that spirituality is rather taking over religion (Hill et al., 2000), the piloted reworkings of secularisation by authors such as Inglehart and Norris (2004) place a more plausible, empirical counter to both arguments, as they demonstrate how religion continues to thrive in the third world due to the context where social and economic control is lost. The result is an individual and collective need for civilisation to rely on religion to regain that lost control (Berger, 1999; Inglehart & Norris, 2004). With regards to the loss of economic and social control causing “existential insecurity” (Inglehart & Norris, 2014, pp. 3389) and a need for religion, future research can be used to further understand the effect religion has within communities that have lost a sense of personal and collective control (Inglehart & Norris, 2014). The Research Gap in South African Studies In terms of the field of PoR, there are many important facets that have not been sufficiently researched within the South African context, especially regarding religion and its role within township communities, such as Diepsloot. Regarding the current trend of global psychology, the newer subjective wave of psychology has given rise to and strengthened cross-cultural psychology (Clobert, 2021), due to the way it can play an integral role in highlighting cultural diversities (Clobert, 2021; Vail et al., 2010). When considering religion, this aspect is highly relevant due to the way culture and religion have often been linked as overall factors in human behaviour (Clobert, 2021; Tarakeshwar et al., 2003; Ysseldyk et al., 2010). Th