1 
 
Chapter 1 
Literature Review 
 
1.1 Aim 
 
Schools are important institutions in promoting and enforcing state laws and policies some of 
which include racial integration in the context of South Africa. This is because they are the 
only institutions that have the most population of the nation?s children, and they influence the 
youngest members of society (Amir & Sharan, 1984). Therefore it is the aim of this project to 
explore, identify and attempt to understand the mechanisms and the processes that are present 
at schools as integrating institutions. Additionally this project aims to look at the relationship 
between the institution?s culture and change as well as how both teachers and pupils 
experience and make sense of the school?s ethos and change (or lack thereof). 
 
1.2 Rationale 
 
In light of democracy, the education system has undergone a number of changes in terms of 
old policy changes and new policy development and implementation.  The education system 
as well as the South African constitution has policies and regulations that promote 
integration.  In the constitution of South Africa no. 84 of 1996, the South African schools 
Act, it is stipulated that education should be transformed and democratized in line with the 
values of human dignity, equality, non-racism and non-sexism. One of the major changes and 
policy developments was the move from a racial, undemocratic and authoritarian exclusive 
education system to a more participatory democratic and inclusive education system (Harber, 
1998). In light of the above mentioned, it is important to investigate the extent to which these 
policy changes are implemented, and the manner in which schools respond to these 
implementations. 
 
Hacker (1995), a political scientist, presents research in aspects such as attitudes towards race 
and the perceptions held by the different race groups of each other, found that there is less 
attention given to improving conditions for Black pupils in previously White institutions, 
whether with remedial programs or simply by striving to create a more hospitable 
atmosphere. He continues to assert that what is barely acknowledged is that it is the racial 
 
 
2 
 
mood or ethos at so many White schools that continue to exclude or rather to sideline many 
Black students. It is this institutional culture that is not accommodative of historically 
disadvantaged individuals, more specifically African pupils. Therefore it is important to 
examine the dynamics involved and to understand the experiences of pupils and teachers at 
these institutions so as to see the extent in which the education policy has been realized in the 
classroom. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
3 
 
1.3 Literature  
 
?The current ethos of a school and the nature of interaction and existing patterns and 
institutional features and policies of a school may limit or facilitate integration? (Naidoo 
1996:11). 
 
This research project seeks to explore the institutional ethos and features of a public high 
school as an aspect or factor that can potentially promote or hinder true racial integration.  
Integration depends on how the concept of difference is defined (Soudien as cited in 
Chisholm, 2004). In light of that, this research paper will work with the most dominant and 
popular approach to understanding difference in South Africa, both race and culture.  This 
chapter begins by outlining a brief historical context as well as policy formation and how 
these were purposefully aligned with the political vision of the apartheid government. 
 
Historical Background 
 
It is important to look at the context in which integration became necessary. According to 
Gaganakis (as cited in Freer, 1992) racial integration in South African schools became a focal 
point in 1976, where there was political and educational crisis. The apartheid regime was 
characterised by oppression, and this was countered with resistance and resulted in reforms.   
Examples of such resistance were protests against the education system that the regime at the 
time intended for African pupils. One of these protests was the Soweto uprising on June the 
16th, 1976 which instigated a period of increasing protest against the inferior black education 
system (Christie as cited in Freer 1992).  
 
It was during the mid 70s through to mid 80s that the first wave of integrated schools began. 
However, though the government was rethinking the issue; at that time, integration was 
against the state?s policy (Gaganakis as cited in Freer, 1992). It was as a result of protests and 
the socio-political crises facing the country that democracy and racial integration at schools, 
among other changes, became necessary. In addition, the historical background of South 
Africa where race was used as a deciding factor in determining people?s socio-economic state 
and different entitlements (and disentitlements), such as the quality of education, necessitated 
racial integration. 
The education system as well as the South African constitution has policies and regulations 
 
 
4 
 
that promote integration.  As noted above, the constitution of South Africa no. 84 of 1996, 
the South African schools Act, obligates that education be transformed and democratized in 
line with the values of human dignity, equality, non-racism and non-sexism. Moreover, as 
part of the transformation of the education system, the above mentioned schools Act came 
into being, proposing that public schools should have a governing body (with appropriate 
stakeholders as members), and it should be able to determine their own admission policy and 
mission provided that this is in accordance with the constitution. This states that no 
discrimination will be permitted on the grounds of race, gender, ethnic, social origin, and 
religion (Teachers? league of South Africa as cited in Burkhalter, 1996). Following the 
adoption of the new constitution, democratic policies were developed. These policies serve to 
promote inclusive education and are necessary in building a society that is non discriminatory 
and democratic. However, the concern seems to be that these are just ideals that are very clear 
on paper, but their implementation at schools seems to come against some challenges. 
 
Assimilation 
 
The important observation that can be made over the past 14 years of democracy is the ability 
of public high schools to successfully meet the demands of desegregating the learning space. 
It is clear from the literature and research studies conducted that desegregating previously 
White high schools over the past years has been successful. In her talk at the HSRC 
colloquium the minister of education stated that schools have been, in fact, quite successful at 
ensuring that they are open to pupils from different race groups (HSRC, 2003). In agreement, 
Sujee (2004) states that there has been a large number of entry of learners from township 
schools into the formerly White schools. However, it has been equally acknowledged that 
true racial integration, at these learning institutions, has proved to be a hard goal to attain 
(Zitha, 2007). Jansen (2004:01) noted, ?It is one thing to open the doors of learning, quite 
another to change what is behind them?. He argued that schools have been very successful in 
desegregation than in meeting the ideal of social integration. Most studies found that, in 
South Africa, the pattern has been that most schools have followed the assimilationist route. 
According to Soudien (as cited in Chisholm, 2004) assimilation is one of the approaches that 
represent a continuum of possibilities in which one can see degrees of accommodation and 
integration. The assimilationist position is the least accommodative and integrative. Naidoo 
(as cited in Chisholm, 2004) argued that key to this position are the presumptions that 
subordinate race groups present a threat to the standards of the dominant group and that the 
 
 
5 
 
dominant group is culturally superior. As a result the subordinate group is expected to first, 
forsake their own culture and identity in addition to acknowledging the superiority of the 
culture and the identity of the dominant group. It is clear that this approach is very oppressive 
and has dire consequences for the subordinate group. In South Africa, it is the African pupil, 
especially, who is expected to give up his or her identity and culture and appreciate that of the 
group into whose social context he or she is moving into.   
 
The SAHRC (1999) found that African pupils in particular, are expected to adapt and to 
accept the schools? culture, which, as a consequence of the Apartheid policy, is White. This 
causes them to feel uneasy and disgruntled. One teacher in a study conducted by the SAHRC 
commented that African pupils felt alienated and lonely (SAHRC, 1999). However, there 
seem to be different experiences amongst the Black learners (which includes, Coloured, 
Indian and African learners). Harber (1998) found that Coloured learners did not have a 
difficulty accepting the White culture as it was very similar to theirs, as opposed to the 
African learner who perhaps might find it difficult to identify with the White culture. This 
could be as a consequence of colonialism and, in South Africa, apartheid where the effects 
have been such that a particular race group (White) is valued and seen as superior over other 
race groups (Blacks). As a result Coloured pupils aspire to be White, not only because the 
White culture is similar to theirs, but also because being White is highly valued.  One of the 
recommendations made by the SAHRC report was the need to restructure the culture and 
ethos of the school so that it is representative of the school and its surrounding community 
(SAHRC, 1999). 
 
Some studies have argued that assimilation is used as a mechanism to manage ?otherness?, 
while allowing other members of society to be included in a particular institution, this 
inclusion is controlled (Distiller & Steyn, 2004). Individuals from other race groups will be 
included and accepted in the system in so far as they take on the system or rather the 
institution?s culture, and in some ways forsake their own culture. This is obviously an 
obstruction to a truly inclusive culture which in turn hinders true racial integration in these 
institutions. 
 
Desegregation versus Integration 
 
Studies on transformation emphasize the importance of differentiating racial desegregation 
 
 
6 
 
and racial integration. For instance, Govender (1997) and Jansen (2004) stress the importance 
of having a clear distinct understanding of these constructs. Desegregation at schools is a 
mechanical process that involves pupils of different racial backgrounds coming together to 
one school. Whereas, integration is more than that; it is a social process occurring over a 
period of time, and it requires fundamental changes in the way a school functions (Govender, 
1999). As noted, the former has been easily achieved by many institutions, while integration 
is not as easily achievable. Integration requires serious change, among other things, in 
individual attitudes, perceptions and behaviour patterns. Furthermore, integration is when 
different groups with their cultures come together (Naidoo, 1996). This paper is more 
interested in exploring and discussing what happens when these different cultures come into 
contact, and whose culture shapes the ethos and processes of the institution.  
 
While institutions may formally include pupils of different race groups, they may continue to 
subtly exclude learners through school structures such as the student representative council, 
participation in the classroom and sports teams (Soudien, Carrim & Sayed, 2004). This subtle 
exclusion is further emphasized by Hacker (1995) who states that in the context of 
desegregated schools, there is less attention given to improving conditions for Black pupils 
on previously White campuses, whether it is through remedial programs or by simply trying 
to create a more hospitable atmosphere. To emphasize this further, he reiterates that it is the 
racial mood at so many schools that excludes or sideline Black pupils. Therefore this 
highlights the importance of the institutions? ethos or culture. Adding to this, Jansen (2004) 
argues that the last frontier in the mission for racial or social integration and non racial 
communities in previously White institutions will always be institutional culture. Integration 
at this level would be a success in terms of social justice.  
 
Institutional Culture 
 
In an institution or school that appears to be open to all, is the culture inclusive? 
Institutional culture has been defined as the way in which the institution describes the way 
they do things. Jansen (2004) argues that institutional culture presents itself within the school 
through portraits and paintings that appear in corridors, the collection of books or items that 
dominate the library, whose language dominates the public meetings or events and whose is 
excluded. It has to do with the repertoire and complexion of the schools? choir, the 
complexion of those in leadership, the LRC?s, the prefects, and the complexion of those who 
 
 
7 
 
work at the tuck shops, of the cleaners and the complexion of the secretarial pool. The 
content of the school?s song, the metaphors for talking about others and ways in which the 
school talks about the future. Similarly, Van Zyl and Steyn (as cited in Higgins, 2007) 
defined institutional culture as the sum total effects of values, attitudes, styles of interactions 
and the way of life of the institution known only by those who study or work in the institution 
through their lived experiences.   
 
In a study conducted at the University of Cape Town (UCT), by Van Zyl and Steyn (as cited 
in Higgins, 2007), they argued that the institutional culture of UCT had been shaped by a 
very specific historical cultural positioning, and the worldview which informs the position 
that has been normalized within the institutions? environment. The cultural milieu they refer 
to has been characterized by ?whiteness? to a greater extent.  Following this, Higgins (2007) 
argues that lack of attention paid to institutional culture is experienced both as a symptom 
and a consequence of this culture of ?whiteness?. Over time this ?whiteness? has been 
naturalized as a cultural marker against which otherness is defined. In other words, 
?whiteness has become the invisible norm for how the dominant culture measures its own 
worth or civility. 
 
It is important to mention that ?whiteness? is not the only factor in institutional culture, 
instead it is a factor among other factors such as gender or ?maleness?, sexuality or 
?heterosexuality? and the like (Higgins, 2007).  However, for the purposes of this paper 
?whiteness? is the key factor of analysis. 
 
Culture seen as static and unchangeable where African pupils especially, are expected to 
adjust to a particular foreign culture, as a result the White culture and language is given more 
value. This is evidenced by the fact that White learners are not interested in acquiring the 
language and learning about the culture of African student, further highlighting the 
dominance of the White culture. 
 
Multiculturalism 
 
It would appear therefore that a non-inclusive institutional culture will invariably lead to 
assimilation. A trend, as previously noted, in desegregated schools has been that of an 
assimilationist approach instead of multiculturalism, where all cultures of the pupils at the 
 
 
8 
 
school are embraced.  Multiculturalism was developed as a response to the oppressiveness of 
assimilation (Soudien et al. as cited in Chisholm, 2004). At the core of multiculturalism is the 
idea that the school has to accommodate the diverse cultures brought into it, validate and 
respect all cultures including those of the subordinate groups. Multicultural education is of 
course based on the premise that racism is a result of prejudice and ignorance that can be 
eradicated by merely promoting personal contacts and cultural exchange (Vandoyer & Killen, 
2006). 
 
However, this approach has not been immune to criticism. Some critics have argued that 
multiculturalism among other things is infirm and tends to be racist in that it only pays lip 
service to the rights of the subordinate group. In addition, they argue that it failed to engage 
with complex ways in which both the individuals and the groups develop stereotypes and 
attitudes towards each other. Although cultures are celebrated and perhaps acknowledged, the 
way in which they are portrayed and organized in a hierarchy is never acknowledged 
(Soudien as cited in Chisholm, 2004). Vandoyer and Killen (2006) concur and criticize this as 
an idealistic system, arguing that culture in the context of multicultural education is 
depoliticized and this in turn undermines the power and structural dimension of racism. 
 
Anti-racist program 
 
Consequently, the critics of multiculturalism suggest an approach that acknowledges and 
engages with the processes of meaning making. This approach, they argue, will confront the 
othering that is embedded implicitly in the dominant culture. The anti-racist programme is 
defined as an action oriented strategy for institutional, systemic change to address racism and 
the interlocking systems of social oppression (Dei as cited in Vandeyar & Killen, 2006). This 
strategy calls for a confrontation of overt attitudes and practices of racism, as well as subtle 
racism, stereotypes and patronizing attitudes.  
 
Institutional racism is an example of a form of subtle, covert racism and it results from acts of 
indifference, omissions and refusal to challenge the status quo (Vandeyar & Killen, 2006). 
This takes the form of institutions maintaining structures or systems that continue to exclude 
the previously oppressed group in South Africa, Black people. In light of this, the following 
section will explore the different ways in which this subtle form of racism is expressed and 
maintained. 
 
 
9 
 
Premature Policies 
 
Although there has been policies implemented to encourage transformation in education, 
certain policies have been identified as hindrances to attaining this goal. For instance, in a 
study conducted by Beckmann and Karvelas (2006) the zoning policy was criticized for being 
at risk of re-entrenching segregation and stifling transformation. The zoning policy limits 
parents to register learners at a school nearest to their homes. The school and the governing 
body of a particular school have the right to use this admission policy. Beckmann and 
Karvelas (2006) argue that such a policy is premature for South Africa. South Africa?s 
democracy is still young, and as such there has been no significant socio-economic and 
demographic change to justify the zoning policy. This can be seen in the fact that there are 
still a large number of African people who still reside in townships and cannot afford to move 
to the suburbs. As such, former White suburbs are still largely populated by White people. 
Beckmann and Karvelas (2006) state that this type of policy should be adopted only after 
inequalities in the education system and schools have been adequately addressed. These 
would include aiming for equal standards between the township and suburb schools, as well 
as ensuring that there is easy movement from the formerly White suburb to the township and 
vice versa. 
 
?Feel at home? 
 
?Our sense of space and sense of self are mutually constitutive? (Ballard, 2004: 51). Even 
though it is desirable to believe that an individual can shape their own world, the environment 
can also shape, challenge and constrain. Thus the institution is an important space as it shapes 
and affects the learner. In a similar view, Jansen (2004) argues that the test of whether South 
African institutions have achieved inclusive institutional culture might well be the extent to 
which Black and White pupils feel ?at home? within the institutions, that is, they feel as if the 
institution is their own space. In addition these institutions become an extension of 
themselves. It follows then, that for pupils at a school to effectively experience the institution 
as their own space they need to be sufficiently comfortable with the values, practices and 
words or language spoken at the institutions. Therefore, the institutional culture needs to be 
shared by everyone in the school. 
 
 
 
 
10 
 
The role of teachers 
 
Jansen (2004) argues that the problem in formerly White schools has not been the lack of 
acceptance for Black pupils but rather about not having Black teachers in the same space. 
This he believes is why most of these institutions have made little progress. He adds that this 
is because of racialised notions of White competence and Black incompetence. His point 
draws attention to the role of the teacher as an integral part in the pupil?s education process. 
According to Munshi (1998) education in the classroom is a personal encounter between two 
individuals. In a desegregated classroom this encounter is between people of different 
cultures and different historical identities, and these differences manifest in their interaction. 
This highlights the importance of having an inclusive culture wherein these differences are 
managed well. 
 
This interrelationship between the teacher and the pupil is central in determining the 
perceived quality of education of the pupil.  In a study by Vandeyar and Killen (2006) they 
found that teachers tended to be attracted towards learners from cultural backgrounds that 
were similar to their own and these might make those particular learners to feel some sense of 
belonging.  However, Pumfrey and Verma (1990) warn against, and emphasize that it is 
important that teachers be impartial in their relations with pupils despite their race group, and 
that this can be achieved through training programs. Springthorpe (as cited in Pumfrey & 
Verma, 1990) asserts that the social realities in which both the student and the teacher interact 
tend to be ignored, and it is as if education takes place in an idealized vacuum. However, this 
is not the case as learning happens in a social context that is formed by historical processes 
and structures, especially in South Africa. The implication for those pupils who do not share 
any cultural identities with the teachers, is that they are likely to be ignored and feel isolated 
thus affecting their learning  and possibly have negative impact on their self-esteem  
Moreover, the teacher?s attitudes towards and perceptions of racial integration at schools may 
affect their sensitivity to the cultural identities and interactions with their pupils. Reagin (as 
cited in Munshi, 1998) argues that a teacher who supports racial integration will behave 
differently towards students than the one who does not support racial integration. This further 
emphasizes the role of teachers in the process of racial integration, and the need to explore 
teacher?s experiences and perceptions of transformation at schools. Jansen (2003) commented 
that teachers experienced difficulties in coping with the increasing diversity of the staff and 
the student body. He attributes this to the lack of awareness around such issues as well as the 
 
 
11 
 
lack of training staff in how to cope with the change.   
 
Language 
 
Painter (2006) argues that in South Africa, language, racism and education are entangled; 
hence one cannot talk about racial integration or transformation in schools without making 
reference to language. In a country that is as diverse as South Africa, with eleven official 
languages, language in education becomes an issue. To paraphrase the Minister of education, 
Dr. Pandor, students who are taught in English, which is the dominant medium of instruction 
currently, and is in most cases for the majority of learners not their home language, are at a 
disadvantage (HSRC, 2003). According to Vandeyar and Killen (2006) indigenous languages 
in these desegregated schools, are largely inconsequential to obtaining quality education. 
African languages are marginalized as languages of learning and are not usually used much 
beyond primary schooling. White culture and language continues to be given more premium 
and as a result the White culture dominates as if the educator is teaching to a mono-cultural 
group (Jansen, 2003). 
 
The issue of language, in the South African education system, has always been a political 
one. Language was historically used as the tool for categorizing and dividing people. 
Furthermore, language policies and practices in education were historically, aimed at 
empowering White learners at the expense of Black learners (Alexander cited in Painter, 
2006). During the Apartheid era, English and Afrikaans were defined as ?languages? while 
the indigenous African languages were defined as ?tongues? and/ or ?vernaculars?. The issue 
here was that the term ?language? carried a lot of weight in terms of rights, privilege and 
recognition, while the reverse was true for the ?vernacular? (Mda, 2004). 
The constitution of South Africa no. 84 of 1996, the South African schools Act, informed 
some of the policy formations which sought to promote multilingualism, the development 
and the respect of all the languages. Additionally, the aim was to ensure and improve the 
access of learners to education that is free of racially and linguistically discriminatory 
language (Mda, 2004). Among other rights, learners have the right to choose their preferred 
language of teaching upon admission to a school and to request for the provincial education 
department to make provision for instruction in the chosen language where no school within 
the school district offers the chosen language as the language of learning or teaching. 
Furthermore, the Department of Education together with the school governing bodies are 
 
 
12 
 
required to implement ways and means of maintaining alternative languages in schools and/ 
or school district where additional languages of teaching in the home language of the learner 
cannot be offered (Mda, 2004). 
 
Regardless of the policy changes and efforts to redress the past imbalances, as outlined in the 
constitution, in terms of promoting African languages and language diversity, the use and the 
status of African languages in education, especially in formerly White schools, has not 
changed or improved much. As a consequence the negative stereotypes among White and 
Black South Africans alike, about the African languages remain (Alexander as cited in 
Painter, 2006). It is important to focus attention on possible factors that inhibit the effective 
implementations of the policy. In an attempt to address this Mda (in Chisholm, 2004) noted 
the importance of teacher training and socio-political factors that continue to nullify African 
languages. 
 
The two former official languages, English and Afrikaans, are still powerful and they enjoy 
the social and economic advantage, such that, while the non-African-language speakers are 
not encouraged to learn African languages the African learners aspire to acquire the English 
language and the culture as a means to attain a good socio-economic stature. Hook (2004) 
relates the experience of a young African student who expressed that ?the education system 
gave me a new language, that is, English, as the only medium of instruction, which I then had 
to use as a means of defining myself?the education system? made me understand that the 
only way to survive was to aspire to be more Western or more integrated into a Western 
lifestyle with the hope of achieving social mobility? this made me believe that being Black is 
an aberration from the normal, which is white...?. In this instances the ?whiteness? or the 
White culture has become the invisible norm for how other cultures measure their own worth 
or value. In addition, it is in the naturalization of ?whiteness? as a marker against which 
otherness is defined. Fanon (1976) argues that speaking in a language, a foreign language, 
requires not only the structural knowledge but the propagation of the culture and values 
embedded in the language. In addition it means that one has to assume a particular culture. 
 
Vandeyar and Killen (2006) studied the interaction between teachers and pupils in 
desegregated schools, and they found that Black pupils were not allowed to use their home 
languages while at school. This exclusion of their languages suggests that their language is 
not as important and affirms the notion that it is irrelevant to their education. Consequently 
 
 
13 
 
the Black pupils become less concerned about their home languages and what might happen 
to these when acquiring and being fluent in another language (English). This could be 
explained by the high value that is placed on the English language and the status that comes 
with acquiring the language (Zitha, 2007). This is one of the manifestations of 
institutionalized racism. 
 
Racial stereotypes can have debilitating effects on pupil?s academic achievement, as research 
shows (Bobo, 2003). Ogbu?s oppositional culture theory suggest that low expectations lead 
pupils to feel hesitant or unsure about school and to disengage academically, in the belief that 
academic achievement is only for White pupils (Bobo, 2003). Coupled with this is the 
expectation by many that the inclusion of Black pupils will lower the standards of education. 
Although it is not clear what it is about the inclusion of Black pupils that will impact or affect 
the standards of education; it can be hypothesized that at the root of this concern rather 
misconception is the idea and belief of ?Black underachievement? (Powell, 1997). Powell 
(1997) argues that this belief is not only common within the Black community but it is 
carried and entrenched in the White community.   
 
According to Sayed (as cited in Vandoyer & Killen, 2006), true integration is a process 
whereby the quality of contact both at the personal attitudinal level (between teachers and 
learners) and at the level of institutional arrangements, policies and the ethos of schools, is 
interrogated. While the trend or rather the proposed ideal is a move to a more multicultural 
education, which sets out to create equal opportunity for pupils from different racial, cultural 
and ethnic groups. A more radical approach is needed to ensure structural change.  
In South Africa, especially, the purpose of integration is not only about having children of 
different race groups or cultures in one school, it is also about addressing the past imbalances 
in education and to ensure educational equity for all. Such that the success of integration is 
crucial to the education of many Black pupils that find themselves in integrated schools. In 
addition, the institution?s culture is central in fostering and ensuring the success of 
transformation and true integration in desegregated schools. It is clear that until such time as 
that structural change is achieved, the doors of learning and culture that should by now have 
been opened to all will remain half closed (Jansen, 2003). 
 
 
 
 
 
14 
 
1.4 Research Questions? 
 
Therefore, based on the literature presented above the following questions are asked: 
What are the experiences of the staff and pupils at Rose High school regarding the process of 
racial integration? What are the perceived ?right ways? of doing things at this school? How 
are these different to ways of doing things at other schools? What is the main language used? 
Are there any other languages, and who uses these and where? What are the rituals of the 
school, and what is their history? What are the symbols/portraits found around the school? 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
15 
 
Chapter 2 
Methodology Chapter 
 
This is a qualitative, phenomenological study through which the lived experiences of both the 
pupils and staff at the school were investigated as well as meanings attached to these 
experiences (Mertens, 2005).  In addition, the intention for this project was to understand 
institutional culture and change from the perspectives of the pupils and the staff at this 
school. Therefore, this report has allowed for an exploration, the in-depth understanding and 
the meaning of staff and pupils? experiences and perceptions of their school culture in 
relation to racial integration. 
 
2.1 Reflexivity of Qualitative Research 
 
Rossman and Rallis (2003) express that in a qualitative study the researcher is the instrument 
of the study. The qualitative methodology places the researcher into the field and into varied 
interactions with participants. Therefore, they argue that the implications are that, knowledge 
constructed during a qualitative study is interpretive; in that the researcher constructs or 
understands the data through their own subjective worldview (Rossman & Rallis, 2003). 
Throughout the study it was important that I was aware of my own personal biography and 
my biases that might and have shaped this study. Likewise, participants have their own biases 
and biographies that inform their worldview and during interviews these social group 
identities (both the researcher?s and the participants?) impacted on the interview process.  
The African participants assumed quite often that we shared a social identity, on the basis of 
my race and possibly, age group. This was problematic in that they did not elaborate on some 
of their responses and assumed that I knew what they meant. For example, most of the 
participants would respond ??you know?. It is important to note that my reflections will be 
included at points where it is salient; however reflections will not be the dominant lens 
through which the findings are described. 
 
2.2 Context of the Study 
 
The school is a former model C school situated in Roodeport, in a previously white, small 
suburb. It accommodates pupils from the area as well as from the surrounding communities 
 
 
16 
 
like; Kagiso, Dobsonville, and Witpoortjie to mention a few. Over the years the 
demographics of the school in terms of racial composition of the pupils have drastically 
changed, currently it is largely dominated by African pupils with a handful of white pupils 
and a few Coloured and Indian Pupils. In terms of the racial profile of teachers, there is an 
even split among the different race groups namely, African, White, and Coloured.  
 
2.3 Sample 
 
The proposed sample size was 15 participants with the breakdown of six pupils and nine staff 
members. However, the deputy principal of the school expressed that her staff members were 
quite busy and therefore she could only avail three staff members for the interviews. The 
sample size had nine participants, from the School. Participation was on a voluntary basis. 
The nine participants included six pupils from grade 10 to grade 12, two participants from 
each grade, and three staff members. The purposive sampling approach was informed by the 
consideration that that the staff members have been working at the school for at least two 
years. Considering this minimum period of time was to ensure there were informed of how 
the school operated, as well as to ensure familiarity with the school context. Given this, this 
approach is constitutive of purposive sampling to the extent that only those people that fit the 
purpose of the study will be selected, and no random sampling will be done (Mertens, 2005). 
Similarly the pupils in grade 10 have been attending the school for two years, that is, from 
grade 8, this indicates that they are familiar with the context. In addition, it has been 
hypothesized that senior students might have been exposed to racial issues amongst 
themselves and with each other at school and within the society at large (Zitha, 2007).  
 
According to Sandelowski and Barroso (2006) the threat to the validity of a qualitative study 
is a huge sample size, because this can undermine the ability of the researcher to conduct 
intensive analysis. This justifies the sample size, as it has allowed for an in-depth, subjective 
view of the staff and pupils. It is important to note, that it is not the aim of the study to 
generalize from the sample to the population, rather the aim is to describe, highlight and 
analyze beliefs and subjective understandings of staff regarding their experiences of the 
school and its culture. 
 
 
 
 
 
17 
 
2.4 Instrument 
 
Phenomenological studies commonly rely on interviews (Rossman & Rallis, 2003). The 
interview schedule was used as a guide to elicit the participants? perceptions and their 
experience at the school. Semi-structured interviews appeared to be the most appropriate tool 
to gather data. This allowed for the exploration of responses, especially given that teachers 
and pupils have a specific way of colloquial communication whose specific nuances were not 
necessarily shared by the researcher. Furthermore, interviews as a method ensured that the 
material gathered was as relevant as possible to the study at hand. In addition, interview 
questions were appropriately adapted to suite different individuals. According to True (1989) 
interviews are flexible and thereby allow the researcher to rephrase or explain the question to 
respondents.  
 
An interview schedule was utilized as a guide, living some room for probe questions and it 
also allowed for the pursuit of topics that the participants brought up. There was a 
demographic questionnaire in addition to the interview schedule [examples of questions 
asked on each of these sections are attached as appendix A] 
 
2.5 Procedure 
 
With permission from the Department of Education and the school, the deputy Principle of 
the school obtained the details of the pupils and staff members who would be interested in 
participating in the study.  A convenient time for the participants was arranged and they 
were briefed about the study, in addition consent forms were given to those who were willing 
to participate in the study, to sign or to take home for the signature of guardians, in the case 
of pupils. Face to face individual interviews were conducted at the school with each 
participant. The duration of the interview sessions were approximately 45 minutes long. All 
the interviews were conducted at the school premises during school hours however due to the 
staff?s work commitment the interviews, with them, were conducted after school hours.  
 
2.6 Analysis   
 
The analysis of this study was primarily framed by the approach of the study. 
Phenomenological studies generally seek to search for themes and of meanings (Rossman & 
 
 
18 
 
Rallis, 2003).   
 
Thematic analysis was used to analyze the data, this allowed for an identification of recurring 
and constant themes, as well as concepts to be analyzed. Thematic content analysis can, at a 
basic level, be defined as the analysis of both obvious and latent communication 
(Krippendorff, 2004). It is for this reason that thematic content analysis is a commonly used 
technique for qualitative research. Furthermore, this method of analysis will be suitable for 
this study as it will highlight, breakdown both manifest and hidden ideas or perceptions held 
by staff and the pupils? of what constitutes institutional culture at their school.  For instance 
the language used, the teacher-pupil interaction, and the social process in the school. 
Highlighting and breaking down these perceptions will in turn help in interpreting meaning 
from the data that will be collected (Shannon, 2005).  
 
To facilitate the interpretation of meaning from data, both inductive and theory-led thematic 
analysis was used, to allow for themes to emerge from the data, and to use themes that were 
established beforehand (Hayes, 2000).  
 
Following data collection, responses were coded and grouped according to their similarities. 
Broad categories were sought, with sub-themes to explain the meanings expressed by the 
participants. In addition, the research questions informed these preliminary categories in 
which data analysis began (Rossman & Rallis, 2003). From this, dominant threads were 
identified and therefore informed the theme of the report.  
 
In studies exploring institutional culture, the literature has supported the emergence of the 
following themes: Language and Language policy, Curriculum content, standards of 
education, assimilation, non-inclusive culture, and the racial profile of teachers. The themes 
that emerged from the data gathered in this research included and resonated with those 
identified by the literature in the area of institutional culture, however there are variations. 
The themes include the following: Language and Language policy, ?academic culture?, 
teacher-pupil interaction and the ?culture?. However these themes will be discussed 
comprehensively, in the following chapter.  It should be noted that the discussion is 
organized around themes that emerged from interviews with both the pupils and the teachers. 
The responses of the respective groups (teachers and pupils) are discussed under these themes 
parallel to each other.  
 
 
19 
 
 
2.7 Ethical Considerations 
 
Participants were informed about the study, in addition they were told what the research 
question was, as well as the type of questions asked in the interview schedule. All the 
appropriate informed consent forms both for the participants and the parents for the pupils 
were issued out. In addition consent from the Department of Education and from the school 
was obtained. Confidentiality was ensured by not using the participants? personal identifying 
information as well as the real name of the school in the research report and potential 
publications. Furthermore, the raw material was destroyed after the completion of the 
research study.   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
20 
 
Chapter 3: 
Results and Discussion 
 
This chapter will outline and discuss the themes that emerged from the data. Part of what led 
to the identification of these particular themes is their close resonance with some of the 
literature and theories in the area of institutional culture. It is important to note that there 
were other themes that emerged, such as those relating to school fees, transport and lack of 
motivation from the learners. However, for the purpose of this report, only the most salient 
ones will be discussed. These include; language and language policy, the ?academic culture?, 
teacher-pupil interaction and ?culture?. 
 
3.1. Language and Language Policy 
 
At the school, the home languages of the pupils who were participants were as follows: 2 
IsiZulu, 2 SeSotho and 2 SeTswana. It is estimated that this is the general split in the whole 
school. The deputy Principle also indicated that the majority of learners had IsiZulu, SeSotho 
and SeTswana as their home languages. The medium of instruction at the school is English 
and the second language subject taught is Afrikaans. This is seemingly problematic given that 
the majority of learners is African and has English as their second, if not third language, with 
Afrikaans ranking further down. Mda (in Chisholm, 2004) argues that it is because English 
and Afrikaans are still powerful, and this power, she adds, is fuelled by the fact that both 
these languages still enjoy social and economic advantage. As a result the previously White 
schools are not encouraged and/or motivated to introduce the indigenous languages into the 
school.  Therefore, the African learners aspire to acquire these powerful languages and their 
culture as a means of attaining socio-economic power. As Pupil 5 expressed: 
 
??we can use our African languages, but they are not valued? they are not seen as 
professional?? (Pupil 5)  
 
In the same way this statement typifies the sentiments that most participants shared about the 
value of African languages. African languages, at previously White high schools continue to 
be undervalued and are inconsequential to learning (Mda, 2004). Furthermore, it is usually 
the case that members of the governing bodies, the learners and including Black parents, 
 
 
21 
 
sometimes for different reasons, privilege English and Afrikaans over ?African? languages. 
Although Pupil 3 saw the need and perhaps the value for White teachers and learners to learn 
African languages he strongly believed: 
 
??yes there is a need to learn other African languages?but should not learn it here 
at school?? (Pupil 3) 
 
In the same way Pupil 4 states: 
 
?I don?t think so, I mean a township school in the suburbs! For me, my mother 
brought me here because she thought I would have a better education, not that I am 
degrading them (African language)? (pupil 4)  
 
As previously noted, over the years, the demographics of the school have changed in the 
learner population with the admission of African learners who are speakers of the African 
languages. However there have been very slow or no changes to the language policies of the 
school. The staff members stated that in future it might be useful to introduce some of the 
African languages as subjects. They reported that they have noticed how certain pupils 
struggle with both English and Afrikaans. Mr. Action, Mrs. Mamvula and Mr. Van Rooyen 
expressed that: 
 
??language is a problem, because you find that there are pupils who grew up with 
their grandparents in the rural areas and have moved to the informal settlement 
across the road and they cannot speak English?we will have to make a plan?? (Mr. 
Action) 
 
??In future we might need to consider introducing some African languages, because 
we have here children from the informal settlement around the corner and they mostly 
come from the rural areas and their English is not good?? (Mrs. Mamvula) 
 
??I think it is an issue, we definitely have kids who don?t understand English as well 
as they should as a medium of instruction. And so they just get lost in the system a 
little bit?? (Mr. Van Rooyen) 
 
 
 
22 
 
The Minister of Education, Dr. Pandor noted this as a challenge that is faced by the majority 
of the Black learners for whom English is not their home language (HRSC, 2003). As a result 
the White culture and language continues to dominate and disadvantage the majority of the 
Black learners. Pupil 3 and pupil 2 capture the reality of some African pupils in class: 
 
??it happens in class that some students don?t understand but they keep quiet 
because they are scared what others might think of them. Normally its people who are 
fluent in English who participate in class??  (Pupil 3)    
 
??I think it would be a good thing. Like you find other people in the classroom who 
don?t understand Afrikaans but would do better in another African language?? 
(Pupil2) 
 
This highlights some of the challenges faced by many African learners, who are taught in a 
language that they are not yet proficient in. In this case as noted by Pupil 3, learners who do 
not have a good command for English shy away from participating in class and engaging 
with the content in the classroom. Consequently, as noted by Vandeyar and Killen (2006), 
language in this case English, becomes a gatekeeper to academic progress. Moreover, it 
disempowers the learners and robs them access to prior knowledge and means of cultural 
expression (Sonn as cited in Vandeyar & Killen, 2006).   
 
It is therefore, clear that desegregation or rather the inclusion of Black learners in the 
previously White schools does not essentially translate into equal opportunities for the 
learners. Orfield (1983) noted that opportunities in desegregated schools are different even 
within the classroom. In addition, he asserts that equal opportunities are dependent on the 
success of efforts to create equal access and respect within a diverse setting. 
 
Furthermore, the department of education and schools are required, by law, to introduce and 
implement ways of maintaining home languages that are not offered at the school (Mda, 
2004). Although there is no language policy that prohibits learners from speaking through 
their mother tongue in and outside of the classroom, the school does not have clearly outlined 
programs or means that encourage or builds the development and the maintenance of the 
African languages. 
 
 
 
23 
 
The implication here is that Black learners? home languages and the cultures associated with 
these languages continue to be undermined and undervalued. As a result the institutional 
culture continues to reinforce the racial hierarchies and subtly excludes Black learners. 
Vandeyar and Killen (2006) argue that previously White schools have continued to reflect the 
hegemonic culture, dominance of whiteness, which typify the apartheid schooling, by their 
reluctance to embrace indigenous languages. Further reinforcing to the African learners that 
their home languages are insignificant to obtaining quality education, and that English and 
Afrikaans and their associated cultures (or the white culture in the context of South Africa) is 
superior.   
 
3.2 ?Academic Culture? 
 
?Academic culture? here is used as shorthand for curriculum content and the different ways in 
which the content informs the institutional culture of the school. Skinner (1999) stated how 
the historical juncture in South Africa provides an interesting question of whether education 
can be made to promote transformation of society or whether it can only be functional for 
existing systems. In agreement Baxen and Soudien (1999) assert that education remains 
central to the discursive process of racial and cultural integration or the lack thereof. 
Historically, education was used to legitimate White supremacy and Black inferiority. 
Furthermore the curricula were tailored to produce and validate the legitimacy of separation 
and hierarchy (Baxen & Soudien, 1999). 
 
Therefore, the adoption of the Outcome Based approach to Education was meant to address 
these past biases and inequalities. Copper and Jamison (in Baxen &Soudien, 1999), argue 
that the Outcomes Based approach to Education focuses on the transformation of the 
country?s ideological legacy. In addition, adherents have claimed that the approach has the 
potential to meet the needs of all the students regardless of their environment, ethnicity, and 
class status.  
 
However, the Outcomes Based approach to Education has not been immune to criticism and 
challenge. Mr. Action, who has been teaching at the school for over 24 years, points out that 
there might be some inherent problems in the new approach to education: 
 
 
 
24 
 
?Pupils don?t care. It might be a question of the curriculum?? (Mr. Van Rooyen) 
 
The apathy displayed by the pupils over their schoolwork is attributed to the relatively new 
Outcomes Based approach to Education, which was employed to address past inequalities. 
Although the learner did not explicitly attribute the apparent apathy among learners to the 
new curriculum, they noted that there was apathy amongst the student body. As Pupil 3 and 
Pupil 5 said: 
 
??but they have an attitude that they don?t care as long as they get the pass mark.? 
(Pupil 3) 
 
?I don?t know, maybe it is because nathi (we) don?t show any interest?? (Pupil 5)  
 
This apathy or lack of interest displayed by the learners may be a reflection or a projection of 
the teachers? own feelings about the new curriculum. It is well acknowledged that teacher 
involvement was minimal in the development and implementation of the new Outcomes 
Based approach to Education (Monyokolo & Potenza, 1999). In addition, Muller (in 
Monyokolo & Potenza, 1999) noted that if there is no buy in from the teachers and teacher 
development is not prioritized the education system will not be transformed. Furthermore, 
Jansen (1999) argued that OBE undermined the already fragile learning environment in the 
schools and the classrooms through the flawed inherent assumptions about what happens in 
the classroom.   
 
3.2.1 Influx of African learners 
 
Jansen (2003) states that teachers experience difficulties in coping with the increasing 
diversity of the staff and the student body. Furthermore, their difficulties are worsened by the 
absence of the institutions creating awareness of these issues and training for the teachers. 
Pupil 1 reported on the apparent changes since the increasing entry of African pupils at the 
school: 
 
?It?s all about the discipline than education ?because I have been in a White school 
before and Whites have also exited that school and more Black people came in and I 
saw a change?I think it becomes more about discipline than education. It?s harder to 
 
 
25 
 
control when more Black people are in.? (Pupil 1) 
 
??It is not about quality but more administration? (Mr. Van Rooyen) 
 
This suggests that the school might not be ready for the entry of African learners and as such 
they are unable to maintain the balance between discipline and teaching. Pupil 4 concurs with 
Pupil 1, Pupil 4 said: 
 
?If you were to look at the stats from way back you see the difference. I think 
especially with the White people they struggle to teach black people, it?s like they 
don?t know how to get you (Black people) to understand? (Pupil 4). 
 
With the entry of African learners the focus shifts from teaching to management or discipline. 
Foucault (1979) noted the discipline-based production of social order in different institutions, 
including schools. Furthermore that order was maintained through methods of control such as 
time management, confinement and surveillance for the purpose of normalizing social 
behaviour.  The institutional culture at the school resembles what Foucault (1979) would 
describe a surveillance.  The responses from the participants indicate that there is a lot of 
punishment as part of the institutional culture of the school, for instance, detention, cutting 
down on academic excursions and certain extracurricular activities. It is hypothesized that 
this resulted from an increased influx of African learners in the school. In this way the school 
attempts to instill particular social behaviours, through exalting particular kinds of behaviours 
that are accepted and good, in addition, are understood as uncommon in the Black culture by 
the school. For instance, time management, (Seidman, 2004).  
 
Pupil 5 clearly illustrates this: 
 
??I think maybe there is a criteria, like these interviews, the deputy principal came 
in and choose us and told us what it was about. It was not like they asked who was 
interested?but they choose those who are receptive?? (Pupil 5) 
 
Pupil 5 highlights how through institutional power, certain behaviours are exalted and how 
others are not. Moreover, Foucault (1979) speaks of the criminological discourses and 
practices as producing a ?criminal subject? whose essential psychological and social nature is 
 
 
26 
 
driven to commit crimes. Keeping in line with this, it can be argued that the ?defiant? or 
?deviancy? discourse, employed by the school produces ?deviant subjects? in this case being 
the African learners who are essentially driven to be defiant and ill disciplined. The 
perception of the African learner is that of an ill-mannered and undisciplined subject. 
Subsequently the manner in which the African learner is approached and engaged with is 
informed by this perception. This approach reinforces and produces the deviant subject, when 
the subject (African leaner) acts in ways that are in accordance with how they are 
approached.  
 
Correspondingly Powell (1997) speaks of the discourse of deficit and the discourse of 
potential. She argues that every student has both potential and development needs. 
Additionally, she posits that it is the school?s responsibility to appreciate both these needs in 
every student. However, due to desegregation, most schools have experienced difficulties in 
effectively teaching all pupils from different race groups (Powell, 1997). As a result, these 
desegregated institutions project their worry of incompetence to the African learner, such that 
the African learners are the ones with possible incompetence. This she terms the discourse of 
deficit (Powell, 1997). Pupil 4 noted this dynamic:    
 
??They (White teachers) have the mentality of thinking that where there are Black 
people a certain mess up will happen?? (Pupil 4) 
 
The entry of African learners has come to imply incompetence, and there is then the fear that 
the school will be seen as incompetent. This fear is then carried out in how Black learners are 
engaged. The Black learners? perceived weaknesses create an anticipation of their failure. 
The treatment of Black learners, which is underlined by anticipation of failure and 
incompetence, creates subjects that are in line with these perceptions. So the learners? 
performance comes to reflect these perceptions.  
In contrast, Ms. Mamvula, reported that the school held workshops that were aimed at 
preparing the teacher and ensuring the smooth entry of a new teacher, in a diverse 
environment such as the school: 
  
??We actually worked it through? Ja we have NGO?s that come in every year. 
Maybe in January, February, and March they come in. That is after every 
employment do you understand a new person might feel err different from those who 
 
 
27 
 
are here at school. So we bring in NGO to come put err a speaker to come talk about 
whatever that can put the people together.? (Ms Mamvula) 
 
Although it may be true, it is clearly not sufficient. Jansen (2003) suggests that even training 
institutions should prepare and equip teachers with the skills necessary for working in a 
diverse environment. In addition, the school should have a clearly stated program that 
confronts and transforms the institutional culture. 
 
3. 3 Teacher-Learner interaction 
 
According to Munshi (1998) education in the classroom is a personal encounter between two 
individuals. In a desegregated classroom this encounter is between people of different 
cultures and different historical identities, and these differences manifest in their interaction.  
Furthermore, the interrelationship between the teacher and the learner is central in 
determining the perceived quality of education of the pupil. Roeser, Eccles & Sameroff, 
(2000) examined schools as a context of early adolescents? achievement and social emotional 
development. They studied perceptions of opportunities provided by the teacher, and how 
these opportunities are related to the changes in the adolescent?s academic performance over 
time. Their findings showed that specific instructional, interpersonal and organizational 
dimensions of school life, as perceived by adolescents, are associated with the quality and 
character of their education (Roeser, Eccles & Sameroff, 2000). Therefore, the impartial 
relationship between the teacher and the pupil is fundamental as one of the ways of providing 
equal opportunities in education for members of different race groups. Pupil 4 described a 
patronizing interaction between White teachers and African pupils: 
 
 
??They pity us; maybe they just push us through to the next grade?? (Pupil 4) 
 
Based on these perceptions, the White teachers do not provide learning opportunities for 
African learners in the classroom. This has negative impact on the pupils? confidence on their 
capabilities. In conjunction Bobo (2003), in his research on schooling, performance and 
achievement, found that negative cultural stereotypes about racial groups can have 
debilitating effects on pupils? academic achievements.  It is through interpersonal contact 
that one is able to pick up on the subtle racial or even cultural prejudices and stereotypes that 
 
 
28 
 
are held by both the learners and the staff.  For Mr. Van Rooyen: 
 
?Some kids don?t like the fact that there is a White guy standing in front of them 
teaching. One so much as said that to a student teacher that he would listen to him if 
he were not White?? (Mr. Van Rooyen) 
 
However, it can be argued that the different cultural background or identities of both the 
learner and the teacher inform their interaction, such that, particular ways or forms of 
interacting are understood differently in the different cultures. Thus it is possible that the 
perceived ?pity? is not really what the teacher is communicating, however it is read as such by 
the learner. 
 
3.3.1 Teachers going the extra mile 
 
This interrelationship between the teacher and the learner is central in determining the 
perceived quality of education of the learner. About half of the learner participants expressed 
that they perceived lack of motivation from the teachers as stated in these statements by some 
of the learners:  
 
??Honestly, I think if there were a lot of White pupils ? teachers would put in that 
extra mile. Because there are a lot of Black kids they don?t put in the effort. If you 
look at the pass rates of the school that dominated by Whites and those dominated by 
Blacks you will see the difference? (Pupil5) 
 
??I don?t know if the White teacher gives more time to White pupils because they are 
common. So they might not go that extra mile for me?. (Pupil 4) 
 
This perceived disengagement or disinterest from the White teachers is likely to diminish the 
African learner?s self esteem and motivation to perform academically, further leading them to 
disengage academically. Moreover, the perceived indifference from the teachers, in this case, 
reinforces institutional racism (Vandeyar & Killen, 2006); in that it restricts or delays the 
academic growth of African learners, and therefore exclusively keeping power and privilege 
for White learners.  
 
 
 
29 
 
Springthorpe (as cited in Pumfrey & Verma, 1990) asserts that the social realities in which 
both the student and the teacher interact tend to be ignored, and it is as if education takes 
place in an idealized vacuum. Thus it is possible that given this neglect, teachers are not 
properly equipped or efficiently trained to teach in multicultural environments. The pupils 
read this as indifference when in fact it might be that teachers are not prepared for the 
multicultural environment they find themselves in. Khosa (2001) and Vally (1999) share 
similar sentiments, they point to the fact that many of the teachers and leaders in the former 
white Afrikaans language medium schools were not trained to cope with the new multi-racial 
and multi-cultural situations in the schools, and as such found themselves in foreign territory. 
This has rippling effects on academic performance and the dropping of the standards of 
education in these desegregated schools. 
  
 3.3.2 Unity in diversity 
 
Vandeyar & Killen (2006) argue that multiculturalism is based on the premise that racism is a 
result of prejudice and ignorance that can be removed through promoting personal contacts, 
cultural exchange and education. However, critics have argued that multiculturalism 
depoliticizes culture and continues to ignore the power and the structural dimensions of 
racism. When describing the schools? culture or ethos, Ms Mamvula, who is the deputy 
principle of the school defensively said: 
 
?There is no cultural or racial domination, we do things as recommended by the 
Department of Education?there is no problem here at school, and the children are 
fine.? (Ms Mamvula) 
 
McCarthy and Crichlow (in Vandeyar & Killen 2006) describe this reluctance or rather the 
refusal to acknowledge difference as ?colour blindness?. They argue that this serves to hide 
institutionalized racism and discriminatory attitudes and perceptions in desegregated schools. 
It is crucial therefore, that differences be acknowledged and appreciated so as to create a 
fertile environment for true integration. As Calhoun (1995) noted, social integration is 
dependent on some kind of difference. Moreover, when racial, cultural or interpersonal 
difference is not acknowledged there is a tendency to devalue difference. In turn, this 
impedes institutional transformation and maintains the status quo and the ethos of the 
institution. 
 
 
30 
 
 
Arendt (in Calhoun, 1995) appends that plurality is the foundation to human life. He argues 
that humans are distinct from each other and will usually strive to distinguish themselves. It 
follows then that through institutions - such as schools - acknowledging differences and 
embracing diversity will enable individuals to express themselves and grow without any 
impingements. In his understanding of what racial integration is Mr. Van Rooyen expressed: 
 
??I think the whole point of integration is to bring people to understanding that we 
are different but that we are the same and we need to understand each other?s 
difference so that we can grow with each other?s strengths?? (Mr. Van Rooyen) 
 
Mr. Van Rooyen echoes Arendt?s (in Calhoun, 1995) sentiments, that although there is no 
simple sameness unmarked by difference, in the same breath there is no distinction not 
dependent on some common recognition. 
 
3.4 ?Culture? 
 
Culture in this context is used as a generic term to describe the way things are done in the 
school. According to Jones and Fennimore (1990: 16) ?every culture brings habits of thought, 
resources, and contexts which have built into them vehicles that promote learning and 
inquiry, and accordingly, children of any culture can and should have curriculum and 
instructional practices that draw from that culture.? 
 
3.4.1Assimilation 
 
Literature on desegregation, racial integration and institutional transformation, more broadly, 
notes that desegregation usually invites assimilative tendencies (Vandeyar & Killen, 2006). 
Some of the perceptions from the participants highlighted this tendency: 
 
??Teachers have been leaving the school because of the way we treat them. We are 
not used to them so we tend to act like ourselves, we can?t adapt to them?? (Pupil 1)  
 
??Where you get a handful of kids?and unless those kids are performing at levels 
 
 
31 
 
[in brackets, complete what you understood the pupil to be wanting to say]?but I 
think sometimes the teachers might be more inclined to say you see now, there, they 
can?t manage and err they make all sorts of sweeping statements.? (Mr. Van Rooyen) 
 
Some studies have argued that assimilation is used as a means or mechanism to manage 
?otherness?. While allowing other members of society to be included in the institution, this 
inclusion is controlled (Distiller & Steyn, 2004). This form of control also informs who is 
afforded opportunities at the school. During the process of data collection I became aware 
that the group of learners who had volunteered to participate in the research were selected by 
the deputy Principle based on their perceived good behaviour. In describing the non-inclusive 
culture at the school, Pupil 5 reflected: 
 
?It is kind of selective with the opportunities given to certain individuals. I think 
maybe there is a criterion. Like these interviews, the deputy came in class and chose 
us and told us what it was about, it wasn?t like hey! Who is interested? But I think 
they choose those who are receptive. Even when they choose people you will hear 
students saying- ?ah! Besazi bazo khetha lo na lo (we knew they would pick this one 
and that one)? (Pupil 5) 
 
This illustrates how other African learners are continuously excluded on the basis that they 
have not completely taken on the culture of the school, which is white culture. Furthermore, 
it highlights that Black learners will be included and accepted in the school in so far as they 
take on the institutions? culture and forsake their own. The best African learners are those 
who have been assimilated to a greater extent than their other African counterparts. These are 
student that get to be part of the institutional culture of the school; the sport teams and student 
leadership. However, they are included as assimilated subjects. Pupil 4 also made this 
apparent: 
 
??We (the school) value the more civilized way of doing things. Because there were 
Coloured who were Muslim and they were allowed to wear their religious outfits. It was not a 
big deal because I think it is similar to theirs (the school), so they overlooked it. But I doubt 
the same would happen if I came wearing iBheshu (iBeshu is a Zulu traditional outfit)?? (Pupil 4) 
 
This approach is an obstruction to a truly inclusive culture, which in turn hinders true 
 
 
32 
 
transformation in these institutions.  Moreover, this indicates that Black pupils are aware of 
these cultural biases and intolerance and as such are left feeling alienated and alone. To 
emphasize this further, Hacker (1995) argues that it is the racial mood at so many schools that 
excludes or sidelines Black pupils. Therefore this further highlights the importance of the 
institutions? ethos or culture. This assimilation mood excludes those who are not as 
assimilated. 
 
3.4.2 Black Deprecation  
 
The non-accommodating culture brings to the fore issues of Black deprecation and the fact 
that the dominance of a particular culture, the White culture devalues other cultures. In line 
with this, Jansen (in Khosa, 2000) argues that most desegregated schools assume that the 
Black pupils present with a number of social and academic problems that need to be fixed. 
For instance, pupil 4 believed the following: 
 
??they (White teachers) have the mentality of thinking that where there are Black 
people a certain mess up will happen?? (Pupil 4) 
 
Mr. Van Rooyen expressed: 
 
??I have to ask myself?is it just a misunderstanding? the attitude of submitting 
work. In my matric for arguments sake, now I don?t know if that?s something that 
comes or linked with culture perhaps or a work ethos that is associated with culture.? 
 
There seems to be a bias or thinking leaning more to the belief that there might be something 
inherently wrong with the culture or way of being of Black people, or in this instance, Black 
pupils. Khosa (2000) asserts that the perception that the culture and the knowledge of Black 
children are deficient compromises their learning and their sense of identity. 
  
3.4.3 Positive Shifts 
 
Jansen (2004) argues that institutional culture presents itself within the school through 
portraits and paintings that appear in corridors, the collection of books or items that dominate 
 
 
33 
 
the library, whose language dominates the public meetings or events and whose is excluded. 
It has to do with the repertoire and complexion of the schools? choir, the complexion of those 
in leadership, the LRC?s and the prefects. Through observation, I was able to see the pictures 
that appear in the corridors of the school. It was interesting and encouraging to see that these 
were a true reflection of the demographic change that the school has undergone over the 
years, despite that these faces might be of learners who are more assimilated than most of 
their Black counterparts. Pupil 3 put it this way: 
 
??Pictures of old Black students, it is good because we are motivated and it is 
encouraging because we see that we can get there too?things have changed recently 
there are award ceremonies and that feels good and it encourages us to look forward 
to school? (Pupil 3) 
 
This change is experienced as positive, at least for this pupil in that among other things, it 
allows and encourages him to grow. Jansen (2004) argues that the test of whether South 
African institutions have achieved inclusive institutional culture might well be the extent to 
which Black and White pupils can identify with the culture and they feel as if the institution 
is their own space.  
 
The term learner migration or movement has been used to describe a trend that is prevalent in 
South Africa, where learners, African learners especially, move to schools outside their 
residential area (Sekete, Shilubane & Moila, 2001). This is because schooling in South Africa 
is still spatially defined in that, privileged and highly resourced schools are largely located in 
the predominately White suburbs, while the under-resourced schools are largely located in 
working class areas and chiefly serve African learners (Sekete, et al. 2001). As a result, 
African learners continue to be academically disadvantaged, therefore in order to access 
better schools, African learners move from the townships to suburb schools.   
 
In conjunction with this, observation were made that the school not only drew from the 
surrounding suburbs, like Lindhaven and Witpoortjie but it also served other township areas, 
like Zola, Dobsonville and Emndeni, to mention a few. This was encouraging given that the 
school and its governing body had the choice to employ the zoning policy. This admission 
policy limits parents to register learners at a school nearest to their homes (Beckmann & 
Karvelas 2006). It has been argued that this policy is problematic given the South African 
 
 
34 
 
context, where democracy is still young, and as such there has been minimal socio-economic 
and demographic change to justify it (Beckmann & Karvelas 2006). The deputy Principle Ms. 
Mamvula reflected on the positive impact this has on the learners: 
 
??We are open... you find that these children are from Zola, Mndeni, and all and as 
they travel to school they are exposed to different things, different lifestyles. So it 
actually changes their mindset, ja.? (Ms. Mamvula)  
 
The fact that the school draws from a wide area is perhaps indicative of their dedication to 
change and transformation.   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
35 
 
3.5 Conclusion 
 
Schools as integrating institutions should be a space where learners, as noted by Jones and 
Fennimore (1990) are able to use their culture with its resources as a vehicle that encourages 
learning and inquiry. Embedded in this sentiment is the assumption that the institution is 
inclusive and representative of all the stakeholders. However the findings in this study do not 
completely reflect this. The study elucidated that African learner?s home languages and their 
associated culture and knowledge are inconsequential to learning and they continue to be 
undermined in favour of English and Afrikaans with its culture in the South African context. 
Despite an increased number of African learners, there is still the reluctance by the school to 
embrace indigenous languages. Although a majority of African learners have successfully 
learned English as their second language there are still learners who are struggling and would 
therefore benefit from the introduction of the indigenous languages as learning subjects.  
    
With regard to the new curriculum, which was tailored to address past biases and inequalities, 
the findings suggest that there is no clear guideline for teachers on how to redress these 
inequalities. Instead there is the dissatisfaction it seems, among the teachers around their 
involvement on the development and the implementation of Outcome Based approach to 
Education. As a result this is projected onto and reflected in the learners? attitude towards 
their academic performance. 
 
Furthermore, the findings showed that the school was not prepared and equipped for the high 
influx or entry of African learners. This was seen in their shift from teaching to management 
and discipline of the African learner. This unpreparedness is also evident in the interaction 
between learners and teachers, in that members of different cultural groups misinterpret each 
other?s gestures and behaviour. For instance one of the participants understood the teacher?s 
manner as patronizing. Similarly some of the teachers perceive the learners as being hostile. 
 
Furthermore, the data showed there is the reluctance by the school to acknowledge 
difference. As consequent cultural differences are devalued; this in turn hinders institutional 
transformation through maintaining the current ethos of the school.  
 
Literature on desegregation and institutional transformation argues that desegregated schools, 
which do not have policies on racial integration, tend to adopt the assimilation approach 
 
 
36 
 
(Khosa, 2000). The Findings in this research concur with this; furthermore they show that as 
a result the Black learners? inclusion into the institution is controlled and dependent on how 
well they adapt to the institutional culture. Moreover, this non-accommodative culture 
highlights some of the held stereotypes and prejudices about Blacks. Furthermore the belief 
that there is something inherently wrong about the culture of Black learners compromises 
their sense of identity and more importantly their learning. 
 
However, there is some indication that the school is dedicated to change and transformation. 
My observations show some shifts in the institutional culture through the changed faces on 
portraits and pictures that appear in corridors of the school (Jansen, 2004). 
 
In sum, the lack of change in the language use, ?academic culture?, assimilation instead of 
real integration and Black deprecation are reflective of lack of change in the institutional 
culture of the school. These in turn inhibit transformation by maintaining the status quo, 
setting aside competence, privilege and power for White learners while lack of discipline, 
incompetence and inferiority is left to African learners. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
37 
 
3.6 Strengths and Limitations 
 
The first challenge in this study, the race of the researcher could have interfered with the 
responses given. The African participants assumed a shared social identity with the 
researcher and this was problematic in that they failed to elaborate on some of their responses 
based on the assumption that the researcher understood what they meant. Similarly, the 
researcher?s social identity might have impacted on the interview process with the White 
participants, in that the White participants may have reserved their negative perceptions about 
racial integration and its impact on the institutions? culture.  
 
In addition, the study focused on the perceptions of pupils and staff which are subjective 
views of individuals. Therefore, these views might not essentially be an accurate reflection of 
an objective reality of the school. In addition, this in conjunction with the limited size of the 
sample makes it difficult for the findings of the study to be generalized to other context.   
 
However, the sample size allowed for an in-depth qualitative study, which enabled a 
thorough understanding of the pupils? perception of racial integration.  In addition, these 
perceptions were accessible given that the pupils could relate with the research because of the 
particular aspects of her social identity.  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
38 
 
3.7 Recommendations 
 
3.7.1 Further Research 
 
This study has mainly focused on the perceived culture of the school and whether the learners 
and the staff think this culture is inclusive and representative. Therefore it is suggested that: 
 
circle4 Future research should investigate or explore the possible ways or strategies for 
addressing covert, institutionalized racism.  
 
In addition, as a result of desegregation and the influx of African learners in the previously 
White schools the dynamics have changed from race divides to class. Therefore it would be 
useful to have a research study that investigates how this aspect of class features in 
institutional culture and transformation. 
 
3.7.2 The Department of Education   
 
One of the recommendations made by the SAHRC (1999) report was the need to restructure 
the culture and ethos of the school so that it is representative of the school and its surrounding 
community.  It is suggested that this can be achieved through the following: 
 
circle4 Teacher and learner training or support strategies that promote racial integration, 
provide clear guidelines for both the learner and the teacher and serves as a support 
base for teachers. 
 
3.7.3 The School 
 
circle4 Schools lacking a policy on racial integration tend to follow a reactive approach when 
confronted with racial problems (Khosa, 2000). Therefore, it is crucial that the school 
should have clear policies on racial integration and institutional transformation. 
 
circle4 Anti-racist approach to confront overt attitudes and practices of racism, as well as 
subtle racism, stereotypes and patronizing attitudes (Vandeyar & Killen 2006). In 
addition acknowledging and celebrating diversity. 
 
 
39 
 
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