DEMOCRACY
 1 3 - 1 5 JULY 1994
 UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRANO
 HISTORY WORKSHOP
 ROYAL BY BIRTH, RULER BY THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE:
 AMAXHOSA ROYALTY REVISITED
 Nomathamsanqa Tisani
 Academic Development Programme
 Rhodes University
ROYAL BY BIRTH, RULER BY THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE: AHAXHOSA
 ROYALTY REVISITED.
 Introduction
 During the last decade of the 20th century the African continent
 is witnessing a movement of democratisation of governments.1
 For various reasons, some of which are international pressure as
 well as a genuine search for stability and peace in their
 countries, African statespeople have embarked on a process of
 testing popular will by giving people a vote to decide the shape
 and character of their governments. In the wake of the heave
 towards democracy, there has been a general feeling of euphoria
 reminiscent of the uhuru days of the 1960s. This is what has
 prompted some political analysts to speak of the second
 independence of African states. The great leap towards democracy
 by the last bastion of white rule in Africa is now in the annals
 of history. It is however, premature to make an assessment of
 the democratisation process in Africa. In the case of South
 Africa, the dust of celebrating the elect ion results has hardly
 settled.
 In trying to understand the democratisation process taking place
 in Africa, it is important to remember that there is a
 multiplicity of forces at work. The major factors are the
 western influences and beliefs in democracy as well as the
 African value system in government and popular will. The general
2
 elections that have been conducted in a number of African
 countries during the 1990s have all been modelled on formats
 followed in western countries. The Westminister model is the
 core that has been inherited. In addition, the electioneering
 process; the campaigning, canvassing for votes, use of the media
 and modern technology, duplicated what happens in western
 democracies.
 The existing faith in western democracy dictates an unmitigated
 observation of the established elections canon. Unfortunately,
 the post independence African "crisis" has robbed Africans of the
 confidence of creating an African democracy. Yet, the African
 politicians and voters continue to operate within the ambit of
 African political value system. The colonial and post colonial
 political system have not obliterated the ability for Africans
 to contruct their own political reality and arrive at political
 judgements. While the framework of the general elections is
 fashioned according to the western design, the decisions taken
 are influenced essentially by the Africanness of the electorate.
 In this paper a study is to be made of the political dynamics in
 a Xhosa polity during the first half of the 19th century. During
 this period amaXhosa still enjoyed political independence. They
 were, however, already in contact with the Boers and the British.
 It is from the latter that there are written documents that give
 clues about the character of a Xhosa kingdom. In addition, oral
 tradition continues to be a valuable source of information on key
 aspects of Xhosa politics.
3
 The documents that cover the period under study are largely
 creations of British civil servants and European missionaries.
 There are a few writings by African who were missions educated
 by the 1850s. A serious handicap to be borne in mind when using
 these documents as sources of information on Xhosa politics is
 that the chroniclers were commenting on what was virtually a
 foreign society. The African converts were to some extent
 alienated from their societies and were beginning to see reality
 differently from their people. The documents also tend to focus
 mainly on reports on points of interaction between amaXhosa and
 the settlers. They are records of responses of amaXhosa to
 settler action. The recorders lacked the opportunity of
 observing amaXhosa in control of their lives and world.
 Some of the oral traditions of amaXhosa have been recorded and
 stored as written texts. Further, oral tradition continues to
 be handed down by word of mouth even during these days of
 literacy. The oral texts are subjected to the process of
 elimination, selection and mutation. What is deemed
 insignificant by the collective mind is left out and forgotten.
 Yet, dominant themes are nurtured and survive. Among amaXhosa
 royal traditions have been used as the dominant ideology of the
 powerful and have to a large measure survived. It has to be
 noted however, that clan and family histories give a view of the
 different formations within Xhosa society and how they related
 to each other. At the same time the impact of the colonial order
 and Christian teachings have left an imprint on the political
 outlook of amaXhosa. There has been a definate fusion and
4
 mutation of ideas and understanding and, in the process, new
 traditions have been invented. There also has been a wholesale
 adoption of western political ideology. The current political
 slogans and songs can be viewed as the new oral texts of the
 times.
 The precolonial political values, the colonial political mutation
 together with the contemporary political perceptions continue to
 exist and, at varrying degrees, influence the political thinking
 of Africans. A revisitation of the precolonial political order
 is as necessary as an analysis of contemporary politics in
 gaining an understanding of the political dynamics in African
 communities. A study of the early 19th century Xhosa polity
 stands to inform analysts on some aspects of political thinking
 and actions of amaXhosa. AmaXhosa form part of the bigger South
 African society. Even though different from other African
 societies, yet they at the same time share similarities. A study
 of the Xhosa political world will reveal some elements
 operational in the wider South African politics.
 AnaXhosa
 Perceive themselves as descendants of Ntu*. Phrases like
 lusapho lukaNfru - Family of Ntu and zinto zikaNtu - descendants-
 of Ntu - are phrases amaXhosa use to refer to themselves.
 Linguistics classify isixhosa as belonging to the siNtu languages
 family. Geographically isixhosa is the southernmost of the
 various siNtu languages that are scattered over the African
5
 continent. From centuries of contact with people who spoke
 Khoisan languages, isiXhosa has been heavily influenced by them.
 Three clicks were incorporated and now are part of isiXhosa.
 There is no clear indication about the origin of the word Xhosa.
 Maingard3 contends that it is from the word //Kosa which means
 angry men in a Khoikhoi language. Another tradition related and
 recorded towards the end of the 19th century claims that amaXhosa
 are the descendants of a girl, Nomagwayi, who went out with
 inqqina - hunting party. During her absence from home she fell
 pregnant and because of the scandal the hunting party dreaded
 returning home. They settled in the new territory and founded
 amaXhosa. This word came from ixhontsa. a name for hunting
 dogs.* This founding story is hardly known by amaXhosa and may
 well be example of an invented tradition. The presence of the
 click 'X' in the word is, however, a strong indication that the
 gelling of the Xhosa group took place when they were in contact
 with the Khoisan.
 There is no agreement among scholars about the territory that can
 be defined as belonging to amaXhosa. Peires5 contends that
 between 1700 and 1850 the boundaries of the territory occupied
 by amaXhosa did not often extended west of the Sundays river and
 east of Mbashe. On the other hand Mqhayi* outlines Hintsa's
 kingdom as stretching from Mbashe to Maxelexwa (Gamtoos). Yet,
 a well known claim is the one that identifies iNxuba (Fish River)
 as having formed the boundary to Xhosa western expansion. The
 myth of iNxuba (Fish River) as being the western boundary of
6
 amaXhosa can be traced to the claim made by van Plettenberg that
 he had signed an agreement with Gwali chiefs, observing iNxuba
 as a boundary. Settler historian upgraded that claim to a fact.
 Recent scholarship has however moved away from the Fish River
 boundary myth. It is not possible to establish a fixed boundary
 that demarcated Xhosa territory. Changing factors and
 circumstances meant that Xhosa sphere of influence was forever
 in a state of flux.
 Cattle occupied the centre of the economic, religious, social and
 political life of amaXhosa. That meant that even though amaXhosa
 were agriculturalist, the pastoral element in their lives
 dominated as well. They were, subsequently, a transhumant people
 who, seasonally, occupied different places in accordance to the
 needs of their stock. That meant that areas which were dry for
 agricultural farming, could still be desirable as pastures. The
 present day Somerset East, though rather arid, seems to have been
 important enough to have been named after Queen Nonjoli, wife of
 the Xhosa king, Tshiwo who reigned during the second half of the
 17th century.
 The sphere of influence of amaXhosa was further determined by the
 changing political influence that was exercised, over the
 neighbouring Khoisan and Ntu communities. King Tshiwo, for
 example, is remembered for having expanded the Xhosa kingdom
 during his reign through the incorporation of amaGqunukhwebe who
 otherwise had been a group that had not been part of the Xhosa
 hegemony.7 AmaNtinde and amaNgqosini are other groups that are
7
 known to have been Khoisan but were assimilated into the Xhosa
 world. Information given to Jan van Riebeek by the indigenous
 people at the Cape referred to a sovereign in the east who lorded
 over the various Khoisan tribes. The sovereign was said to be
 the king of the Chobona.'
 At the centre of the Xhosa polity was the royal family,
 amaTshawe. The ascendance of amaTshawe to power is shrouded in
 founding myths that are not easy to interprete. A story is told
 of how Tshawe fought with his brother Cira and the former won the
 battle with the assistance of amaRudulu. AmaCira power was
 broken. A new dynasty was founded. If anything, the myth
 conveys the military conquest of the then existing polity. The
 word amaqhawe which means the brave ones can be linked to
 amaTshawe - the military ones who became royalty.
 Various attempts have been made in the past to draw up
 genealogical lists of the Tshawe royal house. Such exercises
 have been accompanied by attempts to attach dates to the various
 names that appear in the list of Tshawe kings. The major
 weakness in such an undertaking is that the Xhosa conception of
 time is different from that of westerners. The names of the
 kings that have been retained in collective memory have been
 elected from a longer list. The list of names is not
 chronological in the western sense. The question of the date of
 the founding of the Tshawe dynasty can only be a matter of
 conjecture.
8
 The set of praise names reserved for amaTshawe conveys the sense
 of reverence with which the dynasty is regarded by amaXhosa.
 Anyone of the Tshawe clan is regarded as the special person of
 the royal blood - umntwana weaazi. Royalty is good and beautiful
 - abahlekazi. Their royal highnesses are credited with having
 outstripped everyone in growth and development - wena wakhula
 silibele. Ironically, referring to royalty as umntwana - child
 is a constant reminder of the limits and boundaries that are
 placed on their Highnesses. In their being children, the
 implication is that royalty is innocent and needs to be guided
 and protected by adults. The adults are the various sectors of
 the community who execute certain duties in collaboration as well
 as in competition with one another in the realisation of the
 political drama in the Xhosa polity. The ruler cannot exercise
 his/her rule except in conjunction with his/her people. The
 belief is aptly expressed in this phrase: inkosi yinkosi
 naabantu - the king realises his kingship through the will of
 the people. The king cannot be unless the people so will.
 This concept of an African democracy tends to escape analysts
 when they undertake a study of the Xhosa polity. Scholars tend
 to approach it with preset conceptions of a government. They
 search for a centralised unit or, worse still, they bring along
 a European post enlightenment notion of government. What does
 not fit into their existing framework is defined in negative
 terms. It is in this vein that Hammond - Tooke refers to the
 decentralised character of the Xhosa polity as being segmentary
 in nature which he perceives as having been a cause of an
9
 outstanding feature - instability.' The confederal character of
 the Xhosa kingdom instead of being a weakness was the best way
 of attaining a sharing of power between members of the royal
 house. Further sharing occured between the royal house -
 abantwana - and the rest of the population. The differences in
 interests between royalty and commoners could cause instability,
 on the other hand it brought about a tautness in Xhosa politics.
 There was always that striving for a balance between royal power
 and popular will. Switzer's view that amaXhosa and other siNtu
 speaking neighbours were organised in hierachical structures with
 chiefs of royal lineage on top,10 fails to capture the essence
 of Xhosa politics. Certainly Xhosa royalty never got near the
 political clout that was enjoyed by the divine royalty of
 European dynasties.
 The king was a central figure in the kingdom and his position had
 a strong unifying role. He was the key figure in the nation's
 religious ceremonies. Ultimately, the supreme court of justice
 lay in his council. Even the special duties that were assigned
 to the king were still restricted in some form or another. For
 example, where religious ceremonies were concerned, they were
 performed in conjunction with national inyanga and other leading
 figures. That is why there was a political crisis among amaXhosa
 when uKumkani Gcaleka claimed ukuthwasa - that is, he was being
 called to be inyanga. Through that process, ukumkani was
 amassing a lot of power, and there would have been no way of
 controlling him.
10
 At the beginning of the 19th century the monarch on the Xhosa
 throne was Hintsa, the son of Khawuta. He resided along iGcuwa
 a tributary of the Kei river. The Gcuwa area was then a recent
 site for Xhosa kings. Hintsa's predecessors, Khawuta, Gcaleka
 and Phalo had settled further west of Gcuwa. An eastward retreat
 had been necessitated by the growing unrest at the point of
 encounter between the indigenous people and the Boers and later
 the British. Hintsa had several provinces under his sway. There
 was an inland province that stretched Xhosa territory up to the
 arid zone of the present day Somerset East. The senior inkosi
 at the tine was Ngqika who co-ruled with other Tshawe iinkosi of
 various houses like imiDange, amaNtinde and amaMbalu. Groupings
 of abaThwa, hunter gathers, hovered on the edges of Hintsa's
 kingdom free and dependent according to circumstances prevailing
 at a given time. There was the coastal province of
 amaGqunukhwebe under Chungwa after his death in 1811 was
 succeeded by his son Pato. To the east of amaGqunukhwebe was a
 new province that was being carved by Ndlambe of the Rarabe
 house. From the east and north-east had come stragglers or
 refugees who had sought refuge under the protection of ukumkani.
 The newcomers were the founding members of what later came to be
 known as a Mfengu people who were to make an important mark in
 Xhosa history in later times.
 Abantwana beaazi - the Royal House.
 Were an identifiable class of people who belonged to the ruling
 house. It is important to note that on rare occasions
11
 assimilation of outsiders into the House was possible. When King
 Tshiwo incorporated amaGqunukhwebe into the Xhosa polity, he
 awarded Gqunukhwebe leaders with membership of Tshawe clan."
 Up to the present Gqunukhwebe ruling house is regarded as of
 Tshawe descent. On the other hand excision happened to the
 descendants of Ngconde who there after were perceived as not full
 members of the Tshawe clan. AmaNgconde could then intermarry
 with amaTshawe. The ruling dynasty had mechanisms of checking
 and counter balancing power among themselves. Even the one who
 had been proclaimed ukumkani or inkosi in a province or region
 had his authority circumscribed in direct and indirect ways by
 other royals.
 Hintsa and, at a later stage Sandile of amaRarabe exercised their
 authority under the shadow of an elder brother; Burhu (died 1857)
 for Hintsa and Maqoma (died 1873) for Sandile. In an African
 setting an elder brother - umkhuluwa - stands in the place of a
 father and is an important figure in a man's life. Both Burhu
 and Maqoma were towering figures in Xhosa politics during their
 times. Maqoma was virtually co-regent with Suthu, Sandile's
 mother during the minority of Sandile. Maqoma never left the
 centre stage even after the ascendance of Sandile to the throne.
 He shouldered the responsibility of military resistance to the
 British until he died prisoner in their hands. For weighty
 decisions uKumkani did not just consult ibhunga,the council, but
 iinkosi in the outlying provinces as well. When the missionaries
 approached Hintsa with a request to allow missionary activity in
 his place, he informed them that he would have to consult not
12
 only his elder brother Burhu, but Ngqika and Ndlambe as well.12
 In tines of external threat iinkosi rallied around their kumkani
 and gave support. Besides the army Korokhulu, at the Great Place,
 Xhosa men grouped themselves around iinkosi. The same military
 support that could be given to ukumkani could be withheld or
 worst still be directed against ukumkani by a Tshawe prince. In
 fighting among the Tshawe princes did not diminish their
 perception of themselves as family who still had a lot to share
 especially at a religious level. In effect, the royal family was
 its own watchdogs against absolutism.
 AzinaKMfrfl P'fri.ni iinkunzi ebuhlanti obunye - There can be no two
 bulls in one kraal.
 The manner of succession to the throne was such that the heir to
 the throne was identified only during the declining years of
 ukumkani. By not practising primogeniture amaXhosa were able to
 reduce potential rivalry between father and the sons of the his
 youth. When Hintsa was killed by the British in 1835 his heir
 Sarili was iKrwaJ.a - fresh from the circumcision school. Ngqika
 died in 1829 When Sandile his heir was but a boy. Xhosa rulers
 ascended to power in their youth. Even though they were sons of
 the deceased ukumkani they were strangers to him as well. In the
 young kumkani there was a freshness of youth, and further, there
 was no distinct mark that had been inprinted on the young
 sovereign by the previous monarch. The dead king could not
 continue ruling through his son. There were other influences
13
 that were allowed to shape ukumkani . These forces vied with each
 other for influence as well as collaborated to produce a healthy
 state of popular participation in Xhosa politics.
 INkosi nquNina - The status of the mother decides whether the
 candidate will be ruler or not.
 One of the deciding factors for kingship candidacy was the
 status of the mother. She was expected to be a royal princess
 in her own right. Thembu royalty supplied the royal wives for
 amaXhosa although some also came from Hpondo and Mpondoraise
 dynasties. Such a prerequisite for mothers helped reduce
 competition among the princes for the throne. At times however,
 the royal rule was wavered, and other considerations took
 precedence. Fault could be found even with a royal mother
 leading to her son's exclusion from candidacy. This is what
 happened sometime at the beginning of the 19th century in the
 house of amaMbalu. A Thembu princess' son, Thole, was replaced
 by Nqeno whose mother was of the Ngqosini clan. How Nqeno won
 the day was that it was noted that his mother was "warm handed",
 generous, and could be a respectable mother of inkosi." The
 fact that rulers had several wives meant that the various sectors
 could have a choice to decide on the most capable candidate after
 juggling a number of criteria one of which was the character and
 identity of the mother of the candidate.
 It is fascinating, however, to note that the custom of obtaining
 an heir from the Great House was, at times, strictly adhered to.
14
 On several occasions, when the Great Wife failed to produce an
 heir, several steps would be taken in order to secure an heir for
 the house. At times, one of the junior wives of the king would
 be attached to the Great House, and her son would then qualify
 for kingship. When Ndlambe died in 1829, Mhala, son of a
 "concubine" of the late Ndlambe, but who had been an attendant
 to the Great House, succeded as inkosi of amaNdlambe."
 The custom of identifying an heir during the declining years of
 the like of ukumkani meant that there were frequent interregnums.
 The famous example was when Ndlambe was regent for his nephew
 Ngqika. During such periods even though a regent might be
 appointed, the queen mother was given political space. She
 continued to be an important factor in the politics of the nation
 during the early days of the young ukumkani. Queen mother Suthu,
 wife of Ngqika and mother of Sandile became regent when her
 husband died in 1829. During the difficult years of the 1830s
 and 1840s faced with the growing British threat, she wielded
 political powers in collaboration and at times an opposition to
 her step-sons Maqoma and Tyhali. She effectively guarded the
 throne for her son who eventually took over in 1840.
 The political space enjoyed by the queen mothers (of ukumkani as
 well as iinkosil meant that the sectors having influence in
 politics within the confederation were expanded. An outsider,
 she unavoidably brought into politics constituencies that would
 otherwise have had no say or influence. When van der Kemp moved
 into Ngqika's province in 1799 and was wanting to establish a
15
 mission station, he was interrogated by Ngqika's mother,
 MamThembu, on his mission.1' Of greater significance, however
 is the fact it was Damien, a former slave, and therefore a
 complete outsider, who actually undertook the interrogation."
 In addition, the oral tradition on Tshawe, the founding ancestor
 of the Xhosa dynasty, contends that his early retainers were his
 mother's people.17 The queen mothers sector effectively
 balanced the influence of other sectors whose position could have
 been assured by birth. Her political influence was a window that
 could allow external influence in. It could include people who
 would otherwise not fit in the traditional sectors. The mothers
 people were an important power base for the Xhosa ruler.
 A fair judgement of the part played by women beyond the queen
 mothers in Xhosa politics is difficult to arrive at. The absence
 of women from colonial records may be due to the fact that they
 did not play a major role in politics. The other reason,
 however, is that on occasion when they did participate colonial
 officers were just not in the habit of interacting- with women in
 the political field and therefore women were excluded from their
 records. It is a fact, however that queen mothers were
 accompanied by women attendants in their meetings with colonial
 officials. Women also featured during the times of war as
 ambassadresses between the warring sides." That the British
 soldiers never respected their status and instead raped them,1*
 does not reduce the important role they were playing. Princesses
 seem to have mainly been used by their male relatives to seal
 political alliances though marriage contracts. The irony is that
16
 it was the sane princesses who then exercised political power in
 their capacity as queen mothers after marriage.
 A certain route to political influence by women was through the
 passage ukuthwasa. For inyanga there was no gender role in the
 Xhosa society. A woman could be a powerful inyanga that looked
 after the health and well being of ukumkani and his family. In
 that position inyanga had the scope to topple even the highest
 political players. An inyanga could virtually remake membership
 of ibhunaa. Even in his brief visit to Ngqika's court and
 country Alberti could not but remark about the many women
 iinvanga. He observed, "It is mainly the women who fruitlessly
 practice the benevolent magic and use this deceit for their own
 benefit".10 The activities of women doctors are a common thread
 that runs through the records of missionaries. After all in the
 1857 crisis that befell amaXhosa the central figures were two
 young women Nonkosi and Nongqawuse."
 - the Insiders - The Counsellors
 Formed the inner circle of ukumkani or inkosi which was known as
 ibhunqa. The notion of an inner circle implies exclusion. While
 there were in reality outsiders incorporation into the circle was
 flexible. There were a number of qualifying criteria for
 membership, in the end amaphakathi were a motley crowd really
 bound together by the common task of being the chief and
 immediate advisers of ukumkani. Ibhunqa was made up of members
 whose diverse backgrounds effectively gave then a popular
17
 representatives colour.
 There were the grand old men respected for their age and
 experience who belonged to the previous reign. The new kumkani
 had to inherit a set of those sages who in effect provided
 continuity with the past. Historians came from this group so
 were specialist in rituals and tradition. Some of them had
 inherited their positions from their fathers, others had earned
 the status. There were these who had the advantage over others
 by belonging to those clans from which amaphakathi had always
 come. AmaNgwevu, amaJwara amaGiqwa amaQwambi were some of the
 families from which political leaders came. The elders could
 effectively use the fact that they were associates of the
 deceased king, and were therefore close to an ancestor as a
 political leverage. Nonethelss, there were other deciding
 factors which could effectively bridle their power.
 Membership to the inner council could also be through
 specialisation in an esteemed skill. A specialist position like
 that of imbongi - bard - had the potency to influence political
 direction, to strengthen or weaken the position of those in
 power. Imbonai. believed to be the mouthpiece of ancestors,
 enjoyed a latitude to comment negatively or positively on the
 state of the nation including the actions of those in power. The
 position of being imbonai vakomkhulu - national bard could run
 in the same family. Anyone, however, who evidenced skill and
 talent would be accepted as having been called to carry out the
 task. Being imbonai was perceived as a calling. Thus, such
18
 powerful political commentators could come from any sector of the
 population. Hqhayi, who was newly arrived among imiDange from
 Therabuland, was invited by Ngqika to his Komkhulu when the latter
 heard him bonga - sing praises.22 Tha national inyanqa - itola
 lakomkhulu - was anyone whose skill and charisma were convincing
 to ibhunga. More often than not these important personages were
 complete outsiders to the Xhosa community. They wielded
 tremendous power in their task of looking after the spiritual
 welfare of ukumkani and the people. According to the Reverend
 Ayliff Hintsa's favourite inyanga was a "Fingo Doctor, Umhloko
 Umkhulu"" The fate of itola largely depended on political
 development in the polity. In the event of a political disaster,
 like defeat in battle, itola. like politicians being forced to
 resign, in western democracies, went down with the disaster.
 The doctoring of the army and ibhunaa was a secret undertaking
 which could not be witnessed by missionaries, whose presence
 would have polluted the ritual in any case. Early 19th century
 missionaries however were keenly aware of the power enjoyed by
 iinyanqa or amatola. In their battle against them, competing for
 spiritual as well as political space, they painted a negative
 picture of a "witchdoctor" from which these otherwise respected
 specialists have not fully recovered. Their role of strengthning
 the king and the army, building their confidence, binding them
 and reinforcing their morale has been lost to the eyes of
 scholars. Their royal highnesses could not be rulers without the
 support of the specialist who in the final analysis were ordinary
 people.
19
 Merit was also a factor in deciding whether one could be an
 iphakathi or not. There were certain attributes that were
 regarded as essential for amaphakathi to have. Any man who had
 oratorical skills, who could, through the use of language,
 present persuasive argument1' in imbizo - national assembly - was
 ideal to sit in court and participate in the deliberations.
 Henry Smith, while negotiating with Hintsa and Mtini, iphakathi.
 during the 1835 war observed, "I was never more astonished than
 by the ability with which Hintsa arrived in every point and by
 the shrewd and cautious opinions expressed by Umtini"".
 Ukumkani was the supreme judge who had the task of reviewing
 cases referred to him from all over the kingdom. The assistance
 and advice he got from his assessors decided his popularity as
 a ruler.2" Eventually, it decided how loyal and faithful his
 subjects would be. Leadership skills that could be discerned in
 such dangerous activities like hunting and fighting war were
 admired. Colonel Collins in 1809 was informed that courage and
 military conduct were held in high estimation by amaXhosa."
 Those who were seen to be so gifted were then given the
 opportunity to serve ukumkani and the people by becoming the
 king's military advisors. Langa, who otherwise was a minor son
 of ukumkani Phalo rose to be a prominent inkosi who founded the
 amaMbalu house. Langa was renowned for his courage and skill at
 inaqina - national hunt for large animals like elephants and
 rhinoceroses.2*
 The youth had scope for political expression and participation
20
 in a Xhosa polity. Ibhunga was not a monopoly of the elders and
 the specialists only. The young kumkani brought along in his own
 political contingent when he ascended to power. The king's age
 mates who had grown up with him Komkhulu
  r since the age of 12 and
 who had hunted with him and most importantly, who had gone to the
 circumcision school together were important players in the
 politics of the nation." Youth power can be seen in the
 tradition about the ascendance of Nqeno to power which has been
 referred to earlier. It was the young people who were
 responsible for the displacement of Tole. In the tradition, as
 recorded in "Isigidimi", it is said that Kumkani Gcaleka, on
 being told of the political developments among amaHbalu, simply
 concurred, observing that MamNgqosini had been declared senior
 wife by choice of the youth.30
 "Inkosl Enaenawo Unfriaha Iphulukene Nobukhosi Bayo"" - A King
 without land looses his authority to rule.
 Land, being such a crucial aspect of kingship was a commodity
 that could be obtained and retained through the assistance of
 subjects. It was in this respect that able-bodied men could give
 or withhold their support of the king. All Xhosa men were
 subject to military conscription, according to Reverend Kay's
 observation in 1826." Military power was the strongest
 political card that young men and able bodies men could use to
 assert their own political presence in the kingdom. Their
 support could ensure the defence of land as well as conquest and
 extension of new territory for rulers. On the other hand in the
21
 event of political dissatisfaction subjects had an option to vote
 with their feet and give allegiance to ikumkani or inkosi of
 their choice. Such desertion left the rulers in an exceedingly
 vulnerable position. Individuals could leave on their own or
 they could be part of a contigent under a minor prince, that
 broke away either to attach themselves to ikumkani or to
 establish a new outpost. This threat was real. According to
 Kay, "Every Kaffer however humble his station in society is a
 politician and ever evinces the greatest possible interest in all
 subjects of a political nature"." When Collins met Ngqika in
 1809 the latter had just suffered a split by the desertion of
 Ndlambe and his retainers. He had further "suffered a greater
 dimunition by another insurrection of his people"." Ngqika's
 hold to political power at that time seems to have been just by
 the skin of his teeth. He was destitute with only the cows and
 often the oxen. His people only occupied a few square."
 Towards the end of his life Ngqika once again had to contend with
 desertion by some of inkosi who had attached themselves to him.
 In 1827 Dundas reported to Bourke that "Enno and Botma [Nqeno and
 Botomane] have deserted him and intended joining Hintsa""
 Land, wherein sacred sites were found where, the bones of the
 deceased were interred and, further, the abode of ancestors was,
 in reality, inalienable. Loss of land was therefore a political
 as well as spiritual trauma. In the event of loss of land
 ukumkani and inkosi were immediately emptied of their
 sovereignty. Repeated annexation of land by the British during
 the 19th century wreaked havoc to political integrity of the
22
 rulers and eventually their people. A people's defence of the
 land assured the rulers of the continuation of their position.
 It would appear as though the political system in a Xhosa polity
 defied order. There seems to have been a lack of a tightly
 controlled framework from which to operate. Established custom
 could be bent in many ways. It is in this light that analysts
 have had cause to complain about a multiplicity of weaknesses in
 the Xhosa political systems. What has hitherto not been fully
 appreciated is the pliability and flexibility of the customs that
 guided amaXhosa as they played their politics. The guiding
 principles behind political thought among amaXhosa were those
 that shaped Xhosa view.
 An analysis that presents the Xhosa universe as operating in a
 hierachical structure or identifies struggles or tension between
 binary opposition as key formation that made up Xhosa reality is
 yet another form of intellectual colonialism. It is an
 imposition of Western epistemology as a format for interpreting
 the rest of the world, a continuation of the arrogance of
 equating Western thought and practices with universalism. An
 attempt needs to be made to view the Xhosa world from the way
 amaXhosa perceived and live".
 A diagramic presentation of the Xhosa world view, rather than be
 depicted in an ascending versus descending order or in juxtaposed
 opposites that never meet, can best be captured in circular
 symbols. The circle dominated the lives of amaXhosa. It was a
23
 symbol deeply arched in their collective psyche. The very houses
 they built and lived in, the fireplace which warmed them, cattle
 byres, the sun, the moon and the horizon were circles without a
 beginning or end. Time was an unending circle too. The seasons
 . of the year merged into one another without an obvious break or
 a beginning, so did the day into the night. This in no way
 implied that there is no day or night, winter or summer as
 seperate entities.
 Constructs or cells that made up the Xhosa systems of thought
 were circular in so far as they were entities yet they overlapped
 and intersected with other constructs to produce the communal
 life, so dominant in the Xhosa character. An overlap with other
 cells helped for a transfusion of the elements of the constructs
 into one another. That is the main reason for the absence of
 Absolutes in the Xhosa experience. Not even the circle of death
 is isolated. There can be no room for rigidity. A circle, by its
 very nature can expand without loosing its form. Formations were
 elastic enough to accomodate what could be perceived as a
 contradiction or an opposite by those who were not appreciative
 of the Xhosa thoughts system.
 Naturally, such a system applied in the political arena as well.
 There were various political contituencies (which were not
 necessarily geographical) that were constructs in the Xhosa
 political reality. They were entities operating with in
 delimited zones, yet in constant intersection with other
 constructs. The royal constituency was clearly identifiable with
24
 defined roles and separate existence. Yet, royalty was actually
 fully operational in interaction with the commoner constituency
 (as well as others). The circles of either constituency could
 accomodate the others character. Visitors to the homesteads of
 ukumkani and iinkosi did not fail to notice how their royal
 highnesses could be engaged in common pursuits like looking after
 cattle, just like any Xhosa man. Similarly,.boundaries set up
 to define gender role role were criscrossed in both the male and
 female directions. Xhosa women could become doctors with
 religions and political power. There was no rigid role identity.
 The breaking through the walls of the various circles even though
 it was a practise embodied in the outlook of life of amaXhosa,
 still had to be systematic. It was not anarchical. Certain
 flood gates were used as channels for opening or enlarging the
 circle. Age, for example was effectively used to expand the
 circle of women in their social lives. Older women could thread
 where younger ones were forbidden. A call by ancestors through
 dreams or ukuthwasa ploughed through fences of gender. Women
 doctors with unrestrained authority could cut down any one.
 Possession of skills like raise singing were also perceived as
 gifts from ancestors and no restraint could be placed on the
 exercise of these gifts.
25
 CONCLUSION
 In this paper an argument is put forward that there are strong
 precedents of popular participation in the Xhosa political world.
 Structured as a kingdom but run an confederal lines, the Xhosa
 polity was an arena where a number of contituencies enjoyed
 political expression. Royalty was at the centre of political
 life. At the sane tine various groupings - amaphakat;hi, the
 youth, women, special people - all contributed in making the
 Xhosa political system the taut and balanced experience it was.
 The lives of political leaders like Hintsa, Sutu, Ngqika,
 MamThembu Maqoma in a way verify the arguments presented. There
 is a strong indication that being royal was no guarantee to
 power. Other factors, largely decided by a variety of sectors
 in the xhosa society, were taken into consideration in finally
 deciding who be ukumkani would be.
 If as Jean claims,"African traditions are not fossilised
 artifacts in the historical consciousness"1", but are alive and
 continue to inform Africans in their decisions and perception of
 reality, how much influence do they have on contemporary
 politics? Can it be that the circle of royalty, or remnants there
 of, still exists-and is in constant interaction with other
 constituent circles like women, youth and the special?
26
 References and Footnotes.
 1. See Simon Bayman, "After the Cold War: Political and
 security trends in Africa" in Africa Insight vol 24 no.l
 (1994) pp38-43.
 2. Isiqidimi (January 1887) p.5.
 3. C.F. Maingard, "The Linguistic Approach to South Africa
 Prehistory and Ethnology in South African Journal of'
 Science Vol XXXI Nov 1934 p.34
 4. W. Kuse "Preliminary Outlines of Thembu History"
 (Unpublished, UNITRA)
 5. J.B. Peires, The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa
 People with Days of their Independence (Johannesburg 1981)
 p.l
 6. S.E.K. Mqhayi, Ityala lamawele (Lovedale, 1970)
 7. See G.J. Pike (umshicileli) Iziqwenae (sic) Zembali
 YamaXhosa Ezishicilelweyo (eBotwe 1838)
 8. Richard Elphick in Khoikhoi and the foundation of White
 South African (Johannesburg 1985) p.50 argues that Chobona
 could have been derived from the Nguni salutation
 "Sakubona".
 9. W.D. Hammond - Tooke, "Segmentation and Fission in Cape
 Nguni Political Units" in Africa Vol XXXV No.2 April (April
 1965) p.149
 10. Les Switzer, Power and Resistance in an African Society.
 The Qjskei Xhosa and the Making of South Africa.
 (Pietermaritzburg, 1993) p.34
 11. William Shaw in the The Story of My Mission in South -
 Eastern Africa (London 1860) p.343 observed in 1822 that
 Pato of amaGqunukhwebe was referred to as ukumkani - king
 and had two or three tails of the noble elephant hoisted as
 his homestead
 12. John V.B. Shrewsbury (ed, Memorials of the Rev Si 11 Jam J.
 Shrewshnry (London, 1868) p.241
 13. Isioidimi (January 1887)
 14. The snni-h African Christian Watchman and Missionary
 Magazine Vol I (Sept 1846) p.325 G1094, South African
 Library, Cape Town.
 15. See N. Tisani, "The Shaping of Gender Relations in Mission
 Stations with Particular reference to Mission Stations in
 the Eastern Cape Frontier During the first half of the 19th
27
 Century" in Kronos: Journal of Cape History No. 19 Nov.
 1992
 16. J.T. van der Kemp, "Journal to Caffraria from the Cape of
 the Good Hope in the year 1799" in An Account of Caffraria:
 Transactions of the London Missionary Society (London 1800
 - 1804) p.396 and p.407.
 17. Peires, The House. p.13
 18. See Luding Alberti, Account of the Tribal Life and Customs
 of the Xhosa in 1807 (A.A. Balkema, Cape Town 1968) p.50.
 19. See le Cordeur Basil A (ed, The Journal of Charles Lennox
 Stretch (Grahamstown 1988) p.61
 20. Alberti, Account of the Tribal Life', p.48
 21. J.B. Peires, The Dead Will Arise: Nonaaawuse and the Great
 Xhosa Cattle - Killing Movement 1856 - 7 (Johannesburg
 1989)
 22. W.G. Bennie, Mahayi Autobiography MS 14760 Cory Rhodes
 University
 23. Ayliff's Papers, Ms 15,276 Cory, Rhodes University
 24. See G.C. Moore South, The Autobiography of Lieutenant
 General Sir Henry South (John Murray London 1903), p.394
 25. H2id
 26. See Mqhayi, Ityala lamawele.
 In this outstanding work the writer able depicts the
 complex judiciary system of amaXhosa.
 27. Colonel' Collins, "Journal of a Tour to the North - Eastern
 Boundary, the Orange River and the Storm Mountain" in D.
 Moodies, (ed) The Records Part V 1808 - 1819 (Cape Town MD
 CCCCCX) p.13
 28. See The South African Christian Watchman p.322.
 29. Alberti, Account of the Tribal Life, p.84
 30. Isiqidimi January 1887 p.6
 31. See "Umhlaba uyintoni ebantwini" Isiqidimi 2 May 1887.
 32. S.Kay, Travels and Researches in Caffraria. Describing the
 Character Customs and moral Condition of the Tribes
 inhabiting that position of Southern Africa (London, 1833)
 p.127
 33. Ibid, p.64.
28
 34. Collins, "Journal of a Tour", p.47
 35. Ibid
 36. Dundas to Bourke Colonial Archives MS 17042, Cory, Rhodes
 University.
 37. For a full discussion on over dependence on Western tools
 to dissect African realities see among others Clinton in
 Jean, Behind tha Eurocentre Veils: Tfre Search f?f African
 Realities. (USA 1991)
 38. Ibid p.106
 N. Tisani
 Rhodes University
 June 1994