EAT, PRAY, LIVE Re-imagining The Melrose Hindu Temple as a space for socio-cultural integration Charvana Diar 1058629 February 2022 2 3 ''IT ALWAYS SEEMS IMPOSSIBLE UNTIL IT'S DONE.'' - Nelson Mandela For my ever-loving BRILLIANT father, Dinesh Diar The extent of my gratitude goes way beyond the confines of this single page, still I owe my thanks to: My family, My late father, whose ardent support, nurturing and belief in me has allowed me to achieve way beyond my wildest imagination; My mother for her fresh new perspectives and unconditional love; my aunt Prabashni, whose care and support I appreciate more than she knows; Nikhil for being so patient and understanding; and lastly my grandpar- ents and great grandparents for sharing their knowledge and time with me. My supervisors, Brendan Hart, whose guidance throughout this challenging year, encouraged me and provided the platform to achieve greater heights. Reon and Sundeep, for the added support and for making time for me in your busy schedule. My peers, A great deal of thanks to 'The Sub-Group', Bilqis and Mahdiyah in our mutual struggle; Michelle, Tumi and Philisani who helped in many different ways throughout the year. And finally, everyone whose knowledge, time and resources contributed to the concep- tion of this thesis and my academic development as a whole- Thank you! ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS FORMAT OF THIS REPORT This document was initially prepared for printing, but has been adjusted to be legible and clear on screen, which is the new standard for submission of postgraduate reports at the university. Each spread is comprised of two 280x290mm pages (approximately A3 square). I, Charvana Diar 1058629 am a student registered for the course Master of Architecture (Professional) in the year 2021. I hereby declare the following: I am aware that plagiarism [the use of someone else's work without permission and/or without acknowledging the original sources] is wrong. I confirm that the work submitted for assessment for the above course is my own unaided work except where I have stated explicitly otherwise. I have followed the required conventions in referencing thoughts, ideas, and visual materials of others. For this purpose, I have referred to the Graduate School of Engineering and the Built Environment style guide. I understand that the University of the Witwatersrand may take disciplinary action against me if there is a belief that this is not my unaided work or that I have failed to acknowledge the source of the ideas or words in my own work. Signed on 2022/02/22 EAT, PRAY, LIVE Re-imagining The Melrose Hindu Temple as a space for socio-cultural integration This document is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree: Master of Architecture (Professional) at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, 2021. 01 ABSTRACT 11 02 LEXICON 12 03 INTRODUCTION 15 1 Evolution of Research 16 04 THE INDIAN COMMUNITY 21 1 Indian Arrival 22 2 Post-Apartheid/ Post Colonialism 30 3 Hybridity 33 4 Identity 35 5 A Sacred Space 37 5 Conclusion: What does it mean to be hybrid 46 in a Post-Apartheid city ? 05 WATER AND SHARED URBAN SPACE 49 1 Water as a resource 52 2 Constructed Wetlands 54 3 Spaces around water in the city 56 4 Water and spirituality 60 5 Conclusion 64 06 THE PROJECT 67 1 Ritual 68 2 Kavady Festival 74 3 Activity 76 4 Abbotsford the Site 78 5 Site Evolution 80 6 Site Mapping 84 7 The Temple Compound 96 8 The Boundary 98 CONTENTS 07 GENERATION OF DESIGN PRINCIPLES 109 1 Charrette 110 2 Experiment 1- Cloth 112 3 Experiment 2-The Elements 116 4 Analysis of Charrette 118 5 Experiment 3- Space 120 08 CASE STUDIES 123 1 Jetavan Spiritual Development Centre 124 2 Jawahar Kendra Arts Centre 126 3 Urban Intervention 128 4 !Khwa Ttu Cultural Centre 130 5 Freedom Park 132 6 Freedom Park- Phase 2 134 7 Babylonstoren Hotel 136 09 DESIGN DEVELOPMENT 139 1 Programme 140 2 Technical Sysrems 144 3 Sketch Design 146 4 Concepts 151 5 Orientation 154 6 Tectonic expression 156 7 Light Study 161 8 Process Sketches 162 10 FINAL DESIGN PROPOSAL 169 11 CONCLUSION 197 12 VIABILITY REPORT 198 13 LIST OF FIGURES 208 14 REFERENCES 218 1 Literature 2 Online 15 ADDITIONAL DOCUMENTS 225 1 Approval of Research 2 Ethics Clearance Certificate THE SITE AT MELROSE... 1110 01 ABSTRACT This research report explores the possibility of creating a spiritual precinct within the northern suburbs of Johannesburg and is inextricably linked to the culture and heritage of the Hindu population. It seeks to challenge the historical typology of religious spaces and its interpreted apprehension towards becoming more socially and culturally inclusive. There can be little dispute about the damaging legacy of urban planning under Apartheid. Continued tensions between colonial structures of power, identity, and cultural knowledge also persist. As a result, the Melrose Temple in Abbotsford re- mains isolated in its contextual setting while exclusively serving the religio-cultural needs of the Hindu population. In this instance, increased cultural transformation and co-existing hybrid identifications are essential in creating conditions conducive to an integrative city. The overall proposal seeks to initiate conversation between its users by offering diverse programmes and activities that enhance self-transformation. These activ- ities include the shared ritual practices of eating, cooking and growing food within an oasis of serenity and natural beauty. In line with ritual practice and religion, the significance of water on the site becomes an interesting aspect to explore further. Contemporary South Africa requires the vicinity of the Melrose Temple to reimagine how it positions itself within the city and ensure relevance for a generation that is seeking a new identity and what it means to be South African, underscored by the notion that "Our diversity is our strength". Key themes such as cultural hybridity, identity, and spirituality form the conceptual framework of this report to develop an expression of this project through the built envi- ronment. Figure 1.1 Historic photograph taken of the Melrose Hindu Temple in Abbotsford, Johannesburg (The Star Newspaper, n.d ) 12 13 Spruit Post-Apartheid Coolie Third-Space Hybrid Indentured Shloka Translates from Afrikaans to ''stream''. Typically refers to the naturally-occurring, north-flowing streams of Johannesburg, and often specifically to the Sandspruit. Occurring in the time after the end of Apartheid. A derogatory term used for people of Indian decent. In the Tamil language the word ''KULI'' means payment for menial work done. A space whereby individuals can experi- ence a transformative sense of self, iden- tity and relation to others. Of mixed character and composed of dif- ferent elements An indenture is a legal contract that re- flects or covers a debt or purchase obli- gation a Sanskrit word referring to a verse, prov- erb, hymn or poem 02 LEXICON The following terms defined below are used throughout this research report, and may be interpreted differently from their standard definitions. A wooden arch on a wooden base, decorat- ed with flowers and peacock feathers. A religious ceremony performed following a prescribed order and consisting of a series of actions. A strong believer in a specific God or reli- gion. A 'God'' or divine supernatural being. Indians who had emigrated from India and who continued to perform the service allo- cated to their cast. An abstract or aniconic representation of the Hindu god Shiva Nine heavenly bodies and deities that influ- ence human life on Earth in Hinduism and Hindu astrology Religious duty Kavady Ritual Devotee Deity Dhobi Shiva Linga Navagraha Dharma 14 15 03 INTRODUCTION This research report is linked to various disciplines of a historical, cultural as well as social nature. It was sparked by a need to create a narrative that represents my heritage and further the trajectory initiated by my forefathers. The Shree Siva Subramaniar Temple is well known as ‘The Melrose Temple’ in Johannesburg and is the product of great sacrifice by the Indian Indentured labourers. They often celebrated their relationship with God through festivals (Desai, 2010). These festivities played an essential role in fostering so- cial solidarity and allowed the Indian community to survive the harshness of their unjust reality. The Melrose Temple is one such example that reflects this early history of Hindu- ism in South Africa and remains a popular shrine of worship to this day. There are multiple interpretations of unacknowledged histories dating back to the early 1870s; therefore, my starting point was to gain a better understanding of the Temple’s history, especially in relation to the rules and regulations of Apartheid. The association between the Indian community and Johannesburg’s northern suburbs is quite dispa- rate; therefore, the history of Indians in South Africa is further explored. Key themes be- come apparent in this research and include concepts and narratives of identity, cultural hybridity, religion as well as memory. These themes provide a framework to approach the theoretical analysis of the site at Melrose. Figure 3.1 Illustration of the Melrose Temple- A perspec- tive view (Author,2021) 16 17 1. Evolution of Research This research finds its origins in the northern suburbs of Johannesburg, a landscape embedded with layers of displacement, oppression, and marginalization. Previously barred by law from living and using the area, people of colour are the focus. Having Grandparents and Great Grandparents who formed part of this tumultuous history al-lowed me the opportunity to think about how once-exclusive spaces within the city could transform to integrate various social groups, especially in contemporary South Africa. The northern suburbs are primarily residential in terms of scale, land use, and densi-ties but have also become home to various commercial developments. The significant increase of new barriers erected, such as high fences and tight security, emphasizes that the area is far from integrating the fragmented city of apartheid. Boundaries and barriers, also found within open public spaces, prevent the city from integrating due to the constant crime and safety issues, without any spatial consid-eration. How can areas within the elite northern suburbs of Johannesburg become more open, natural, and socially integrative? And how can the existing built fabric complement these changes? Fig 3.2 (Right) Residential developments in the northern suburbs of Johannesburg with high raised walls and barriers to seek refuge from crime (Jenkin, 2019). Johannesburg has a rich cultural identity, as seen in the various churches, syna- gogues, mosques and temples. These religious typologies are clear indicators of the timeless principles and traditional methods used to create unique building structures. My strategy is to use the existing typology of the historic Melrose Hindu Temple and overlay it with the extension of a 'sub-building'. According to a study on the extension and construction surrounding existing Hindu temples in Varanasi, India, sub-buildings are used mainly as residences and sometimes contain rooms for offices or shops (Yanagisawa, et al, 2000). This integration of the old with the new has the potential to create a ''third space'' whereby contemporary physical form is joined with the princi- ples that govern the old built fabric and, in turn, a new typology will form. By preserv- ing and promoting natural spaces such as rivers, fauna, and flora, you expose people to enhanced opportunities for exploration and bring together vastly different cultures that have one shared interest: spiritual well-being and connection to nature. According to the religious texts found in a series of manuals called the Mansara and the Silpa Sastra, a temple along with its deities may not be demolished as this action is considered sinful. These treatises, which date from 500 AD, are seldom consulted in the present day, especially in South Africa; nevertheless, they have remained a vague guide to later temple builders (GTA, 2003). A temple may not be moved as ''the sacredness of a temple is inseparably linked with a specific place'' (Ohara et al., 2020). However, a temple can be remodeled or extended due to various functional changes that occur over time. Huge temple complexes found in the south of India are prime examples of this ''repeated extension'' of the temple precincts. This allows opportunities for more functional programs to occur. The tem- ple has exercised an enormous influence on our social life throughout history, apart from keeping the torch of dharma turning aloft (Harshananda. n.d.). In the book titled 'Rediscovering the Hindu Temple: The Sacred Architecture and Urbanism of India,' Bharne and Krusche (2012) explain how a tiny sanctum born under a roadside tree developed into a large, canonized temple through constant expansion. To an extent, this process is reflected in the Melrose temple, as shown in the figures below, whereby the tiny tin structure which housed a mere fifty people slowly expanded over time and transformed, now seating up to four hundred people at a time. Fig 3.3 (Above) Tirumala Venkateswara Temple, located in Tirupati, India (Pngitem, 2019) Figure 3.4 (Left) Evolution of the historic Melrose Temple representing time and process in urban space. -Original Temple (Newspaper article un- known,1983) -Patio Installed (The Star Newspaper,1984) -Face brick piers and walling with expansion (Unknown,n.d) Original Main Temple Expansions 18 19 It was from here that the project evolved into its theoretical context and established the initial research question: How can a historical typology such as the Melrose Hin- du Temple regain contemporary relevance by servicing the needs of a widespread community in post-Apartheid South Africa? The history of the Melrose Temple is unpacked in the following chapter and sets the basis for the design intention, which is to provide accessibility to the previously disadvantaged groups within an affluent suburban environment. There can be little dispute about the damaging legacy of urban planning under Apart- heid. The imposition of racial segregation dislocated communities and entrenched inequality in the built environment. (Turok,1994). The northern suburbs of Johan- nesburg ''are as much a product of Apartheid as the townships'' (Mabin, 2014). In present-day South Africa, continued tensions seem to exist between the imperial or colonial structures of power, identity, and cultural knowledge. In everyday life, the norms of postcolonial power relations are subverted by everyday political, aesthetic, or daily practices. The inclusion of hybrid identifications that co-exists, and cultural transformations are an essential factor, especially in terms of the location of my proposed design: An exclusive use Hindu temple found in predominantly Jewish society. In today's globalized world, cultures are increasingly merging. The question is then, what are the challenges of hybrid cultures in terms of what my design can achieve? Abbotsford is a lesser-known suburb just south of the Melrose Arch Precinct. Along with its neighbours Melrose, Oaklands, Waverly, Dunkeld, and Bramley, it captures the lush, distinctive features of the northern suburbs with its popular parks formed around several small lakes. Running concurrently to this research component was my interest in the Sandspruit River, which originates from three small streams. The Orange Grove stream, the buried stream which runs near the edge of the Houghton Golf Course, and lastly from another little stream at the south end of a narrow park strip in Abbotsford. It is a significant natural water system running in a northerly direction and plays a similar role to the River Ganga in India. All people of all religions revere the Ganges' as not only a part of their heritage and culture but also as an unending source of nourishment. This presented itself as one of the major drivers for selecting the proj- ect's context, being situated in Abbotsford. The fact that Abbotsford and its surround- ings form, in some way, part of the narrative of water in the city, further introduced the conversation centred on water and the shared urban spaces that form around it. The Melrose Temple was built in Abbotsford mainly due to the presence of the Sand- spruit River, which, over the past 160 years, allowed Hindus the opportunity to carry out their daily devotional needs. This too further introduced the conversation centred on ritual practices and the spaces that can form around them. With reference to the traditional rituals on the Ganges riverbanks in Mumbai, I was attracted to the idea that the Sandspruit river stream that runs past the Melrose Temple could facilitate social and cultural integration instead of being hidden away on a piece of poorly tended property. This allowed me to see an opportunity to develop this underutilized space within the city by simultaneously paying 'homage' to my forebears. Natural, green spaces within urban environments should be of utmost importance and shared amongst all. Therefore, the project proposes the development of a new cultural pre- cinct mainly for unity through spiritual enrichment. How can a new development in the integrative city of Johannesburg facilitate transformation in the area? Key: Melrose Arch Precinct Temple Location M1 Motorway Sandspruit north flowing River How can a historical typology such as the Melrose Hindu Temple, regain contemporary relavance by servicing the needs of a wide- spread community in Post-Apartheid South Africa ? Type A Integrated City (Hybrid) Figure 3.5 (Opposite Top Left) Highlighted site in context (Author, 2021, After Google Earth, 2020). Figure 3.6 (Opposite Bottom Left) The Sandspruit runs northwards from three small streams through its northernmost sub- urbs. (Author ,2021, After Google Earth, 2020). Figure 3.7 (Left) The Ganges River is an integral part of Indian spirituality and provides space for various traditional rituals and cleansing ceremonies. (Unknown, n.d.) Type B ''THIRD SPACE'' 20 21 04 THE INDIAN COMMUNITY According to an article written by Maria Thomas entitled, 'The story of Indians in South Africa is about so much more than Gandhi,' she mentions that, around the world, the South African Indian community and Mahatma Gandhi are always as- sociated. Gandhi's 21 years in South Africa were formative in his mission to lead India's freedom struggle (Thomas, 2018). This chapter expands that narrative by looking at what it was really like to be of Indian origin in South Africa -arriving as mere indentured labourers at the port of Natal to now being the largest population of Indian descent on the continent. This will be looked at in conjunction with the birth of the Melrose Temple, as these two events are inextricably linked. The South African Indian diaspora has changed with history. One of the first things we grew as part of was colonialism. When indenture was abolished, Apartheid came about. So, the Indian community grew with Apartheid and lived under its regime as part of the black population. I was born post '94, as an early product of the 'born- free' generation, on the ''threshold'' of an uncertain present and between a socially unjust past and a hopeful future. I often remember navigating the city during my younger days as a young Indian South African. I recall Fordsburg being the only known place where one could buy any sort of Indian delicacies, spices, jewellery, or fabrics. In the past decade, however, Fordsburg repurposed itself and has evolved to become virtually unrecognizable to the Fordsburg of my childhood. Today, it is a rich ''cultural melting pot'' of various other immigrant communities. The influence of these different cultures on each other has had a significant impact on creating spaces that are more inclusive and accommodating to other cultures and societies. Figure 4.1 (Opposite) Photograph of my grandparents getting married in a predominantly ''white neighbor- hood'' at Melrose Temple, despite the rules of the Group Areas Act (Unknown, 1966) 22 23 Indian Indentured labourers arrived in Natal during the 1860s during British colonial rule. They were brought from India to work for the sugar cane farmers, who required them as an alternative source of labour. This was due to the shortfall of labourers since the African population were practising subsistence farming at the time. Most of these indentured labourers were Hindus and had signed a five-year contract that bound them in a manner similar to that of slavery. These labourer's experienced great hardship during their contracts and were incentivized to stay for a further five years in exchange for a free return trip to India or a piece of crown land. From the 1870s onwards, a second wave of so-called ''passenger Indians'' followed the indentured immigrants at their own expense and established themselves as small shop owners and merchants (Valley,2001). Well-known as Gujarati traders from western India, they took advantage of the ''opportunities provided by the growth in the number of indentured and ex-indentured Indians in Natal'' (Desai,2007). After the specified term of Indenture was completed, a third category of Indians emerged as ''free Indians'' in which many became hawkers, traders, and some even embarked upon market gardening. According to Tholsi Mudly in her article A Brief History of Indian Indenture in South Africa, the labourer's ''...had to make many adaptations regarding religion, language, caste, dress, and food to survive in this land'' (Mudly,2020). Following the discovery of gold and the establishment of Johannesburg in 1886, Indians started appearing in significant numbers. This movement prompted the Transvaal Government to impose restrictive laws, making the lives of Indian immigrants even more difficult. Law No.3 of 1885 ''relating to Coolies, Arabs, and other Asiatics'' further restricted their rights to own land and thus forced the Indian community into various segregated areas such as Fords- burg and Lenasia (Hart,2013). Not long after this, ''Newtown's Coolie Location'' (Johannesburg's first Indian settlement) was evacuated. This happened because the British Government had plans to redevelop the area, and the Coolie Location was declared unsanitary (Mayat, 2013). 1. Indian Arrival Figure 4.2 (Below) Early Indian immigrants to Natal holding up tin tickets, similar to that of slavery (Unknown, n.d) Figure 4.3 (Below) Indentured Indians working on a sugar cane field in Natal, under British colonial rule (SAHO, 2020) Figure 4.4 (Opposite Top Right) Principal Washing Sites on the Witwa- tersrand 1890-1906 (Davie,2017 After New Babylon, New Nineveh: Everyday Life on the Witwatersrand, 1886-1914) During this time, Johannesburg was still a rough mining town and only had a few services with no proper extensive drainage systems in place. It was forbidden to do the laundry at home, which caused laundry businesses to grow significantly in and around the city, as shown in figure 4.4 above. The opening of the Melrose Steam Laundry on the banks of the Sandspruit river mainly employed ''dhobis'' arriving on the Rand from Natal (Van Onselen, 2007). According to Doctor Sarresvathi Paday- achee (2011), this employment opportunity came with the inclusion of accommo- dation at the Melrose Steam Laundry site, rations and a small cash wage. After a short while, the need for a place of worship became apparent amongst the Indian labourer's as ''most would have been practising some sort of Hinduism in India'' (Desai,2010). Therefore, it was only natural for them to try and introduce aspects of their beliefs and practices in the foreign land of South Africa. Since the laundry busi- ness only occupied a meagre portion of the land at Abbotsford, it became the ideal site to build a temple. The wide-open fertile farmland, along with the Sandspruit river, offered a space perfect for quiet meditation and prayer as it was ''situated amongst placid settings, away from the city'' (Padayachee, 2011). A Hindu temple is not to be regarded as just an imposing building, however beau- tiful its architecture and sculptures might be. Nor is it a mere place of worship. The temple is an "expression of the whole community''. It represents a link between man, God, and nature (GTA, 2003). There is a popular saying among the Tamil speaking Hindus which runs as follows: ''Koil illa ooril kudi irukke vemdaam'' Meaning, ''Do not reside in a district where there is no temple''. This emphasizes the importance of a temple in Hindu culture. The Hindus look upon God as a great King. Ko-il (Temple) thus becomes the King's house (GTA, 2003). Notably, the construc- tion of this wood and iron temple structure was built purely out of love, labour, and the financial contribution made by my forefathers, despite having limited resources. From its humble beginnings, the temple served as a place of worship and as a safe space for the Hindu community residing in Johannesburg and specifically in areas such as Fordsburg and Mayfair. An interview that took place earlier this year revealed that the former president, Nelson Mandela, once hid within this Temple compound while evading the police during the Apartheid era. In his publication enti- tled The Temple at Melrose, Thillayvel Naidoo mentions that ''no matter how far the Indian community may for any reason be removed from it in future, there will always be a regular pilgrimage to its hallowed precincts'' (Naidoo,1984). Figure 4.5 (Above) Map highlighting the space where the Indian labourers used to reside against the current conditions in the temples compound (Author, 2021, After Google Earth, 2015). Figure 4.6 (Above) My Great Grandmother at the Melrose Tem- ple (Unknown, n.d). 24 25 Figure 4.7 Indentured recruitment districts (Author,2021) Figure 4.8 Indian hawkers in Johannes- burg (Kallaway, 1986) Figure 4.9 The Coolie Location (Mor- ris.1980) Figure 4.10 The Melrose Temple History (Johannesburg Heritage Foundation,1983) Figure 4.11 My Grandmother Soobamah Pillay in Fietas (Unknown, 1950) Birth of Temple 26 27 Figure 4.12 Racial Segregation in South Africa (50minutes.com, 2021) Figure 4.13 Kavady Procession at Mel- rose (Gems,1955) Figure 4.14 My Grandparents getting married at the Melrose Temple (Unknown, 1994) Figure 4.15 Election day, 1994. (Berry, 1994) Figure 4.16 Melrose Temple Renovation (Padayachee,1996) Rituals and Ceremonies Expansion of Temple Figure 4.17 The Melrose Temple site -Present day (Author,2021) 28 29 4.18 4.19 4.20 4.21 4.22 4.23 30 31 2. Post-Colonialism, Post-Apartheid The tensions which continue to exist amongst the formerly colonized people are expressed through post-colonial theory. It deals with the effects of colonization on cultures and societies and those societies' responses (Ashcroft, 2017). In the South African context, the term ''post-colonial'' is better understood as "post-Apartheid'', marking the end of British colonial rule in the twentieth century (Hart, 2013). Apart- heid (literally 'state of being apart' in Afrikaans) was a policy of systematic oppres- sion and essentially sought to shape the country's spatial, political, and economic life to enable a ''separate development'' of the four racial groups categorized as Indian, White, Coloured and Black. Although this law has been abolished, many South Africans still view themselves based on these categories or labels. Therefore, Post-Colonial theory is often recognized as the power relations that exist within the issues of ''cultural diversity, ethnic, racial and cultural difference'' (Ashcroft 2006). Evidently, in South Africa, Colonialism had quite an insidious and corrosive impact on people and their landscapes, resulting in extreme spatial injustices and urban segregation. It started from the 1950's Group Areas Act, whereby thousands of Blacks, Coloureds and Indians were forcefully removed from areas that were clas- sified for white occupation. This law made it impossible for the dhobis to continue living and working at the Melrose Steam Laundry, as it was situated in a ''whites-on- ly'' suburb. It still intrigues me how the Temple survived demolition throughout this period, although it probably was just a miracle. The development of the plan for the model Apartheid city is shown in figure 4.24 below. In the Johannesburg context, the Apartheid spatial plan sought to designate lower-class white groups to the south of the central business district (CBD) and higher, middle-class white groups to the north while ''Coloured and Indian groups occurred in the spaces between'' (Stokes, 2018). The white minority groups were given preference in terms of access into the city and land area, whereas other groups' zones were ''highly restricted and periph- eral.'' (Christopher, 1995). Figure 4.24 (Below) A sign during Apartheid showing the se- verely poor conditions under which non- European's in South African were subject- ed to. (Kampjef, 2014 Courtesy: Radio Freethinker) Figure 4.25 (Below) Model Apartheid City (du Plessis and Landman, 2002) Figure 4.26 (Opposite) Racial distribution in Gauteng in 2014 il- lustrates the legacy of the Group areas act (Author, 2021 after Harrison et al, 2014) Figure 4.27 (Opposite) New perceptions of the ''northern suburbs'' of Johannesburg (Author, 2021, After Stokes, 2018) THE APARTHEID CITY Coloured Indian African White Outline of Johannesburg immedi- ate Context Abbotsford- location of temple According to Christopher (1999), the structures of the Apartheid city have demon- strated to be ''remarkably resilient'' with minor changes as seen in the segregated residential patterns. Newly formed suburbs are primarily ''mono-African'' in charac- ter, and although ''pockets of integration'' have been noticeable, they are still subject to transformation within central cities. He further mentions that the ''vast majority of South African urban dwellers will continue to live within the framework established under Apartheid for the foreseeable future'' (Christopher,1999). As seen in figure 4.25 above, areas such as Fordsburg and Mayfair, historically home to the minority Indian immigrant community, are still densely populated by Indians. In the book titled 'Spaces of the Modern City: Imaginaries, Politics, and Everyday Life', the Authors Prakash and Kevin Kruse mention that ''the struggles of these subordinate groups to cope with environments that were so hostile and segregated, defined the identities of the communities and their spaces'' (Prakash and Kruse, 2008). This is what makes it so hard for them to move away, I believe, as these areas are now perceived as rich cultural or ''ethnic'' enclaves (Mohamed, 2006). The cycle now continues as ''new immigrants are starting to settle within these established enclaves where the environment has a sense of familiarity'' (Mayat,2013). CBD FORDSBURG MELROSE TEMPLE 3km APARTHEID ERA POST APARTHEID 32 33 Norwood is also home to a large Jewish community, as well as Middle Eastern and African ex-pats. This unique mix of cultures has suddenly birthed a multitude of cuisines from shawarmas to butter chicken and everything in between. Mahomed (2006) describes places such as Fordsburg (and similarly Norwood) as ''zones of transition'' because it is an area of not only commerce, residence, and tourism but also a centre for the cultural community (Mahomed, 2006). Along with the popu- larity of Mint Road, Fordsburg Square, and the establishment of the Oriental Pla- za, ''the suburb has been reaffirmed as an enclave where new interactions are constantly being created'' (Mayat, 2013). It appears that some suburbs are more multi-cultural than others, typically depending on their proximity to the CBD or their business-oriented potential. These 'place-sharing' areas serve as an 'entry point neighbourhood' for many immigrants who all share a common interest and need to belong. Figure 4.28 Mayfair, Fordsburg, and surrounds (Thompson, 2015) 3. Hybridity What does hybridity or being hybrid mean? The word ''hybridity'' can have different meanings in terms of biology, culture, and ethnicity. According to Hart (2013), hybridization results from the tensions caused by colonization. In The Dictionary of Sociology, written by Authors Scott and Marshall (2015), the term hybridity is used to describe the condition in which boundaries of identity are crossed ''resulting in illegitimate racial mixing'' with reference to derogato- ry names such as ''mongrel'' or ''half-breed''. Alsayyad, the prolific author who writes about issues concerning the built environment, defines the term ''hybridity'' through the works of Homi Bhabha in his book Hybrid Urbanism. According to him, Bhabha invented the term in the post-colonial context during the early 1980s and is one of the most important advocates of the concept. He argues that hybridity is not a term that resolves tensions between cultures. Still, it is the creation of an 'in-between' or 'third space' whereby ''elements encounter and transform each other''(AlSayyad,2007). Bhabha's entire concept of the ''third space'' is spatialized to an extent as it comes from the emergence of hybridity (Hart, 2013). While he may have been speak- ing of a metaphorical space rather than physical between cultures, the ''third space'' can be defined in everyday life as a ''transition space'', where everyday political, aesthetic, or daily practices subvert the norms of post-colonial power relations (Antener, 2019). In the post-Apartheid city, areas of new contact be- tween previously separated ''different'' cultures become the necessary boundary and space from which hybridity can emerge (Hart, 2013). The suburbs of Fords- burg, Mayfair West, and Norwood, for example, are newly mixed post-apartheid communities that perfectly reflect Bhabha's 'third space.' Therefore, the result- ing spaces that emerge from this environment are considered 'hybrid spaces.' Philipp Wolfgang Stockhammer (2012) explains that ''hybridity is but one in a sea of metaphors attempting to come to terms with processes of cultural transformation''. He identifies three metaphorical fields of hybridity: borrowing, mixing, and translat- ing. Borrowing, in this case, refers to the idea of a subordinate culture adopting traits from a dominant culture to create a kind of ''assimilation'' between the two. Cultural borrowing is often associated with negative connotations as it indicates that the bor- rower's culture is not sufficiently original. According to Edward Said and French his- torian Fernand Braudel, ''the history of all cultures is the history of cultural borrowing'' (Stockhammer, 2012). Mixing has been viewed as a ''fusion'' of cultures and has be- come a widespread concept used in contexts that range from cuisine right through to music. Lastly, the notion of translating refers to the work that needs to be done to domesticate the alien and the strategies and tactics employed (Stockhammer, 2012). The Melrose Temple is one such example of a minority Hindu culture that exists within a dominant Jewish culture, thus making it a site that encourages cultural abrasion while keeping its own identity intact. According to an article titled 'Hindu- ism, Christianity, and Liberal Religious Toleration,' the author Spinner-Halev (2005) further mentions that Hinduism has historically been relatively tolerant of other reli- gions, making the Melrose Temple a perfect location for the construction of a new hybrid typology. 34 35 ''Hinduism is not a codified religion'' - Mahatma Gandhi The temple and its immediate surroundings have the potential to become a cultural hybrid space within the city whereby the ''blurring of boundaries'' would exist so that post-apartheid communities can search for new meanings alongside the old (Sandercock, 1995). According to Hart (2013), the complex interplay of identities, memories, and histories within a space is exactly what results in the emergence of hybridity. South Africans will always be hybrids themselves, and with this in mind, both urban designers and architects should expand this concept throughout the built environment. The new hybrid identity of the Melrose Temple would allow for a sense of continuity by becoming an ideal representation of a new socially just and culturally integrative South Africa. Figure 4.29 (Left) Diagram on Indian Identity from initial re- search (Author, 2021) 4. Identity AlSayyad, a cultural studies professor, defines identity in his book Hybrid Urban- ism as ''...typically referring to social labels given to individuals as members of a group, which may either be assigned by the individuals themselves or by others''(Al- Sayyad,2001). In South Africa, Indian culture grew to become ''relatively isolated and insular'' due to the legislated restrictions of Apartheid which, as mentioned earlier, employed to segregate people into specified areas or zones based on their ethnicity. Accordingly, ''the removal of imposed identity in Post-Apartheid South Africa has resulted in the emergence of a new national one'' (Mayat, 2013). This, however, has created an 'internalized conflict of identity whereby citizens who were once confined by national law now need to redefine their identity within a new South African context (Mayat, 2013). The process seems rather complex since 'Indian identity has constantly been constructed, deconstructed, and re-made over time: this underscores anxiety and tensions amongst Indians on how best to assert their belonging in Africa. In the article titled 'Identity and Belonging in Post-Apartheid South Africa: The Case of Indian South Africans,' authors Desai and Vahed (2017) explain that if access to resources continues to be defined by race exclusively, then one can anticipate increased frustration on the part of the poor's who will most likely be susceptible to racial and ethnic overtures. On the other hand, the middle classes, living in the same gated communities and enjoying the same sports, like cricket and golf, may witness bonding across racial lines (Desai and Vahed, 2017). Memory and the resultant identity of the post-colonial diaspora are both multi- faceted and complex. In the essay titled, 'Diasporas in Modem Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return' (1991), William Safran defines diasporas as "expa- triate minority communities" that sustain a "memory, vision, or myth about their original homeland'' with the belief that they will never be fully accepted by their host country (Safran,1991). This fits in line with the Indian-British novelist Sal- man Rushdie (2006), who argues that ''identity is both plural and partial'' being of two countries but not belonging to either. The Indian diaspora in South Afri- ca is unique due to its identity traits referencing British colonial rule and Apart- heid. With this in mind, and in the context of the Melrose Temple, the formation of identity is in much the same way, established by the shared histories, mem- ories, and cultures that ''permeate'' within the Indian community (Mayat, 2013). Since memory is generally the basis on which identity is formed, it should be con- sciously maintained. Hart (2013) mentions that as memory adapts and changes, so will the sense of identity. Therefore, the existence of such sites which carry such rich cultural and traditional memories are important for the preservation of identity, but only because the memories that these sites represent are now being ''threatened'' in our current society as time goes (Nora 1989). In the book 'Inner World: A Psychoanalytical Study of Childhood and Society in India,' Sudhir Kakar describes ''Indianness'' as a result of ''historical, cultural and psychological influ- ences'' in which the network of social roles, religious values, and myth play an important part. Essentially, identity is not defined by ethnic similarity or racial cohe- siveness but rather by similar cultural experiences. In my experience as a former Bharatanatyam dancer, I have discovered that both the dance and the dancer are the most thorough representatives of the Indian culture, originating from the state Tamil Nadu in India. Similarly, In the US, the dragon dance of the Chinese New Year also powerfully expresses cultural identity, serving as a ''multivocal forum for the discussion of ethnicity''(Li, 2017). 36 37 I believe that spiritual engagement through dance and music has helped the propa- gation of identity, especially in the South African context, as it has provided a pure and elevating type of entertainment and, at the same time, it has connected the community to the culture and practices of ancestral India. Kapila Vatsyayan (1974) describes this dance as ''the highest order of spiritual discipline'' in her book titled In- dian Classical dance. Singh (2021) mentions that as time goes by, traditional Indian dance has started to reach much greater multi-racial audiences and is no longer ex- clusive to the Indian community. My former dance guru, Jayesperi Moopen, from the Thribangi Dance Company, mentions that'' as a South African choreographer, dance has always been to transcend cultural barriers'' (Moopen, 2018). She uses English, African and Indian music to juxtapose and highlight both traditional and contempo- rary movements. After twenty-seven years into democracy, terms like ''Fusion, Mul- ticulturalism, Interculturalism, and Cross-culturalism, are still being debated, espe- cially where innovative and experimental work like this is concerned'' (Singh, 2021). A fixed singular national identity is not possible in the 21st century. ''Huyssen (1995) argues that post-colonial national identities need to be heterogeneous to remain viable with the often 'multicultural communities' they represent'' (Hart, 2013). Therefore, in the essay 'The Politics of Identity in South Africa: Diversity and Inclusion,' Paulin Manwelo (2011) explains her new way of thinking about ''identity'' as ''citizenship''. She seems to believe that this would redefine the term identity concerning our common bonds as South Africans rather than by our eth- nic differences. Through increased interactions within exclusive religious spaces (such as the Melrose Temple), people would get the chance to exchange knowl- edge and share values that may not have previously been accepted or allowed. Figure 4.30 (Above) The Tabla, a membranophone percussion instrument (Thopate, 2016). Figure 4.31 (Top Right) Dancer and family member, Shivanie Naidoo, having her photograph taken on the banks of the Sandspruit river at Mel- rose Temple (Unknown, 2016) I believe that religion is also a central part of one's identity, which the sacred Melrose Temple stands to represent. ''Religion'' comes from the Latin word Re- ligare, meaning 'to tie or bind together. The article titled 'Religion and Identity, states that religion is typically defined in modern dictionaries as ''an organized system of beliefs and rituals centering on a supernatural being or beings''. (Fac- ing History and Ourselves, 2019) The article further mentions that to belong to a religion often means more than just sharing beliefs and participating in rituals; it also means being part of an identity (Facing History and Ourselves, 2019). For many years following their arrival in South Africa, religion was the only thing the Indian community could hold onto since colonial language and documen- tation had solely produced their identity. ''Temples were a source of comfort for many, as it was here that communal worship was experienced, birth, mar- riage and death ceremonies observed, and festivals carried out'' (Desai and Va- hed, 2010). However, unlike in South Africa, the temples in India served a more multi-purpose function, being central to both economic and social interaction. Historically, temples were known as ''convention centers for spiritual and intel- lectual conversation''(Vishnuvajhala, n.d.). It was not just a place of worship, and therefore, its design aimed at serving the broader community by housing hospi- tals, schools, and even courtrooms. Due to colonial rule and the earlier govern- ing laws, temples in South Africa remained small without any major additions. While cultural heritage spaces such as the Melrose Temple perform religious functions and ''accommodate rituals'', it has the potential to offer much more than that in the 21st century. Sacred spaces within the city should provide refuge and a sense of calm to counteract the storm of modern life. The space should ''invite people to reflect on architecture and art, spirituality and the divine''(Dal- las, 2016), drawing them away from the distractions of social media and smart- phone notifications. Mann (1933) writes that the definition of ''sacred architecture'' only considers the earthly aspects of such and not the other dimension, that of the spiritual. (A. T. Mann, 1993). In the book 'Cultural and Urban Heritage,' Au- thors Igor and Gojnik (2019) express that every architectural experience is multisensory. The aspect of sacred architecture influences the visitor's experi- ence of cultural heritage because ''architecture relates, mediates and projects meanings anchored in a complex experience of space'' (Igor and Gojnik, 2019). 5. A Scared Space Figure 4.32 (Left) My family, coming together in prayer on the banks of the Sandspruit river at Melrose Temple, during the Apartheid era. They are photographed wearing traditional saris while taking part in a religious ceremony (Unknown, n.d) 38 39 Figure 4.33 (Right) Isikhumbuto, The Garden of Remem- brance at Freedom Park (MMA Design Studio, 2018) Figure 4.34 (Opposite) Multi-functional spaces with openings in walls for light to enter (A. Young, 2006) The various phenomena such as light, smell, sound, and touch directly affect the entire experience of the sacred. They create distinct atmospheres of transcendence, eterni- ty, belonging, and an out-of-the-ordinary character of space (Igor and Gojnik, 2019). Finnish Architect and professor Juhani Pallasmaa makes a compelling argument for many architects to further explore their ideas and processes of design by integrating more 'sensory experiences' in their architecture. Pallasmaa claims that buildings are not only objects that we occupy, but we also respond to them in an equal measure. A good example of this is the Freedom Park Heritage site in Pretoria, informed by indig- enous knowledge systems. Vital elements such as water, fire, stone, and indigenous trees and plants are utilized as a part of the spiritual ambiance of the site. Ultimately, peo- ple perceive places through their senses, recollection, and imagination to experience the spirit of the place or rather 'Genius Loci' more holistically (Norberg-Schulz, 1980). Despite some characteristics of Freedom Park being ''fraught with political issues'' as to its objective and overt focus on African values, a study carried out by the depart- ment of architecture at the University of Pretoria clearly shows that, by integrating sa- cred African stories into an open public space, there has been a rather positive impact on most of the peoples' reaction and perception to the place. The site's features cre- ate a powerful 'sense of place' and essentially serve its intended spiritual, communal, and emotional functions. Although a specific ''African cultural perspective or set of values'' is reflected, it can also be understood in universal terms (Young and Vosloo, 2020). Freedom Park or 'Isivivane' in this case, is an important post-apartheid com- memorative space that also functions as a place of mourning; a place of memory; a place for healing and reflection; a place for the ceremony; a place that engenders col- lective identity; and lastly a safe and comfortable place that is aesthetically beautiful. This is achieved through inventive multi-functioning building elements such as light wells in the museum's interior spaces and openings in walls. These ''all speak to the qualitative process of tying in an indigenous sensibility to a universal condition'' (Young and Vosloo, 2020) by giving form to an experience that is spiritually, aes- thetically, and emotionally engaging. In doing this, the set of designers hoped that the place would become more of a 'cross-cultural catalyst' which enables visitors to discover the true meaning behind the sacred place (Young and Vosloo, 2020). In his book entitled 'The Eyes of the Skin,' Pallasmaa (1996) argues that vision should be placed above all the other senses due to how we perceive the built en- vironment. He uses the term 'Ocularcentrism' to describe this bias by examining architecture that appeals to the eye but does very little to engage with the other senses. According to architect and interior designer Ami Mody (2021), this raises many fascinating points for introspection. Do we only remember the cities that we have been to purely because of the sights that we have seen? Or are our experi- ences of spaces enriched by a particular feeling, smell, or taste that becomes so firmly etched in memory that they have the power to transport us back (Mody, 2021)? Essentially, architecture should be an object for visual engagement and an extension of nature in the manufactured realm (Pallasmaa, 1996). Pallasmaa writes that life-en- hancing architecture, like a forest, should simultaneously engage and heighten all the senses. Since every touching experience of architecture is multi-sensory, both scale and quality of space matter as they are equally measured by the skin, tongue, eyes, and ears. ''Architecture strengthens the existential experience, one's sense of being in the world and this is essentially a strengthened experience of self ''(Pallasmaa, 1996). ''Architecture is the art of reconciliation between our- selves and the world, and this mediation takes place through the senses'' - Juhani Pallasmaa The Melrose temple site hosts various religious ceremonies throughout the year and also includes ''a plethora of sense impressions'' (Drahos 2011). From the sound of the bubbling brook and chiming of the temple bell to the smell of incense and flower petals, all the senses relating to the body are stimulated to make the human experi- ence more significant and memorable. Ultimately, the body's five senses get activat- ed when you are inside the temple, according to an article written by the Hans News Service (2019). In every tradition, sacred places focus on the spiritual dimension, where the tangible world may transcend and a glimpse of the intangible experienced. They focus on those who seek to understand and experience this realm by acting as gateways for the community between this tangible world and the intangible spiritual realm (Croker, 2008). 40 41 Figure 4.35 (Above) Sketch diagrams of the earlier Melrose temple structure after slight alterations from original wood and iron to facebrick. The sketch below the Melrose temple plan and elevation is shown in comparison (Author, 2021) Figure 4.36 (Top Right) A breakdown of the spaces governing an earlier structure of the Melrose Hindu Temple (Author,2021 After The Star News- paper,1984 Figure 4.37 (Opposite) The Architecture and Sculpture of the Hindu Temple (Author, 2021 After GTA-Lecture 8: Religions and Churches in Gauteng, 2003) Reference Temple The Melrose Temple As shown in the diagrams alongside, the Melrose temple was constructed in such a way that resembles the shape of the human body. This application is reflected in most Hindu temples worldwide to remind individuals that the body itself is the temple of God (Pa- dayachee,1996). The temple reflects God in a cosmic form as various parts of the temple denote parts of the human body. 1. For example, the ‘’head’’ is depicted as the garbhagriha (a square chamber where the main deity is stationed). This space is dark, much like a cave, with light coming in only through the front opening. 2. In many cases, the garbhagriha is topped by a medium-height tower-like roof called a ‘’Vimana’’. According to Abhilash Rajendran (2019), the symbolic meaning behind the vima- na comes from the ‘’yearning movement of ascension towards akasha (heaven)’’, much like the mystical Mount Meru. 3. The ‘’body’’ is represented as the mandapa, forms the entrance to the temple, and incor- porates the characteristics of a hall or pavilion. This designated space is used for various congregational religious acts such as dancing, chanting, and the recitation of mythological, sacred texts. (Harshananda, n.d.) Depending on specific functional needs, some temples have multiple mandapas of various sizes. 4. Leading up to the mandapa and marking the entrance is the Ardhamandapa, which takes the form of a verandah. Before entering the Ardhamandapa, the devotees pass the Kodi and Balipitham mounted on a common platform. 5. The dhvajastambha is positioned in front of the entrance to the temple and is another common feature of Hindu temple architecture. This represents the flag post of the ‘’King of kings’’ and proclaims the presence of the deity. It acts as the human axis, around which the cosmic energy and senses ‘’sublimate into the absolute’’. (Kamakshi, 2021). Additionally, the three lines across the pole represent the three elements, fire, wind, water, and the three worlds or stages of evolution: man, the Devas, and the Gods. 6. A circumambulatory passage called a pradaksinapatha is usually provided around the temple, enabling devotees to circle the deity and pay their due respects. Essentially, the interior spaces of temples are arranged to promote the movement of the devotee from the outside towards the sanctuary through a series of enclosures, as men- tioned above. These become increasingly sacred as the sanctuary is approached. A further expression of the sanctuary’s energy radiating outwards is in the movement upwards. How- ever, the worshipper cannot physically participate in this ascent; the symbolism attached to the parts of the temple permits him ritually to undertake such movement. (Michell, 1977) The Hindu temple serves as a ‘’reminder of impermanence’’, a notion that implies a turning away from the ‘’present illusionary world to surmount and transcend it ‘’(Michell, 1977). In Hindu philosophy, the form of the human body was created to suit the abstract idea of the square. This became the very first basis of a system of proportion which was later dis- played in the works of Leonardo da Vinci and Le Corbusier through their ‘’modular system of measurement’’. (Groover,1980) This square grid called the Vastupurushamandala, has all the geometrical, human, and astronomical properties that essentially form the basis of all Hindu Temples’ ground floor plans. Key (Below) 1. Gopuram -Entrance Gate 2. Dhwajastambha-Flagpole (Kodi) 3. Balipitha Pedestal 4. Mandapam-Hall 5. Ardha Mandapam- Ancillary Shrine 6. Garbhagrha- Sanctum Sanctorum 7. Vimanam or Shikara- Tower Reference Temple 42 43 Sactum Mandapa Flag Pole Main Entrance Figure 4.38 (Opposite) Typical Temple Complex (Harshananda, n.d) Figure 4.39 (Left) Complex temple forms with their basic unit remaining the square (Nangia,2001) Figure 4.40 (Above) A ''Vastupurushamandala'' one of many types formed from the fundamental shape of a square (Hindupedia, n.d) The Vaastu Shastra (technical Construction treatise) was published in the 10th century; it provides insight into the exceptional codified language of temple design and con- struction. This manual explains that a temple’s overall design is typically based on a mandala, an astrological diagram including the ‘’positions of stars, planets, deities, and the sun with regards to a particular site’’ (D.K. Ching et al., 2011). The mandala is a concentric figuration; usually a square divided into several smaller squares by an intersecting grid of lines. This arrangement of central squares with others surrounding it is a ‘’microscopic image of the universe with its concentrically organized structure’’ (Michell, 1977). In the book entitled, ‘The Hindu Temple’’, George Michell (1977) explains that by con- structing this diagram to regulate the form of the temple, a symbolic connection is cre- ated, ‘’binding together the world of the Gods- the universe, and its miniature recon- struction through the work of man- the temple’’(Michell, 1977). The assumption permitting such an identification of the universe with its model is that of spatial and physical correspondence between the worlds of God and man. The mandala of the temple plan is also considered a symbolic pantheon of the Gods, as the smaller squares of the diagram are each ‘’the seat’’ of a particular deity. The central and largest square is usually occupied by Brahma, the deity concerned with creation. Arranged around this square are the planetary divinities, the guardians of the directions of space, and other astronomical deities. The mandala’s centre is the most sacred part of the diagram. As mentioned previously, it is materialized in Hindu temple architecture by the symbol of the divinity placed in the sanctuary (Michell, 1977). 44 45 Figure 4.41 Recent photograph of the Melrose Temple (Author, 2021) 46 47 6. Conclusion Figure 4.33 (Above) Guests at my Grandparents wedding which took place at the Melrose Temple. Apartheid Era (Unknown, 1966) What does it mean it be hybrid in the Post-Apartheid city of Johannesburg ? Figure 4.42 (Opposite) Image representing the emerging post-apartheid society in which both Indian woman and Zulu men dance together, pool- ing together arts and cultures (Wilson, 2003) Figure 4.43 (Left) My Grandparents wedding at the Melrose Temple (Unknown, 1966) Through planning and designing interventions as well as theorizing and writing, post-colonial theory has redirected conversations of modernity to ''marginalized lo- cales'' and, by doing so, highlighted the interchange of culture and power in produc- ing, experiencing, and IMAGINING the built environment (Hosagrahar, 2012). Post-colonial perspectives show the ways in which unique histories and forms are situated in global interconnections. According to Jyoti Hosagrahar, deputy director of the World Heritage Centre at UNESCO (2012), built form and space have been instrumental in reinforcing and negotiating hierarchies and relationships within sites of marginalization and oppression. Above all, it has given rise to various design solutions that are more culturally and socially integrative. The shared opulence of Johannesburg's northern suburbs will profoundly impact previously disadvantaged individuals. South Africa is still far from the ideal of a multi-cultural society; due to the deep trench that has been left behind, various ethnic groups lead largely separate lives with barely any points of contact. Never- theless, democratization within the society is steadily progressing (Jyu. fi. 2021). The future of our country largely depends upon access to equal opportunities for all, especially since South Africa's national identity is at a turning point. This historical change provides great opportunities that ''seeks to authorize cultural hybridity's that emerge in moments of historical transformation'' (Bhabha, 1994). Heritage values are impacted depending on the identity or sense of self with- in a social community. ''Interactions between communities similarly cre- ate hybrid urban contexts where cultures, identities, and spaces continu- ally mutate'' (Maharaj, 2016). As architect Vedant Maharaj explains, using architecture and built infrastructure, new hybrid spaces become extremely im- portant in creating new uses and meanings. This transformation is necessary for the post-colonial context of South Africa to mediate change in ways that are both responsive to the systematic requirements and to the built environment. 48 49 05 WATER AND SHARED URBAN SPACE 'The Witwatersrand' was the name given to the ridges where ''streams spar- kled as they tumbled down rocky hillsides'' (Bodman, 1987). Following George Harrisons' discovery of gold in 1886, one of the largest mining camps in the world grew up and is known today as the city of Johannesburg. A con- glomeration of several million people has since emerged in various new towns around the city, causing urbanization and over-population (Bodman,1987). As the city grew, watercourses were modified, and little wetlands were drained. Ridges too, were covered with infrastructure due to the increase in 'urban drift', which resulted in a loss of their natural outlines (Bodman 1987). The ardent wa- ter-quality activist Wendy Bodman (1987) states that Johannesburg's highveld summer storms led to the use of watercourses as drains to carry 'away' storm- water, thus leading to the degradation of urban water streams. Contaminated stormwater is discharged into river systems and, combined with canalization, pro- duces flash floods during the rainy season (CoCT, 2002). In many other coun- tries where there is a consistent spread of annual rainfall, ''stormwater is first piped via sewers to sewage purification plants'' after which it is then ''de-littered and purified'' before eventually returning into the river system. (Bodman,1987) During the early 1900s, the Sandspruit River acted as a water resource for ag- ricultural production nearby the Highlands North Boys rugby fields. Portuguese market gardens emerged producing tomatoes, potatoes, beetroot, radish, celery, etc. (Jones, n.d.). Much value was given to the rich fertile landscape through its productive potential, and the sprawling urban developments that came afterward are a direct result of this agricultural heritage. Figure 5.1 (Opposite) Water fountain at the Zoolake in Johannes- burg attracting city folk (Author, 2021) Figure 5.2 (Bottome Left) Geological profile of Johannesburg highlight- ing the northern suburbs (Oggmus, undated) Figure 5.3 (Below) A more recent map showing the proximity of the Melrose Temple to what used to be the Portuguese Market Gardens (Author, 2021 After Google Earth, 2007) Figure 5.4 (Below) Ariel map of the Portuguese Market Gardens from the 1950s showing the contour lines of cultivated land (Jones, n.d.) Melrose Temple 50 51 Figure 5.5 (Opposite) Wendy Bodman's map of greater northern Johannesburg's water systems (Bodman, 1981). Figure 5.6 (Above) Plan of the Witwatersrand showing the layout of farms in 1886. overlaid on an aerial photo- graph of the greater city area (Author, 2021 After Stokes, 2018) KEY Syferfontein Farm (Location of Site) Farms with ''fontein'' (fountain) in name Farms with water-related translations from Afrikaans, such as ''spruit'' meaning ''spring'' Streams General line of Witwatersrand ridge 52 53 1. Water as a Resource Figure 5.7 (below) The Sandspruit River between Athol Gar- dens and Strathavon (Bodman,1981) Figure 5.8 Children playing on the Braamfontein Spruit (Bodman,1989) Green spaces are typically created along the course of natural rivers. Often, these 'spruits' or rivers double as municipal servitudes, and some even ''host a network of pylons that distribute electricity across the city'' (Stokes, 2018). Bodman focused her work on saving these natural water bodies from destruction and industry to ensure that public spaces in the context of Johannesburg remain accessible to all. Streams such as the Sandspruit, which flows past the Melrose Temple, fulfils many civic roles within the city today. This includes the provision of space for various religious cer- emonies regarding the Hindu, Jewish and Zionist communities (elaborated on further in the document) , accessibility for pedestrians who use the spruit as transport routes, and water for those who don't have sufficient access to it. ''People use some of the spruits' vast vegetation as cover during bathing and clothes washing'' (Stokes, 2018). As discussed in chapter 4, the Hindu temple is seen as a representation of the human body. Similarly, urban planners often depict a city as a human body by comparing various transportation, communication, rivers, and sewer systems to 'arteries and veins,' which 'pulse through the city.' Public open spaces and parks are important as they become the 'urban lungs,' detoxifying the often-pol- luted air. In the article titled 'Benefiting from Integrating Water into Public Spac- es,' Chrysa Triantafyllidou (2015) mentions that water above all is ''vital for all of these things beyond anthropomorphic attributions'' (Triantafyllidou, 2015). According to the International Water Association (2015), people of all ages gen- erally prefer public spaces where water is present. Perhaps this is part of our attachment to nature as human beings, or maybe because water has many different functions in a public space. Not only is it used as a beautifying ele- ment, but the benefits of water also go way beyond the mere social aspects. The Zoo Lake in Johannesburg is a prime example of a space constantly filled with people gathering. This is because the design of the park around an artificial lake, to which a central fountain was added in 1937, makes it particularly attractive to the general public who are constantly seeking refuge and an ideal relaxation point in the busy urban fabric (SatRenovationFrontend, 2021). Chrysa Triantafyllidou states that ''sustainable solutions for urban design must include water elements at different scales'' (Triantafyllidou, 2015). It has been proven that a wetland or a stream can lessen the heat island effect, enhance local biodiversity and improve air quality. Johannesburg Water said that it lacks the funding for a backlog of infrastructure renewal projects; therefore, ''strategic interventions need to be put in place to clean up pollution on riverbanks,'' according to Dunsmore (2021), a water consultant. This idea is effectively seen mounted towards the east of Johannesburg under the Ekurhuleni authority, whereby a constructed wetland system was created in the lower reaches of the Kaalspruit, another polluted and degraded stream (Walsh, 2021). The constructed wetland will not entirely clean the river; however, it will make the water more suitable for 'aquatic habitation' and even 'low-contact recreation' (Walsh, 2021). In this way, an engineered sequence of water bodies with vegetation will be used to remove harmful pollutants and bacteria, as a natural wetland would. In her invaluable book titled 'The North Flowing Rivers of the Central Wit- watersrand,' Wendy Bodman further describes the importance of these nat- ural water systems and why they need to be preserved. They are contrib- utors to Johannesburg's greater ecology and the social lives of those in the suburban areas through which they run their course (Bodman, 1987). During the pleasantly warm summers, afternoon thunderstorms often occur. This influx of water dramatically transforms the spruits' 'trickle' into a torrent of high velocity, which ''bursts out of its concrete bonds at the end of the chan- nel, like the jet from great hose'' (Bodman, 1987). This jet breaks away the earthen banks of the watercourse 'in great scours,' frightening city folk and their children. In fact, Bodman notes that municipalities have faced claims for prop- erty damage caused by major flooding of these rivers and streams in the past. Pointed out in her book are various suggestions for handling small streams. She brings our attention to the importance of engineering techniques to attenuate the velocity of water in urban areas. Secondly, the purification of stormwater, particular- ly after a drought or a long dry winter, is equally important due to the pollutants that the rainwater picks up from the streets and other surfaces. This includes chemicals precipitated from air pollution, lead, fertilizer from gardens, silt from roadworks, and even animal droppings (Bodman, 1987). Figure 5.9 (Above) Flooding of the Sandspruit River (Renaud, 2016) 54 55 2. Constructed Wetlands Due to the burying and canalization of small rivers, flooding and soil erosion are transferred downstream, causing destructive ecological problems. Damaged eco- systems cannot cope with heavy rainfall, and thus seasonal flooding occurs. Due to the ability to retain water in permeable soils, wetlands act as sponges and essen- tially prevent flooding (Bhikha, 2013). In doing so, pollutants get trapped in wetland vegetation, allowing suspended solids to settle out (US EPA, 2004). The pollut- ants are then converted into less soluble forms and are taken up by plants and micro-organisms, which remove the polluting material from the water (US EPA, 2004). In the Handbook of Constructed Wetlands, Luise Davis describes the var- ious functions of a wetland under appropriate circumstances. She mentions that constructed wetlands can provide water quality improvement, cycling of nutrients, a habitat for fish- and wildlife, passive recreation such as bird watching, landscape enhancement, flood storage, and stormwater desynchronization (Davis, n.d.). Other vital components of wetlands, such as the communities of aquatic invertebrates and microbes, develop naturally, according to Preetya Bhikha. There are different techniques or systems used to create these environments. The sub-flow system (SFS) involves the horizontal flow of water through gravel or sand, essentially acting as a filter. This allows for the filtration of fine pollutant particles and water retention for set- tlement and biological intake (Bhikha, 2013). On the other hand, a Bio-retention sys- tem accommodates micro-organisms that significantly reduce the polluting matter in areas planted with wetland plants on beds of nutrient-poor substrates (Bhikha, 2013). Finally, aquatic plant systems are composed of ponds containing both submerged and floating plants. This aids the adsorption and filtration of excess nutrients. How- ever, the pathogens carried within the water are subjected to predation by micro-or- ganisms and a clean (unfavorable) environment. These vegetated areas are shal- low and contain an ''inert zone (a sedimentation basin); a macrophyte zone (heavily vegetated but shallow area) and high flow bypass channels'' (PUB, 2009) to accom- modate sudden surges in water volume. Figure 5.10 (Below) Shanghai Huton Park, (Turenscape Archi- tects, 2009) Figure 5.11 (Below) Shanghai Huton Park, (Turenscape Archi- tects, 2009) A good example of a constructed wetland system is the Shanghai Huton Park, by Turenscape Architects, shown in the opposite figures. Located in a former industrial site along the Huangpu River, this ecologically conscious design includes urban ag- riculture, reclaimed industrial structures, and flood control. The walkways along the river seen meandering through riparian vegetation stand out the most in terms of its flexible edge that can accommodate flooding. (Singhal, 2011) A linear constructed wetland, 1.7 kilometers long and 5-30 meters wide runs through the park's center and was designed to create a ''reinvigorated waterfront as a living machine to treat con- taminated water in the Huangpu River'' (Turenscape, 2011). Terraces and cascades are used to oxygenate the nutrient-rich water, reduce suspended sediments, remove and retain nutrients while creating beautiful water features (Turenscape, 2011). Essentially, the evaluation of constructed wetlands should not be limited to their direct benefits; instead, it should account for the effective habitats they produce and its role in enhancing biodiversity. Landscape and waterscape architecture projects have great potential, particularly in suburban areas such as Abbotsford, to bring substantial welfare gains to communities with limited access to natural ecosystems (Ghermandi et al., 2009). Figure 5.12 (Above) Layout of a constructed wetland (Author, 2021 After PUB, 2009) Figure 5.13 (Above) A sub-surface flow system (Author, 2021 After PUB, 2009) Figure 5.14 (Above) The bio- retention system. (Author, 2021 After PUB, 2009) 56 57 The tributaries of the Sandspruit river that flowed through the farms (Klipfontein and Syferfontein) created a rich fertile soil. These farms no longer exist; however, many monuments and historical structures are left behind on the landscape as a result of this significant body of water. These structures were built by the city's engineering department using locally sourced granite, thus creating an unusual architectural symphony (NORA, n.d.). During the early period, the Sandspruit river helped in agricultural production and was also helpful in doing the laundry, as mentioned in chapter 4. The Melrose Temple (opposite) is seen as a monumental structure today and is notably one of the earliest laundries founded on the banks of the Sandspruit (NORA, n.d.). Figure 5.15 (below) Map showing location of famous monu- ments and bridges (Author, 2021) Figure 5.16 (Below) The Cynda Bridge (NORA, n.d.) Figure 5.17 (Right) The Katyn Memorial (NORA, n.d.) Figure 5.18 (Right) Veranda Architecture (NORA, n.d.) Figure 5.19 (Right) The Gardens (NORA, n.d.) 3. Spaces Around Water in the city Figures 5.20 to 5.24 (Below) Sketches showing existing monuments and bridges that exist surrounding the Sand- spruit River tributary (Author, 2021). 5.16 5.17 5.18 5.19 58 59 1. Hilson Bridge Dating back to 1926, the Hilson bridge is one of the earliest suburban bridges built in Johannesburg. The design of the bridge is unusual due to it being quite low and inconspicuous (NORA, Undated). 2. High Road At 21 Nursery road, the Rochman's sheltered Nelson Mandela during the early 60's. 3. Pretoria Bridge Constructed in 1938, the Pretoria Street Bridge asserts its dominance with bulky, dark granite and striking pediments. The rapid suburban growth in Abbotsford, Highlands, and Oaklands, necessitated the bridge's construction in 1930 (NORA, Undated). This bridge is a direct contrast to the Hilson Bridge. 4.The Melrose Temple The Temple was founded in 1897 by indentured Tamil labourers who worked at the Melrose Steam Laundry on the Sandspruit riverbank. The Hindu community was granted rights to build a temple here, although restricted Group Areas and ownership laws meant that a white proxy always owned the land. (NORA, Undated) Sadly, the original buildings were demolished in 1996 and again in 2011. 5. Royal Airforce Memorial Erected in 1976, this strange structure is the only remains of a memorial that com- memorated the Royal Airforce aircrews who died during training in South Africa (NORA, Undated). 6. Waterborn Sewage In 1927 it was decided to extend waterborne sewerage to the suburbs using the small natural drainage basins of Joburg's streams (NORA, Undated). 7. The Cynda Bridge Unfortunately, this area has been tainted by association with Brett Kebble's ar- ranged murder-suicide (NORA, Undated). It was constructed in 1931. 8. The Katyn Memorial Commemorating the Katyn Forest Massacre, this memorial was erected in 1981. Fourteen thousand five hundred police officers and citizens were executed by the Stalin regime of the Soviet Union in 1940 (NORA, Undated). 14,15,16 Though gentrification from the 70s has almost obliterated its historic housing stock, Nellie Road contains the oldest remaining house (1911) at no 2, and a beautifully restored example of late 20s veranda architecture at no 52 (NORA, Undated). 19 and 20 The Gardens Established in 1902, Its late Victorian design is largely unaltered. It was here that the thriving Portuguese Market Gardens were developed. Sadly, increasing land prices resulted in a very attractive sale of the land to Sanlam and Pick n Pay in the 1970s, resulting in the disappearance of the irrigation dams and destruction of much of the wetland (NORA, Undated). These historically rich spaces within the city need to be preserved and maintained so that members of the public will be able to respect and appreciate what they stand for. In an article titled 'Braamfontein Spruit Habitat to be Restored' (2016), the writer mentions that the City of Johannesburg regards the environmental degradation of the Spruits and its surrounding green spaces; as a 'priority project.' It notes that the Johannesburg Roads Agency (JRA) has commissioned a study on the state of the city's rivers to improve the natural habitat and surrounding infrastructure. According to the acting managing director, Mpho Kau, the study will no doubt lead to far-reaching actions by the JRA to combat future degradation. As discussed earlier, "rapid urban- ization close to the banks of the spruit has had a choking effect on the rivers', reduced its capacity and deprived it of its natural flow path" (Business live staff writer, 2016). Unfortunately, our public spaces are often taken for granted or neglected despite their heritage value and importance. During the last few decades of the 20th centu- ry, the amount of money invested in their upkeep and provision failed to reflect the vital role they play in society. According to the Government's Urban Task Force, the general perception of our public environment is that it is 'run down and unkempt, a fact that contributes to the widespread dissatisfaction with urban life. According to Bodman (1989), urban anti-social behavior has many manifestations and many roots, and perhaps the destruction of nature is one of them.. Fig 5.25 (Bottom Left) Green assets in Johannesburg which are cur- rently managed by the city (Author, 2021 After JCP, unknown) Fig 5.26 (Below) Scott-Atholl Bridge at the Melrose Temple site showing Sandspruit river pollution (Author,2021) Fig 5.27 (Below) Waste Pickers polluting the banks of the spruits (BusinessLive, 2016) 60 61 4. Water and Spirituality The historical and sacred conception of rivers traces back to when the world con- sisted only of the five natural elements of earth, air, fire, water, and ether. Wa- ter is a natural element that has been religiously and universally accepted as a symbol of purity, abiding by the ''universal law of circulation that governs all forms of vitality'' (Schama,1995). Being a central element in the human body, water constitutes seventy percent of its mass and represents our main life force. P. B. Singh (1994) mentions that running water, in general, is described as ''bestow- ers of sanctity and miracles'' and in this way, a regular chain of interrelationship be- tween water bodies and human society is maintained by the ''varieties of rituals and performances''. Water has cultural and symbolic value, but over the last few decades, it has become quite evident that this precious resource is not only an essential medi- um for survival and, of course, life on earth, but also for human psychological, spiri- tual, and social wellbeing. Religious practices include any ritual, sermon, commem- oration, or worship (of a deity), sacrifices, festivals, or other aspects of the cultures along the riverbanks. According to a survey done by the Department of Nature Con- servation at the Tshwane University of Technology, most of the respondents (54%) associate the river with the religious practice of prayer, followed by baptism (49%) with the added benefit of being healed of diseases or ill-health (J. Mboweni, 2016). Water has had many roots in spiritual symbolism and ritual throughout human his- tory. Unfortunately, ''too many members of the world's religions neglect to respect water as a finite natural resource''(HealingEarth, 2021). Fig 5.28 (Right) Ganga is also personified as a goddess and worshipped as Goddess Ganga (Author,2021) Ganges River water Himalayas Mountains Figure 5.29 (Top Left) Remnants such as candle wax are often left on the shallow rocks in the Sandspruit stream as traces of the ritual practices that have been carried out by religious groups such as the ZCC, as shown in the image above (Author,2021). Fig 5.30 (Top Right) The ZCC Performing their rituals on the banks of the Sandspruit river tributary, next to the Melrose Temple (D.Diar, 2021). In a recent study, German researchers concluded that even being near hu- man-made water features, such as city-center fountains, ponds, and ca- nals, "induces [restorative] experiences [and] creates meaning." Many mem- bers of religious communities and likewise many people who profess no religion need an inner, spiritual conversion to appreciate the value of water. Ancient Jewish tradition calls people on special occasions to cleanse their bodies spiritually by immersion in a 'mikveh' bath. For Muslims, ablution with water, or 'wudu', is obligatory for daily prayer. The prophet Mohammed states in the Qur'an: "O you who believe! When you rise up to prayer, wash your faces and your hands as far as the elbows, and wipe your heads and your feet to the ankles''(5:6). In Christianity, baptism through holy water symbolizes purity (Shazi, 2021). These are only a few examples of rituals that using water for spiritual purification in the world's religions. As with fluidity, human beings have found in water solvency a cleansing power that reaches beyond the physical body (HealingEarth, 2021). Hindu mythology emphasizes the interconnectedness of water and its collective value (Shah, 2020). Therefore, it is crucial to approach all bodies of water with the same level of concern and respect. In the context of the Melrose temple, the Hindu community associates the Sandspruit with the Ganges River in India, seeing it as a symbolic reflection of the sacred. In India, Hindus consider the river Ganges an embodiment of the goddess 'Ganga.' This makes the Ganges River a ''symbol of life and a place where one can wash away spiritual impurities'', thereby ''drawing closer to the sacred source of life'' (HealingEarth,2021). The Ganga is one of the greatest symbols in Hindu cosmology as it is believed to withhold ''great univer- sal power that allows believers to attain enlightenment'' (Maharaj, 2016). Appar- ently, ritual worship to the great river Ganga, in the form of bathing, meditation, sacrifice, and eventually death, will allow a believer to attain Moksha (liberation). 62 63 Hindus use river water to cleanse ritual objects, symbolically purify themselves before rituals and prayers, and even drink the water to help with illnesses. The Holy River Ganges is mythologically linked to Lord Shiva as the fountain that flows through the Himalayan terrain. As manifestations of gods and goddesses, rivers have a divine origin. The River Ganga descends from the heaven itself. Symbolically, it represents liberating the divine consciousness.(Jayaram, 2021) Water from a flowing river 'metsi a noka e e elelang' is mainly used for external purposes. This includes cleansing the body or environ- ment and individuals of ailments they may be suffering from. It is also used for casting out evil spirits. (Lebeloane and Madise, 2005) A flowing river is believed to carry cura- tive properties as it flows from one point to another through different environ- ments such as valleys, villages and wa- ter falls. It is at this point or confluence that ZCC members prefer to draw water. (Lebeloane and Madise, 2005) In Jewish Law, water is symbolic of life. Certain rabbinic sources interpret the ritual as guarantee of protection against the evil eye, while others interpret the custom as a reminder to God of the ho- liness of Isaac and his father Abraham, founder of the Jewish people (Britannica, 2021). River water is used to cleanse the spir- it and iliminate impurities. Infusing the soul with spirituality. Use Belief According to Hindu funeral rites and rit- uals, the scattering of cremated ashes takes place. The family chooses a sa- cred body of flowing water . Ritual Im- mersion and the drinking of river water only takes place in India, however, it is done symbolically in South Africa. It is understood to have life-invigorating power if it has been blessed by either a minister of religion or a traditional healer (called inyanga or ngaka). African Indigenous Christian theologies give people this isi- washo (holy water in Zulu ) to either bath in, drink and/or cleanse their environ- ments (Lebeloane and Madise, 2005). Fig 5.31 to 5.33 Diagrams illustrating the various rituals that take place on the banks of the Sandspruit river, on the chosen site (Author,2021). Tashlik, also spelt Tashlikh or Tashlich, (Hebrew: 'you will cast'). The ritual at one time called for bread crumbs to be fed to fish, symbolizing the wiping out of humanity's past iniquities. Mikveh or Mikvah is the ritual of immersion, result- ing in ''spiritual purification'' (Britannica, 2021). Ritual Hindus use river water to cleanse ritual ob- jects, symbolically purify themselves be- fore rituals and prayers, and even drink the water to help with illnesses. The Holy River Ganges is mythologically linked to Lord Shiva as the fountain that flows through the Himalayan terrain. As manifestations of gods and goddesses, rivers have a divine origin. The River Gan- ga descends from the heaven itself. Sym- bolically, it represents liberating the divine consciousness.(Jayaram, 2021) Water from a flowing river 'metsi a noka e e elelang' is mainly used for external purposes. This in- cludes cleansing the body or environment and individuals of ailments they may be suffering from. It is also used for casting out evil spirits. (Lebeloane and Madise, 2005) A flowing river is believed to carry curative properties as it flows from one point to another through different environments such as valleys, villages and water falls. It is at this point or confluence that ZCC mem- bers prefer to draw water. (Lebeloane and Madise, 2005) In Jewish Law, water is symbolic of life. Cer- tain rabbinic sources interpret the ritual as guarantee of protection against the evil eye, while others interpret the custom as a reminder to God of the holiness of Isaac and his father Abraham, founder of the Jewish people (Britannica, 2021). River water is used to cleanse the spirit and iliminate impurities. Infusing the soul with spirituality. 64 65 5. Conclusion Water within urban spaces makes a city more livable and more resilient. Artificial wet- lands, parks, and the corridors on both sides of a stream for stormwater harvesting can improve land-use practices significantly (Triantafyllidou, 2015). Within Johannes- burg's northern suburbs, boosting the presence of these things can shape blue-green corridors, substantially revitalizing the area. On the other hand, traditional rituals, re- ligious practices, and beliefs associated with river water also form an integral part of people's lives around the area. Therefore, the infringement of the cultural significance that local communities have attached to waterscapes should have stringent legal con- sequences since development directly impacts the people who depend on the envi- ronment for their physical and spiritual well-being (Mboweni and P. de Crom, 2016). So, beyond the well-being that water provides in public spaces, it can also connect people and champion cross-sectoral, trans-disciplinary urban planning to achieve resilient cities (Triantafyllidou, 2015). Fig 5.34 (Right) The Sandspruit river now clogged with rubbish used to supply the water for the flourishing Melrose Steam laundry (Sun- day Times,1983) Fig 5.35 (Opposite) A Mantra extracted from the Rig-veda. (TemplePurohit - Your Spiritual Destination | Bhakti, Shraddha Aur Ashirwad, n.d.) 66 67 06 THE PROJECT Rituals and ritual practices were used as an informer for the spatialization of program on the site. By looking at the processes followed, it was clear that the proposed building needs to fit a series of prescribed actions. The choreography of the everyday, annual, and festival rituals are explained to explore further how or if they could inform the design. It is common practice amongst temple goers to observe certain etiquette, norms, and decorum before visiting ''the Lord of the universe''. This includes simple things like taking a bath and wearing freshly washed clothes. After entering the temple pre- cincts, silence should be observed by withdrawing the mind into the thoughts of God. After getting individual worship, if any, performed, the main shrine should be circum- ambulated three, five, or seven times. Then one should bow down to the deity from a place outside the dhvajastambha (Flagpost), taking care to see that your feet do not point in the direction of any of the minor deities. Visiting the shrines of the minor de- ities is the next duty. Before leaving the temple's precincts, one should sit quietly in some corner and meditate. Lastly, since the distribution of alms to deserving beggars in the temple vicinity is considered meritorious, devotees are advised to do so. This entire process takes less than one hour to complete as part of the daily devotional act. To further understand these processes, I took part in a 1-hour ritual ceremony. This experience opened up my mind and gave me clarity to reflect on the beauty and peacefulness on the site. "Offerings of perfumed substances, flowers, incense, lamps and fresh fruit - these are the five elements of the traditional puja which culminates with offering of the lamps." -Kamika Agan Fig 6.1 (Left) Photograph of my Dad and I on site (V. Diar, 2021) 68 69 1. Ritual Upon arrival, I took off my shoes as a means of paying respect. I then circumambulated the temple three times in a clockwise direction. This is usually done with palms pressed together while simultaneously chanting various ‘’shlokas’’. After completing this auspi- cious gesture, I made my way to the south end of the temple, whereby all prayer items for the ritual were neatly set out. The Guru proceeded to sprinkle water on my hands using a Tulsi leave before the start of the ritual, which was is done as a ‘symbolic purification.’ I then started to break off fresh flower petals into a tray before lighting the clay lamp. The Indian culture emphasizes natural things such as earth, water, fire, sky, and air; therefore, special significance is also given to flowers which are popularly used as an offering to statues of gods or even to photographs of ancestors. The burning clay lamp, on the other hand, represents the element of fire. Fire is one of the five principal elements of this material creation, and it represents purity. For example, whatever comes in contact with fire is immediately purified, the way impure gold is con- verted into pure gold. ‘’Fire also represents luminance and brilliance. It acts as a dispeller of darkness. As soon as the fire is lit, darkness flees away. Similarly, the lamp being offered to the lord dispels the darkness inside the heart of the devotee’’ (Vardhan, 2018). I proceeded to light an agarbatti (incense stick) which possesses certain properties that purify the air and induce positive vibrations in the brain. This typically helps to concen- trate more easily during meditations or rituals. Other fragrant substances burnt include camphor, loban and sandalwood. For the next step of the ritual, I applied holy ash to my forehead. Most of the time, some traditions are blindly followed without knowing their actual significance. This is one such custom that I have been following my whole life, without completely understanding the meaning behind it. Apparently, this action is done to keep us humble and remind us that at the end of our lives, we will end up as nothing but a handful of ash. ‘’From ashes to ashes’’. I then offered the flower petals to the statue of the Lord Ganesha, which was positioned on a silver tray, next to a coconut placed on top of a kalash (Copper or brass pot with be- tel vine leaves). Ganeshji (Ganpatiji) is the deity of auspiciousness. He is invoked for the success of all ventures and projects. He is the remover of all obstacles and is invoked by chanting: ''Vakratund mahakaya surya koti samaprabhaha nirvighnam kuru mey deva sarva karyeshu sarvada'' Translated as -''O One with a curved trunk, large body, brightness equal to crores of suns, always remove obstacles from all my endeavors''. Figure 6.2 (Left) Photo series of the ritual -Stage 1 (Dinesh Diar, 2021) 70 71 Next, I recited a few prayers with the guru's guidance. At that moment, I remem- ber feeling incredibly calm and untroubled. The early morning sun shining down provided a warmth that was so comforting and healing. While I was praying, all I could think about was how beautiful this space was and how lucky I was to be there, right in that moment, and privileged to have both my parents by my side. After this, I was told to offer flower petals to the Kalash where the coconut sat atop before starting the next stage of the ritual- Yagna. As a rite, it is defined as ''offering oblations in the name of the gods''(Aksharpith,2004), while specific mantras are being chanted. The pit into which the oblations are offered is known as the havan kund, and the wood that is used as ''faggots'' is obtained from specified trees only. I then poured ghee into the fire, which amplified the flames. Samagree (fragrant medicinal herbs) Fire is symbolic of the divine light of the gods and tapas, or heat, which is acquired through penance. In the Rig Veda, it is suggested that the world was created from a primaeval fire ignited by Agni, the Fire God, whereby the fire is symbolic of internal power (Hays, 2018). Figure 6.3 (Right) The Peepal Tree- Hindus also pray to the water bodies, trees animals and nature at large (Dinesh Diar, 2021) Figure 6.4 (Opposite) Photo series of the ritual- Stage 2 (Dinesh Diar, 2021) 72 73 For the next part of the ritual, I sprinkled water (symbolizing water from the Gan- ges) over the coconut as a purifying agent. I then took the coconut from the top of the brass pot and broke it on an old brick outside the sanctum. The cracking of the coconut symbolizes the breaking of one's ego. ''The hard shell of ego and ignorance is broken to give way to knowledge and purity'' (Srivastava, 2017). That is why breaking a coconut before any auspicious event is considered sa- cred, emphasizing that Hinduism's richness is immeasurable and profound. I then entered the temple and offered some of the blessed fruit from the ritual to the main deities. Before taking leave, I rang the bell, usually hung in the area or porch preceding the inner sanctum. It is believed that deities remain manifest in temples where bells are rung; therefore, devotees ring them as an invocation to the deity to listen to their prayers and be blessed. As a young child, I would jump up and ring the bell as many times as I could. This is a memory that will live with me for a long time. Figure 6.5 (Opposite) Photo series of the ritual - Stage 3 (Dinesh Diar, 2021) Figure 6.6 (Left) The Guru helping me perform the ritual (Dinesh Diar, 2021) SITE 74 75 Figure 6.7 (Above) Some devotees experience a ''state of trance'' and pierce their backs without bleeding, which is an expression of their utmost devo- tion and faith. (Wilson, 2018) Figure 6.8 (Above) Painting of Lord Muruga by artist Vijayann Ra- jasabai. (Rajasabai, 2020) Figure 6.9 (Opoosite) Photo series documenting the popular Ka- vady procession at Melrose Temple read from left to right (two summers.net, Wilson, 2. Festival In contrast to the smaller, more intimate ritual documented earlier, the Melrose Temple has also hosted numerous religious festivals and observances since the very early days, with the most popular being the Kavady Festival. This occasion is observed twice annual- ly, during the months of Thai (January/February) and Chithirai (April), and is dedicated to Lord Muruga, ‘’who, devotees believe, has the power to cure illness and get rid of misfor- tune’’(Desai,2010). Between 7,000 and 10,000 devotees gather at the temple during this time, bringing together the Tamil community from across the highveld and even further afield. Some devotees go into a trance, ‘’channelling the spirit of Murugan or other gods, whereas many others choose to pierce their bodies with pins’’ (2Summers, 2017). Desai (2010) mentions that festivals were (and still are) essential ‘’vantage points’’ for develop- ing a presence and ‘’collective consciousness’’ of Hinduism. The Melrose temple hardly faced any sort of opposition towards the Hindu festivals over the past 150 years. It was probably due to the sympathetic nature of the surrounding Jewish residents. This is in contrast to the Temple at Umgeni Road in Natal whereby the DP Carnegie at the time wanted to ‘’abate the Coolie noise’’ asking the question ‘’By what right can they occupy the public roadway without any consideration for others, sick or dying’’ (Desai, 2010). The Kavady is a wooden arch made from bamboo and is decorated with flowers and peacock feathers, as shown in the opposite photographs. This structure is carried on the shoulders of devotees, and it ‘’represents the carrying of one’s burdens and placing it at the Lord’s feet.’’(Singh,2014) Two Soomboos (Small brass containers filled with milk) are then attached to the Kavady on each end, with which devotees wash the statuette of the Murugan deity. Usually, flowers from the Kavady are then placed into a nearby river as an offering to Ganga, the ‘’Hindu River goddess’’. Usually, the day of the Kavady Festival is blazing hot from the time it starts in the early morning at 7:00 a.m. Volunteers watch over the ‘’dozens of massive pots, bubbling over hot flames’’ (2Summers,2017). Strangely, the last Kavady Festival that I attended was in the year 2020, before the start of Covid-19. It was an unusual day because it rained the entire duration of the festival, making the ground slippery and much harder to tread. I was inspired to see fellow devotees persevere regardless of the extreme weather condi- tions. Being there myself was quite a testament to my own faith and devotion. However, on