THE SOCIAL SOUL OF ARCHITECTURE A P L AC E F O R DA N C E born from the urban ethos of western Johannesburg D EB R A V A N J A A R SV EL D T This document is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree: Bachelor of Architecture or Master of Architecture [Professional] at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, in the year 2009. ABSTRACT The people of western Johannesburg, specifically in the areas previously known as the ?western areas?, love and live to dance. In these areas dance has a pertinent and revealing historical, spatial and social dimension. This thesis will critically discuss this dimension of dance, revealing that the urban scars of Apartheid still limit this social and physical activity. Explorations on the spaces used for dance in the area will reveal a contrast between architectural inadequacies and the important role dance plays the lives of these people. The proposed intervention emerges directly from this manifestation of research - where dance is a recreational activity inseparable from music that can bring people from all corners of the area together onto one floor. Where the local passion for dance, is no longer undermined and where a sense of community can be seen and encouraged through a place for dance. Debra van Jaarsveldt 0302186y DECLARATION I, Debra van Jaarsveldt (0302186y), am a student registered for the course Master of Architecture [Professional] in the year 2009. I herby declare the following: I am aware that plagiarism [the use of someone else?s work without permission and/or without acknowledging the original sources] is wrong. I confirm that the work submitted for assessment for the above course is my own unaided work except where I have stated explicitly otherwise. I have followed the required conventions in referencing thoughts, ideas, and visual materials of others. For this purpose, I have referred to the Graduate School of Engineering and the Built Environment style guide. I understand that the University of the Witwatersrand may take disciplinary action against me if there is a belief that this is not my unaided work or that I have failed to acknowledge the source of the ideas or words in my own work. All artworks and images are by the author unless otherwise specified. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The vJ family: My fantastic folks - Garry + Jenny My special sisters - Rob (for going a little crazy with me!) + Peenie Presh The pups - Winnie + Nelson Marco - My man as well as my manager; for all your love, invaluable help + mad archi skills ;) My supervisor Lone Poulsen ? the best supervisor out there! My archi gurus Mike Scholes + Mike Rayne ? wow! My friends Kooksie (Cands) ? My phone-a-friend :) Ash, Cath, Sas, Steph + Mez My archi friends Rog, Duanne + Robs My helpers Jack + Meg Finally thank goodness for chocolate, coffee + Muse Graffiti by Banksy. London, United Kingdom, 2006 (Banksy; Wall + Piece, 2006:105). CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Personal Introduction + Definitions 1.2 Dance in Western Johannesburg 1.3 Methodology: Shaping the Journey 1.4 A Short Insight 1.5 Appyling Theoretical Underpinnings 2. THE STORY OF THE SOCIAL SOUL OF WESTERN JOHANNESBURG 2.1 Introduction 2.2 Culture + Community 1888 -1994 2.3 Popular Dance + Living History 1994 - 2009 2.4 Moving into the Future Johannesburg 2009 2.5 Graphic Conclusion 3. RESEARCHING PRESENT SPACES + PEOPLE OF DANCE IN WESTERN JOHANNESBURG 3.1 Current Context 3.2 Introducing the Case Studies 3.3 Eight Indepth Case Studies 3.4 Summing Up + Graphic Conclusion 4. ESSAY 4.1 Articulating the Urban Ethos of Western Johannesburg in the Context of Established Theories 4.2 Conclusion + Graphic Conclusion 5. EVIDENCE BASED DESIGN 5.1 Relevance to Thesis 5.2 Leading to Site Options 5.3 Three Different Sites_Three Different Buildings 5.4 One Site_One Programme 5.5 Precedent Studies + Inspiration 5.6 Accomodation Schedule 6. DESIGN DEVELOPMENT 6.1 The Four Dance Environments 6.2 Placing on Site 6.3 The Diagram 6.4 Models 6.5 Themes 6.6 Plans, Sections + 3D Sketches 7. A PLACE FOR DANCE BORN FROM THE URBAN ETHOS OF WESTERN JOHANNESBURG 7.1 Site Plan Showing Urban Intervention 7.2 Plans 7.3 Sections 7.4 Detail 7.5 Elevations 7.6 3d Views 7.7 Model 8. BIBLIOGRAPHY Figure 1: Dance. London, United Kingdom, 2007 (Map, B 2007:6). D A N C E. T H E FE EL IN G S+ TH E FU N C TI O N S TH A T C O M E W IT H IT Figure 2: Ballroom Dance. INTERNET. (http://www.meetupstatic.com. Cited 06 /09/2009). Figure 3: Buena Vista Social Club. INTERNET. (http://www.worldpress.com. Cited 06/09/2009). Figure 4: Jazz. INTERNET. (http:// www.comcast.net. Cited 06/09/2009). Figure 5: Fedora Hat. INTERNET. (http://www.highsnobiety.com. Cited 06/09/2009). Figure 6: Sophiatown Dance. INTERNET. (http://www.thehindu.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 7: Saxophone. INTERNET. (http://www.letmecolor.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 8: Bieber. Ballroom Dancers in the Ennerdale Community Hall. Johannesburg 2006. (Bieber 2006: 12). Figure 9: Crocus Information Ltd. Blackpool Tower Ballroom Dancing. United Kingdom 2005. INTERNET. (http://www.cilco.co.uk. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 10: Monaghan. The Jiving Lindy Hoppers. London, United Kingdom 2009. INTERNET. (http://www. modernjive.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 11: Utrecht. Club Watt Dance Floor. Germany 2009. INTERNET. (http://www.static.guim.co.uk. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 12: Herzog and de Meuron. Laban Dance Centre. United Kingdom 2002. INTERNET. (http://www.ballet-dance.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 13: Rogers. Lloyds Building. London, United Kingdom 1986. INTERNET. (http://www.rimexmetals.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 14: Petrol Station. INTERNET. (http://www.yenen.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 15: Energy: Evolution of the Universe. INTERNET. (http://www.discovermagazine.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 16: Van Gogh. Terrasse de Caf? la Nuit. Arles 1888. INTERNET. (http://www.images.art.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 17: Dresses. INTERNET. (http://www.racked.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 18: Big Hair. INTERNET. (http://www. brokencredit.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 19: Bright Makeup. INTERNET. (http://www. flickr.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 20: Aalto. Aalto Chairs. INTERNET. (http://www.norepro.co.uk. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 21: Smile. INTERNET. (http://www.wordpress.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 22: Relax. INTERNET. (http://2.bp.blogspot.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 23: Exercise. INTERNET. (http://www.wordpress.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 24: Meet New People. INTERNET. (http://www.sivers.org. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 25: Mix People. INTERNET. (http://www.hamptons.guestofaguest.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 26: One Dance Floor. INTERNET. (http://www.flickr.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 27: Wedding Dance Floor. INTERNET. (http://www.wordpress.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 28: Rothko. Unknown. INTERNET. (http:// www.arthistoryguide.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 29: The Australian Ballet ? Swan Lake. INTERNET. (http://www.ozarts.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 30: Dance Floor Partitions. INTERNET. (http://www.acousticdoors. co.uk. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 31: Fedansa Logo. INTERNET. (http://www.fedansawp.co.za. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 32: Dance Showcase. INTERNET. (http://www.yardedge.net. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 33: Mixing Music. INTERNET. (http://academic.sun.ac.za. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 34: Feeling Good. INTERNET. (http://www.blackonlinegreetings.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 35: Sound Wave. INTERNET. (http:// www.wordpress.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 36: The Five Senses. INTERNET. (http://www.emergingcity.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 37: London Dance Club. INTERNET. (http://www.tinyvices.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 38: Woman?s Dance Shoes. INTERNET. (http://www.dancingshoes.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 39: Men?s Dance Shoes. INTERNET. (http://www.tangodirect.com. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 40: FNB Dance Umbrella. INTERNET. (http://www.jerwoodcharitablefoundation.org. Cited 06 /09/ 2009). Figure 41: Incubus Concert. Brixton, London, United Kingdom 2007. 3 INTRODUCTION: 1.1: Personal Introduction + Defintion Dance + Music I was born, as were my parents, in South Africa and have lived in Bryanston, a suburb north of Johannesburg, most of my life. When I was three years old I began ballet dancing and continued until the age of 13 when I moved on to contemporary modern dancing until the age of 17. I love dancing. I believe dancing is a means of escape, no matter who you are or where you are. Dancing totally engulfs you as a being; it brings a wonderful sense of freedom, allowing you to totally let go of reality and just enjoy yourself in the moment. Dancing is a form of recreation, it sets a mood, expresses emotion and tells a story. It offers fun, relaxation, companionship and a feeling of unity among the participants. Together with dancing, music has also been a very strong influence in my life. Throughout my childhood, my father (a base-guitar player himself) spread the sounds of rock, folk, jazz, country and pop music through the household. As a result, music to me is life; I don?t go a day with out listening to it. I have a serious obsession and an ever-lasting passion for it. Music is ah! Yes! It is sound translated into energy dancing though my body. People use music to express their feelings and ideas, it serves to entertain and relax. Many people perform music for their own pleasure and satisfaction. Music is a performing art. In drama, dance and film, music gets the people moving their feet, evokes an atmosphere and emphasizes the action. For me music creates a feeling of distance from the daily world. Social Soul The essential part of a specific organised community that causes inspiration, spirit and energy, which is created by human beings living together, mutually seeking companionship and friendliness. Urban + Urbanisa tion That is or has the essential characteristics of a city. 1 The process by which cities grow or by which societies become more urban. 2 Urban Ethos The characteristic spirit of a certain community developed within a certain urban environment in a city. Architect + Architec ture He who seeks truth shall find beauty. He who seeks beauty shall find vanity. He who seeks order shall find gratification. He who seeks gratification shall be disappointed. He who considers himself the servant of his fellow human beings shall find the joy in self-expression. He who seeks self-expression shall fall into the pit of arrogance. Arrogance is incompatible with nature. Through nature, the nature of the universe and the nature of man, we shall seek truth. If we seek truth we shall find beauty.3 1 The World Book Dictionary 2 www.dictionary.com 3 Quote by Moshe Safdie 4 Figure 42: Mandy?s Dance Group in Hollard Dance Studio Johannesburg 2009. 5 INTRODUCTION: 1.2: Dance in Western Johannesburg Figure 43: Map of Johannesburg showing location of the area of study. What sparked the inspiration for this thesis was the urge to explore the spaces used for performing and practicing Ballroom Dancing in Westbury and Coronationville, areas situated just west of the centre of Johannesburg. Ballroom Dancing statistics on high levels of achievement released from various established Dance Organisations state that many competitive dancers coming out the city are from these two areas. This puts forward an interesting debate because recent studies done on the different urban conditions of Johannesburg describe Westbury and Coronationville as low-income and low-density; 1 Westbury itself is stated as an area suffering from mass urban decay. 2 A series of investigations followed which revealed that the areas surrounding Westbury and Coronationville are filled with people who love and live to dance. In fact dance and music form the culture that creates a specific social soul belonging to the lower income areas of Western Johannesburg. This thesis is an attempt to reveal how the urban conditions and architecture of these areas shapes this social soul and how, in turn, this social soul shapes the urban conditions and architecture of these areas. Therefore the urbanisation of the area as a whole over time, urban condition, culture, communities, dancers and musicians, and spaces for dance and music, within these areas, are the objects of study. The areas which make up this region West of Johannesburg are Coronationville (1) , Westbury (2) , Claremont (3) , Newclare (4) , Riverlea (5) , Bosmont (6) , Maraisburg (7) , Albertville (8) , Newlands (9) and Sophiatown (10) . For the purpose of this thesis, when referring to these areas together as a region, the phrase ?the area? will be used. 1 W Ovens, Planact Urban Land Pamphlet: Overview Report, p. 2. 2 Joburg.org.za, Joburg Regional Spatial Development Framework 2009 Section2, p. 8. 6 KEY 1. Coron a t i o nvi l l e 2. Westb u r y 3. Clare m o n t 4. Newc l a re 5. River l e a 6. Bosm o n t 7. Marais b u r g 8. Newl an d s 9. Alber t vi l l e 10. Sophi a t own Figure 44: Diagram: Area of Study in relation to Central Johannesburg: (After Chapman 2008: 19) . Figure 45: Aerial Photo of Area of Study: adapted from Google Earth 2009. 7 INTRODUCTION: 1.3: Methodology: Shaping the Journey Gathering the evidence for the original research of this thesis created an exciting journey. Most of the research is extracted from interviews, personal analyses and actively participating in dance classes within the area. The kinds of architectural writing in the thesis are linked to social history, politicised history and theory, social science and personal writing. The mediums that the evidence will be translated and read through are texts, photographs, sketches, architectural diagrams, interpretive paintings, maps, timelines and tables. The interpretive paintings are used as a tool to inspire creative thought and direction. The journey began with visits to the spaces where dance is performed and practiced almost everyday in the area. The purpose of these visits was to observe how and why the dancers use the space in the way they do, and to conclude on whether the space shapes how the dancers move or whether the dancers shape the space. A brief architectural analysis followed, along with sketches of plans and sections and a drawing of the building in relation to its context and linkages. Diagrams were done showing movement like points of access, exit, and circulation, and showing rhythm like the type of dance and the type of energy created in the space. It must be noted that for each diagram and drawing done, the same architectural language and scale is used. The journey continued with interviews with dance teachers, dance facilitators and dancers, as well as with the original residents of the area. Very little has been documented on the historical urban environment of the area. Journeys to both the Trevor Huddleston Centre as well as to a jazz meeting space in Meadowlands resulted in fantastic research material extracted from interviews with Victor Mokhine, Humphrey Jacobs, Marks Selala and Lucas Kgomongwe. Many thanks must be made to these men, specifically Victor Mokhine, for their invaluable and special contribution. * I feel extremely fortunate to have been welcomed so warmly into people?s spaces of dance and music. Special acknowledgement must be made to: dance teachers Ellen Julius from the Coronationville Rising Stars, Michelle Braam and Ronda Rose from the Bosmont School of Dance, Edwina Fillies from the Riverlea Recreation Centre, Shelly Greeff from the Privati School of Dance, Petula Baatjies the aerobics instructor in Maraisburg, Tanya de Jong the belly dancing instructor in Albertville, and Tumi Mokgope the ballet teacher at the Trevor Huddleston Centre from the South African Ballet Theatre. All the dancers in the area of study - specifically Justine Abrahams a Westbury Ballroom Dancer and Courtney Jacobs and Michelle Williams from the 7th signs Hip-Hop group, and lastly to Christal and Rowan Dolly the dance facilitators in Westbury. It must be noted that the photographs of the Riverlea carnival parade at the Joburg Carnival were supplied by Edwina Fillies, photographs of the original Sophiatown were taken from the Trevor Huddleston Centre and other photographs of the history of the area of study were supplied by Museum Africa. Figure 46: Original Western Areas Residents at their Jazz meeting place in Meadowlands, Soweto 2009. From left to right: Marks Selala (47 Dowling Ave, Western Native Township), Humphrey Jacobs (31 Russel Str, Newclare South), Victor Mokhine (Good Street, Sophiatown) + Lucas Kgomongwe (66 Beavan Ave, Newclare North). 8 Figure 47: Dance Umbrella. INTERNET. (http://www.confederationcentre.com. Cited 10/10/ 2009) 9 INTRODUCTION: 1.4: A Short Insight ? T a l k i n g a b o u t M u s i c i s l i k e D a n c i n g a b o u t A r c h i t e c t u r e ? . 1 1 Source of paraphrase unknown, derived from Elvis Costello?s original quote; ?writing about music is like dancing about architecture?. Figure 48: ?show ?n tell collective? . London, United Kingdom 2007 (Smith, A 2007: 9) . 10 . 1 They say it just can?t be done. Despite this, this thesis will talk about music, dance about architecture, dance about music and talk about architecture. This is how ? The thesis is divided into seven chapters. These follow the order by which each chapter done provides clues for the next. Chapter 1, ?Introduction?, has already given important definitions for dance and music, social soul and urban ethos. It describes the main objects of study of the area that will be investigated, tasks, themes and pressing questions. It discusses the journey that will guide the collection of original research and the pertinent theoretical underpinnings which will be applied to the important findings made. Chapter 2, ?The Story of the Social Soul of Western Johannesburg?, is a story about how the dance and music culture of the area has developed parallel to the urbanization of the area of study. The aim of this chapter is to identify the dimension of this dance and music culture ? its historical, spatial and social elements. It questions whether the culture of today is the same culture that began in the area, if it has been adapted or if it is completely different. It will conclude with an attempt to create an image of what the future holds for this dance and music culture. This chapter will include relevant photographs and sketches based on important architectural findings. Chapter 3, ?Researching Present Spaces and People of Dance in Western Johannesburg?, is divided into two sections; the spaces of dance in context to the spaces of dance in the greater Johannesburg, and eight in-depth case studies on spaces of dance in the area of study. The first section will be a series of maps on Johannesburg displaying relevant information; including the different types of dance, spaces of dance, amounts paid to dance, competitive dance and outreach dance programmes. The second section will give a brief explanation on eight spaces of 1 Source of paraphrase unknown, derived from Elvis Costello?s original quote; ?writing about music is like dancing about architecture?. dance in the area. Photomontages, diagrams, plans and sections made on each space will be arranged in a large table which will help combine and compress the information allowing for comparisons and relevant conclusions to be made on the spaces of dance as a whole. The case studies will question how and why do the dancers of the area of study use space for social purposes in the ways they do, and does the daily coming together of people belonging to the area influence the broader communities of the area? Chapter 4, ?Articulating the Urban Ethos of Western Johannesburg in the Context of Established Theories?, is made up of layers of pertinent theoretical underpinnings combined with layers of significant extracts from original research of this thesis. The chapter aims at unfolding and developing a true understanding of the area through different theorists standpoints. The chapter will also address how the urban condition of the area influences the individual well-being of a person living and dancing in the area. Dance is an art form that helps a person find freedom and transformation through the body. Therefore the theme of freedom vs. urban form arises. Does the urban condition lead people to seek freedom through dance? Chapter 5, ?Evidence Based Design?, is where the essential points made in the previous chapters are compressed into a diagram with regards to their relevance to the thesis. Site options with their relevant design opportunities will be presented followed with a site decision and an in-depth site analysis. Upon this ?evidence? a programme will be built and from this inspirational architectural examples will be analysed and the specific demands of dance in space will be stated. Upon this collection of information an accommodation schedule will be drawn up. This will open the door directly to the sixth + seventh chapters ? creating a place for dance born from the urban ethos of Western Johannesburg. 11 INTRODUCTION: 1.5: Applying Theoretical Underpinnings T he bulk of this thesis is born from original research because very little academic research has been documented on the area. Although writings on the music and dance culture of the original Sophiatown are in abundance, both historical and current architectural and urban studies on the area are extremely scarce and it is doubtful that any research has been done on the dance and music culture and its spaces of practice in the area today. Chapter two, ?The Story of the Social Soul of Western Johannesburg?, extracts from interviews with original residents of the area will be used to create the setting for the investigation. Clive Chipkin?s Johannesburg Transition, Kevin Beavon?s Johannesburg Making and Shaping the City and Thomas Chapman?s architectural thesis Catalytic Memories will be used to add and confirm facts, thus painting a picture of the urbanisation and urban conditions of the area. Stories from David Coplan?s In Township Tonight! and Minky Schlesinger?s Nightingales and Nice-time Girls are applied to create the cultural atmosphere of music and dance that began in the area of study. Relevant information on current urban conditions and future urban plans on the area will be extracted from the Joburg Regional Spatial Development Framework taken from Joburg. org.za. The theoretical underpinnings applied in Chapter 4 ?Articulating the Urban Ethos of Western Johannesburg in the Context of established theories? are of high importance to the academic context of this thesis. In order to unfold and develop a true understanding on the area; relevant theorist?s standpoints have been chosen and the analogy of a palimpsest will be used. A palimpsest is a manuscript page with one text written over another, occasionally a previous text will be partly erased before writing the new. This kind of technique of writing produces in a manuscript formed by many layers of fact, resulting in a top layer composed of the essence of the page. The first layer of the analogy is Trancik?s urban design principles extracted from his book Finding Lost Space and the second layer is formed by the architectural theoretical underpinnings from Norberg-Schulz?s Genius Loci. The third layer is shaped by musicologist views from Adam Krim?s Music and Urban Geography, and the forth layer is a combination of the psychological investigations from Sian Palmer?s A Space for Freedom, and a dancer?s observation by Samora Ntsebza. Finally, the fifth layer is made up of the various geographers? standpoints from Steve Pile?s Place and the Politics of Identity and Edward Soja?s Postmodern Geographies and ThirdSpace. In-between each of these layers, significant and relevant findings made on the area of study will be applied. These findings will be extracted from Chapters 2 and 3. 12 Figure 49: Kentridge. Palimsest Video Still: ?Automatic Writing? . South Africa (William Kentridge, date unknown). 15 THE STORY OF THE SOCIAL SOUL OF WESTERN JOHANNESBURG: 2.1: Introduction 2. 2: Culture + Community 1888- 1 994 The story of the social soul of Western Johannesburg is about how the birth, growth, and current dance and music culture has developed parallel to the urbanization of the area of study. Based on these findings and urban plans for the future of the area, an attempt will be made to create an image of what the future holds for this dance and music culture. The story is divided into three sections: Culture and Community 1888-1994 ; Popular Dance and Living History 1994 -20 09 ; and Moving in the Future Johannesburg 2009-Future. Significant points of growth will be extracted from each of these sections and translated into a graphic time-line through the use of maps. The time-line will be accompanied by relevant photographs and sketches based on important architectural findings. In 1888, just two years after the discovery of gold in the Transvaal, Maraisburg (1) was established. It was one of the first areas to exist on the outskirts of central Johannesburg and was inhabited by an Afrikaans parish congregation. 1 Many historians have noted that in the early days of Johannesburg, the white areas in the West of the city were predominantly Afrikaans. One could say that the early demographic status of Maraisburg attracted many of the early Afrikaans communities to settle in the West of Johannesburg. In 1890 central Johannesburg contained a mixture of Afrikaans, British and African communities, all having gold mining interests. Most of the mine owners were British and Afrikaans and many of the mineworkers were Africans. These British communities brought Victorian and Edwardian architectural influences to early Johannesburg. 1 Clive Chipkin, Johannesburg Transition, p. 226. Figure 50: Photograph: Original Maraisburg Railway Station. Johannesburg (Museum Africa Achives). Figure 51: Sketch: The Johannesburg Empire Theatre. Johannesburg 1894 (Museum Africa Archives). Figure 52: Photograph: The Orpheum. Johannesburg 1924 (Museum Africa Archives). 16 The arrival of the Music Hall was a direct result of these influences and was welcomed by the ?ready-made? audiences provided by the new in-land city. 2 The Music Hall housed and formalised some of the earliest music and dance culture developing in Johannesburg at the time. Clive Chipkin explains that it created transference in the streets and architecture of Johannesburg. Formal Theatres were built, bars and corner canteens began to house music and dance. The Johannesburg Empire, the Orpheum, His Majesty?s, the old Standard Theatre and the Palace of Varieties, were all formal venues and their 2 Ibid., p. 27. architecture was influenced by ideas sourced from London, Paris, Vienna, Berlin, New York and Chicago. 3 Many contained Edwardian type theatre interiors ? Chipkin explains that this was directly influenced by the Camdon artists of that period from London. Pass Laws restricted Africans from accessing any of these venues, they could only go to unsegregated canteens which were located in the poorest and most racially mixed sections of Johannesburg. 4 These canteens played music for drinking and dancing, and spread the sounds of a variety of African, Afrikaans and British influences like the ?honky-tonk? and the ?ditty? into the streets. 3 Ibid., p. 29. 4 David Coplan, In Township Tonight! South Africa?s Black city music and theatre, p. 66. Figure 53: Sketch of His Majesty?s in Johannesburg in 1932. Figure 54: Sketch: The Theatre Royal. Johannesburg 1889 (Museum Africa Archives). 17 During the late 1890?s and early 1900?s a massive influx in the population caused more development on the outskirts of central Johannesburg. Amongst these new arrivals were; coloured performers, who brought the Cape music and dance style called tickey draai from Cape Town and Kimberley, 5 and African women, who brought their deep love for music from the countryside. 6 The majority of professional coloured musicians belonged to a broader social category - die oorlams. In 1896 and 1897, the coloured townships of Claremont (2) and Albertville (4) were established. 7 It was within these areas and the locations that the family basis of coloured social life helped create a sense of community life, which together with the urban conditions, greatly influenced the development of African and coloured culture in the city. 8 5 Ibid., p. 65. 6 Minki Schlesinger, Nightingales and Nice-time Girls, p. 9. 7 Kevin Beavon, Johannesburg: The Making and Shaping of the City, p. 65. 8 Coplan, p. 65. In 1904 Sophiatown (5) and Martindale (6) were established, and in 1905 Westdene (7) and Newclare (8) were established respectively. This Western expansion of Johannesburg was a response to the growth in Johannesburg?s population, the popularity of the freestanding villa and the fact that these areas lay within close proximity to the Railway Line. Until 1910 Sophiatown and Martindale were whites? only townships but remained unpopular with the white community because they were located opposite a municipal sewage dump. 9 In 1910 Government lifted the restrictions on Sophiatown, Martindale and Newclare, thus anyone of any race could own land in these areas and they became known as freehold areas. For residents of early Johannesburg who could not afford to own land, slumyards in the centre of the city became their next best option. 9 Thomas Chapman, Catalytic Memories ? A Re-Urbanization of Sophiatown, p. 21. Figure 55: Unknown. Plan of The Standard Theatre. Johannesburg 1896 (Museum Africa Archives). Figure 56: Camden Influence in Johannesburg. Photograph: Interior of the Standard Theatre. Johannesburg 1896 (Museum Africa Archives) Figure 57: . Map showing the areas that had developed within the area of study by 1900. 18 In these freehold areas and slumyards, African woman developed the shebeen, which became the centre of urban African social life. The shebeen housed social beer drinking and a new lifestyle of dance and music culture. Musical performance was essential to social drinking in traditional society; it urged the people?s enthusiasm for continuous music and dancing. 10 Within these shebeens the musical style called Marabi was born. The Cape coloured musicians were among the early contributors to Marabi in Johannesburg 11 . They offered a source of Cape-Afrikaans influence to the people and played at ?coon carnival? style parades in Newclare and Albertville. This had a major influence on African musicians and dancers at the time; many coloured-Xhosa string and concertina bands emerged; performing combinations of marabi and tickey draai for private African parties called ?Socials?. 12 10 Coplan, p. 100. 11 Ibid., p. 116. 12 Ibid. In 1918 many Africans, coloureds and Indians were removed out of the city locations and slumyards. Many of these people joined the communities living in the freehold areas in the West. The government developed Western Native Township (9) as the first municipality built for Africans, which until 1917 was the municipal rubbish dump wedged between Sophiatown and Newclare. 13 Western Native Township became known as Tula n?divile because of its many shebeens that played coloured-Xhosa folk melodies on the keyboard. Dan Twala tells his story of walking through the streets of Western Native Township: ?You saw from house to house, where there were parties and drinks, you could hear the piano playing tula n?divile. It was an advertisement to say ?Come this way!? ?.14 13 Beavon, p. 99. 14 Coplan, p. 117. Figure 58: Photograph: Street of Sophiatown. Johannesburg 1920 (Schlesinger 1993: 49) . Figure 59: Photograph: Woman Brewing Beer in Slumyard. Johannesburg 1910 (Schlesinger 1993: 11) . Figure 60: Sketch: Ladies Performance at a Marabi Party. Johannesburg (Schlesinger 1993: 64) . Figure 61: Photograph: Cape Coon Carnival Troupe. Cape Town (Coplan 2007: 208) . 19 In the 1920?s Boet Gashe, a Xhosa man who lived in Newclare, became the ?house organist? in the area. He played the Sotho version of Marabi known as the famo dance; famo parties were held at Sotho shebeens in the South of Newclare, in an area called Sdiki Sdiki. 15 Coplan describes the dancing at these parties as determinedly wild. 16 A description by Minki Schlesinger from her book Nightingales and Nice-time girls paints an important image of the dance and music culture happening in these areas at the time - ?We?re walking home from work. Suddenly we hear the sound of organ music. There is a man sitting on top of a donkey drawn cart playing an Organ! An excited mob follows the cart, dancing, cheering and whistling [on the way] to the shebeen holding the Marabi party. The musician is Boet Gashe. It is a shilling (ten cents) entrance into the house. Indoors is hot and stuffy. One paraffin lamp lights up the 15 Humphrey Jacobs, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 13 May 2009. 16 Coplan, p. 119. room. We can hardly see our dancing partners, but we don?t care this is a Marabi! Throughout the evening we sing, we drink beer and we dance. The party continues throughout the whole weekend, up to Monday morning. We are free to do whatever we want at Marabi?.17 Marabi parties in Sophiatown and Newclare also took place in yards, which were normally situated in the backyard of a property. The original house would be built just off the street, and over time many makeshift smaller houses would be built within the backyard. These would be built along the edges of the property leaving a central open space ? the yard. Once these informal structures were built; a single site could house up to twenty families. 18 For Marabi parties, the yard would be covered with a temporary roof of canvas sacking. 19 17 Schlesinger, p. 19. 18 Chapman (after Victor Mokhine), p. 37. 19 Coplan, p. 130. 20 The 1920?s saw the development of two important types of dance and music culture; Ballroom Dancing and Concert-and-Dance. Ballroom Dancing was a form of social competition that became the most popular arena for expressing the dynamic relations of the different cultures brought to and existing in Johannesburg. 20 At the time thousands of African men were arriving from Malawi and Southern Rhodesia in search of work. They were expert ballroom dancers and danced at the Inchcape Hall?s Ritz Palais de Danse in Doornfontein and at the Backo? the Moon in Sophiatown. 21 Coloured performers were the first to form Western-style Ballroom dancing bands; they played the music of the two-step, waltz, foxtrot, ragtime and Dixieland. 22 These bands also played for Stokvel parties, public dances and on Sunday afternoons in the open spaces of Sophiatown and Western Native Township. 20 Coplan, p. 155. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. Figure 62: Aerial showing Western Native Township . Johannesburg 1920?s (Chapman 2008: 20) . Figure 63: Sketch of View of Street in Western Native Township. Johannesburg 1921. Figure 64: . Map showing the areas that had developed within the area of study by 1920. Figure 65: Diagram: Alternative route through yards . (After Chapman 2008: 39) . Figure 66: 3D View + Section of Yard House . (After Chapman 2008: 37) . Figure 67: Photograph by Chapman. Existing Westbury Yard House . (Chapman 2008: 38) . Figure 68: Photograph: Dancing at the Back?o the Moon Shebeen in Sophiatown. Johannesburg 1920?s (Coplan 2007: 209) . Figure 69: Sketch: Boet Gashe Playing the Organ on a Donkey Cart . (Schlesinger 1993: 16) . 21 Concert-and-Dance events took place in community halls and the performers had many different skills, ranging from singing popular songs, hymns, reciting poems, tap dancing and tribal dance performances. Due to Apartheid laws people could not move freely at night, so Concert-and-Dance evenings started at 20:00pm and finished at 4:00am. Many performers were influenced by the American dance and music culture at the time. They would either listen to international songs until they knew the melody by heart, studied the music, or watched Hollywood films to learn how to dance. 23 The 1920?s films were screened at the Bantu Men?s Social club and at the Good Hope. Coplan describes the 1920?s as a time when, schools, churches, clubs, drinking 23 Schlesinger, p. 29. houses, parties, and dance halls of the black, coloured and mixed areas, produced a new generation of performance professionals. 24 The St Cyprians School in Sophiatown was one of these; it was the largest primary school for blacks in South Africa at the time and produced many performers, one of whom was Dolly Rathebe. 25 By the mid 1930 ?s the heart of Johannesburgs African and coloured community life was in the freehold and municipal suburban locations in the western areas of the city. 26 A large group of unskilled white Afrikaaners with their Cape coloured wagon transport riders arrived in Johannesburg. 24 Coplan, p. 8. 25 Victor Mokhine, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 7 April 2009. 26 Coplan, p. 130. Figure 70: Photograph: A ?Cape Boys Band? in Johannesburg. Johannesburg 1920 (Schlesinger 1993: 20) . F igure 71: Sketch: Concert-and-Dance Evening. Johannesburg 1920?s (Schlesinger 1993: 4) . 22 The whites who could afford land moved to the growing parish congregations in Maraisburg and Westdene. The remainder of the group infiltrated into an arc of poverty from the Western side of the city to the slum yards in the East. 27 Many of the Cape coloureds who arrived were skilled carpenters, carters and craftsmen. ?This would help explain the propinquity of the later coloured townships to Johannesburg?s western industrial areas, including large scale furniture manufacturers?. 28 This group of Cape coloureds also brought with their performance styles of traditional coloured social dancing; a mixture of Ballroom, social and square dancing, to these areas in the 1930 ?s. 27 Chipkin, p. 226. 28 Ibid. In the early 1940 ?s, regular dance evenings at the Bantu Men?s Social club together with the emergence of more cinemas and community halls facilitated significant growth in the number of professional musicians and dancers in Johannesburg. The Community Building in Western Native Township was a regular stop for most of the residents living in the Western areas; 29 it was famous for its all night concert-and-dance events. The commercial cinemas screened popular Hollywood dance musicals featuring performers such as Fred Astaire and professional dancers such as Koppie Masoleng of the Darktown Strutters. Often ?Concert-and-Dance? evenings were held at cinemas, and the concert would begin after the film at 11pm. 29 Chapman, p. 43. Figure 72: Sketch: Crowd Gathering Outside a Dance Hall . Johannesburg 1920?s (Schlesinger 1993: 1) . Figure 73: Photograph: Community Hall of Western Native Township. Johannesburg 1940?s (Museum Africa Archives). 23 thriving in the west at this time. The Reno Cinema was built in the mid 1930?s 31 and still exists today although abandoned. (The existing cinema falls on the site chosen for the main architectural design chapter of this thesis) . Just across from the cinema stands the Coronation Hospital- ?a massive brick building which dominates the scene?. 32 The hospital was designed by the architect Gordon Leith in his typical provincial hospital mode 33 and served all the blacks, Indians and coloureds living in the Western areas. 34 Shortly after this, the area of Coronationville (10) was established in 1940 ; it was named after the coronation of King George VI in 1937 and was known as a coloured township. 31 Lucas Kgomongwe, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 13 May 2009. 32 Trevor Huddleston, Naught for your comfort, p. 101. 33 Chipkin, p. 227. 34 Mokhine, Interview: 7 April 2009. It was the era that saw the birth of the popular working-class dance known as the jive. Its music was a combination of African melody and rhythm with American swing, jitterbug and Latin-American rumba. Bands and musicians from the Western areas of Johannesburg combined the coloured-Xhosa-Sotho concertina dance rhythms with melodies from various foreign and local sources to create a type of local dance music for the jive. The jive was normally performed in the local dance halls. Former residents generally agreed that it had originated at the all-night parties in Newclare. 30 One could say that the American films projected at the Reno Cinema played an important role in influencing this style. The non-whites cinema was positioned in Newclare, and was a very important building that housed the music and dance culture 30 Coplan, p. 184. Figure 74: Photograph: Jitterbuggers in Joburg. Johannesburg 1950 (Coplan 2007: 208) . Figure 75: Photograph :The Odin Cinema. Johannesburg 1950?s (Schlesinger 1993: 52) . Figure 76: Sketch of The Odin Cinema. Johannesburg 1950?s. Figure 77+78: Photograph: ?Jazz at the Odin Series?. Johannesburg 1955 ( Coplan 2007: 208) . 24 Another important cinema was built in 1946; it was known as the Odin and was located on Good Street in Sophiatown. The Cinema was famous for its novel Sunday afternoon jazz concerts and was a centre for cinema, music, dance, religion and politics for all races of Johannesburg. 35 It can be said that the cinema was one of the main reasons that Good street became an important social gathering place and an active commercial strip. 36 By the late 1940?s each street in Sophiatown had developed a unique identity brought about by its occupants and overcrowded shebeens, yards and dance-halls. 37 Schlesinger recites a journalist?s description of the mood at the time: ?On a Saturday you might come across a brass band parade, with many kiddies tailing behind it. You might see a bunch of ten year olds staging a ?coon carnival?. You could bump into a crowd of grown-ups rehearsing 35 Chapman, p. 31. 36 Mokhine, Interview: 7 April 2009. 37 Chapman, p. 33. wedding songs and dances at a street corner. Or you might end up in a public recreation place. There you would see stage professionals rehearsing?.38 The early 1950 ?s was the period where the melting pot of the dance and music culture of Western Johannesburg had reached its peak. Victor Mokhine, an ex-Sophiatown resident, explains that the freehold areas in the West had created a hybrid musical and dance culture that far exceeded the cultures developing in the townships at the time. Sophiatown, Newclare and Martindale were filled with many performers, people from different races lived side by side, the Backo? the Moon shebeen, no. 39 Good Street, Aunt Babes and The House on Telegraph Hill were homes for many. 39 38 Schlesinger, p. 35. 39 Ibid., p. 54. Figure 80: Plan of Good Street. The Place of Social Gathering. Johannesburg 1950?s (After Chapman). Figure 81: Photograph: Newclare Squatters. Johannesburg 1952 (Museum Africa Archives).Figure 79: Aerial of the Western Areas. Johannesburg 1950?s (Beinart & Mallows 1962: 16) . 25 Trevor Huddleston described Newclare at the time as an area where the atmosphere was somewhat characterized with the smoke from its thousand braziers over squalid houses and over the ?smart? homes which stood in its unplanned and uncharted streets. 40 Residential zones of narrow alley ways, open yards and the smell in the air of ?kaffir? beer brewing, and shop fronts with chromium window-bars and fluorescent lighting, containing bales of silk and satin and run by an Indian owner. 41 Newclare was split by the East-West Railway line, creating Newclare North and Newclare South. The two areas were linked by a single pedestrian bridge, close to the Reno Cinema. In 1952 Newclare had become the site of a tribal battlefield.42 A Sotho gang known as the Russians had entrenched itself in Newclare South and had forced almost all the Xhosa?s out of Newclare South causing major conflict and resulting in large tribal wars over the Newclare bridge. 43 The wars were vicious and many people died. 44 40 Huddleston, p. 100. 41 Ibid., p. 101. 42 Jacobs, Interview: 13 May 2009. 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid. Over two thousand Xhosa people were forced to set up informal shelters in a square the size of a small soccer field in Newclare North, opposite the Reno Cinema, known as Reno Square. 45 Huddleston described the shelters in Reno Square - ?When one?s eyes got used to the sudden gloom, a double bed, an open brazier, a pile of blankets and a gramophone came into focus?. 46 By 1954 the government had done nothing to stop the Russians, which Huddleston believes was a strategic move to help enforce plans for the future evictions of Africans from the Western areas. In 1955 the Western Areas were declared as ?hotbeds of African resistance? and the Sophiatown, Martindale and Newclare removals began. Martindale was re-developed as a strip of industrial buildings; the intention was for it to act as a buffer strip between Sophiatown and Western Native Township. Sophiatown was demolished, rebuilt as a 45 Ibid. 46 Huddleston, p. 82. Figure 82: Photograph: The Sophiatown Removals. Johannesburg 1955 (Schlesinger 1993: 78) . Figure 83: Photograph: New Houses in Meadowlands, Johannesburg 1960?s (Museum Africa Archives). 26 white area and renamed Triomf by the Johannesburg Muncipality. Africans were resettled in Meadowlands and coloured people were resettled in Western Native Township and in Newclare. Many musicians and dancers were removed from their homes and performing was made almost impossible with the new pass Laws, immorality laws, liquor laws and many other restrictive laws. 47 The Odin Cinema was demolished and the Reno Cinema was gutted, leaving only the shell. Due to over crowding in Newclare and Western Native Township; Riverlea (11) and Bosmont (12) were established in 1960 and in 1962 respectively. They were defined as coloured townships. 48 In 1961 the African people living in Western Native Township were moved to Moroka in Soweto and the area was renamed Westbury. The coloureds relocated to Westbury and Newclare were placed into the actual homes that the Africans 47 Schlesinger, p. 79. 48 Mokhine, Interview: 7 April 2009. were removed from. 49 The original residents of the Western areas had taken their love for music and dance with them. 50 By the 1970?s there was only one legal city venue for African and Coloured people to perform in; Dorkay house. The performers who had been relocated from the Western areas, as well as performers living in Bosmont, Riverlea, Newclare, Westbury and Coronationville, came together to perform and dance at Dorkay House. Both Ellen Julius (Coronation Rising Stars) and Mokhine recalled how they would go to regular Ballroom dancing evenings at the venue during this time. Coloured dance schools began appearing in the Western areas, like the Coronationville school of Dance and the Bosmont school of Dance, they were run in the Community Halls and are still in existence today. The Group Areas Act had forced spaces of dance to be isolated, separated and only accessible to one race. Dancers and musicians slowly sank into obscurity. 51 49 Ibid. 50 Coplan, p. 283. 51 Ibid. Figure 86: Map showing the areas that had developed within the area of study by 1994. Figure 84: Photograph. Original Houses of WNT. Johannesburg 1960 (Beinart & Mallows 1962: 17) . Figure 85: Sketch showing The Group Areas in Johannesburg towards the end of the Apartheid era. (After Beavon 2004: 214) . 27 THE STORY OF THE SOCIAL SOUL OF WESTERN JOHANNESBURG: 2.3: Popular Dance + Living History 1994 -2 0 0 9 Figure 87: Timeline of the chronilogical urbanisation of the area of study together with the development + movement of the dance + music culture. By 1991 all the apartheid legislation relating to racial classification, including the Group Areas Act and land acts were abolished. The year of 1994 saw the country?s first democratic elections and Nelson Mandela was made president. The period between 1994 and 2009 has produced a renaissance in South African performance, but the issue of the quality and number of performance venues, forms of media exposure, recording and other professional opportunities remains a crucial and highly controversial one for the musicians and dancers. 52 Today the people of the Western areas of Johannesburg; specifically in the area of study, have an undeniably strong passion for music and dance. Dancers and musicians range from young children from the age of 3 dancing, singing and listening to music socially, to older youth groups (12 years to 21 years old) training 52 Ibid., p. 343. for professional dance shows and competitions, up to adults of over 60 years old going to regular ?langarm? evenings. The Ballroom and Latin Dance schools have existed in these areas for a long time, with as many as 60 dancers belonging to each. 53 There are dance schools which offer Break-dancing, Hip-Hop, Freestyle, Ballet and Modern dance too. Numerous informal dance groups have also formed in the area, made up of young people with a common love and skill for dance. Aerobics, band practice, social clubs, music lessons and drama performances are all activities which contribute and feed to the already existing passion for dance and music of this western region of Johannesburg. This passion is practiced and performed in living rooms, a cr?che, a church, a field, recreation centres, community halls and even on street corners. Many of these spaces of dance are inadequate on a number levels, this will be explored in the next chapter. 53 Ellen Julius, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 10 March 2009. 28 Many people from the area of study have claimed that the people from this region have a gift and a talent for dance which stems from their love of music. 56 It can be suggested that this culture today was born from and influenced by the older coloured generations, who originally lived in the Western areas, and most of whom are now living in the area of study. To confirm Coplan?s recent statement; there are crucial issues that need to be addressed with regards to the quality and number of performance venues and professional opportunities for dancers and musicians belonging to the lower income population of the city. Recent research on the area of study has stated that it is declining and experiencing urban decay, manifesting in increased crime and grime, poor environmental quality, slum lording as well as economic decline. 57 The people of this region are materially poor but intensely social; crime-ridden yet bursting with music, dance and personality. 56 Christal Dolly, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 26 February 2009. Edwina Fillies, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 25 March 2009. Ellen Julius, Interview: 10 March 2009. 57 Joburg.org.za, Joburg Regional Spatial Development Framework 2009 Section 2, p. 8. The original African residents of the Western areas, living in Meadowlands today, are still extremely passionate about music and dance. An ex- Newclare resident, Humphrey Jacobs, holds regular jazz appreciation evenings at his home in Meadowlands. Many of the original residents of the Western Areas go to these evenings, including Victor Mokhine, Marks Selala and Lucas Kgomongwe. The evenings extend late into the night with most people performing the jive and listening to jazz. 54 Other residents from Meadowlands often join the parties, like the younger adults, who perform their own hip-hop dances. 55 The members of the Jazz club state that their passion for music and dance was sparked by growing up in the communities of the Western areas during the 193 0 ?s, 1 94 0 ?s and early 1950 ?s. 54 Victor Mokhine, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 13 May 2009. 55 Jacobs, Interview: 13 May 2009. 29 Figure 88: Zoning Plan of Good Street adapted from Chapman plan of Good Street 2008. Figure 89: Diagram of Good Street showing public + semi-public realms adapted from Chapman plan of Good Street 2008. Figure 90: Diegram of The Yard. Figure 91: Diagram of The 39 Steps Shebeen. Figure 92: Railwayline in Riverlea. Figure 93: Warehouse in Industria West. Figure 94: Reno Cinema. Figure 95: Yard House in Westbury. THE STORY OF THE SOCIAL SOUL OF WESTERN JOHANNESBURG: 2.4: Moving into the Future Johannesburg 2 0 0 9- + 2.5 : Graphic Conclusion It can be suggested that where the people of this region live; the dance and music culture will live. Yet the culture before 1960 and the culture after 1960 both exist only because of the blending of different cultures and races within a certain urban condition all belonging to the area of study. Throughout the findings so far, no prescribed building has existed in the area that has been designed to house and celebrate this dance and music culture, and thus create professional opportunities. Many reasons can account for this, but the main reason is because of a lack of funding ? the majority of the residents earn between R100 0 - R30 0 0 a month and therefore can not afford to invest in such a project. Although sponsorship from the government could be a future possibility ? there are plans to improve the capacity of social facilities within the area in order to cater for the increased densification and intensification of non-residential developments in the region to ensure that citizens have access to a safe and healthy urban environment. 58 The transport systems of Johannesburg are under construction and as a result major urban planning has been underway to guide ideal growth for the city from 2010 onwards. Future plans for the area of study include a proposal which will be made for the spaces in and around the 6 existing rail network stations (Riverlea, Industria, Westbury, Newclare, Bosmont and Maraisburg) . These spaces have been characterized by degradation, but also pose the potential for intensified development.59 The city has stated that the existing economic nodes within the area need to be strengthened to ensure that they become destinations that are active 24 hours a day and this will require the intensification of existing uses and the encouragement of high-density residential developments at these economic nodes and stations. 60 58 Joburg.org.za, Joburg Regional Spatial Development Framework 2009 Section 3, p. 11. 59 Joburg.org.za, Joburg Regional Spatial Development Framework 2009 Section 2, p. 8. 60 Ibid. By 2010 a future Bus Rapid Transport trunk route will run along Fuel Road linking Soweto to the city centre and further on to the North of Johannesburg. Three Future BRT stations will be placed along Fuel Road between Riverlea, Westbury, Newclare and Coronationville. The plan is for Fuel Road to become a major transport route for the north-south linkage of Johannesburg. It must be foreseen that this will intensify any existing commercial activity within close proximity to these stops, as well as increase the number of social facilities and residential development in and around Fuel Road. Therefore government would propose to implement their plans for improved social facilities either in close proximity to Fuel Road and/or in one of the spaces of degradation around the 6 railway stations chosen for development. The people living in the area of study are in desperate need for a social, economic and urban regeneration of the area. Predictions need to be made on the future of the dance and music culture of the people living within the area of study. The research has indicated that the passion lives within the people and not the area. Therefore suggesting that if the people continue to live in these areas, music and dance will continue to spread from person to person, generation to generation, feeding its urban ethos. 30 33 R ES EARCH I N G PRESE N T SPACES + PEOPLE OF DANCE IN WEST E R N JOHANNESBURG : 3.1: Current Context The aim of this mapping exercise is to illustrate clearly where dance, and specifically certain types of dance, are predominantly performed and practiced in the Johannesburg today. It is hoped that by pointing out the different locations and types of spaces of dance in the city, in relation to varying levels of household income, the status of the current spaces of dance in the area of study will be more thoroughly understood regarding the broader context of dance in the city as a whole. The research used for this investigation was taken from various registered dance organisations? statistics, dance directories, the yellow pages, newspapers, magazines, dance websites, Joburg.org.za and personal interviews. For the purpose of setting up a boundary for this exercise, spaces of dance which were located beyond Kempton Park (East), Midrand (North), Roodepoort (West) and Ennerdale (South) were not included. The main types of dance that are practiced and performed in Johannesburg today are; locally adapted contemporary dance, pantsula, gumboot, educational dance (better known as edudance), ballroom and Latin, modern dance, break- dance, street dance, specialized dance (Celtic, highland, Scottish, Irish and line dancing) , tap, freestyle, hip-hop, ballet and belly-dance. 1 The locally adapted contemporary dance and edudance are the most recently modernised forms of dance in the city and together with break-dance are predominantly practiced and performed within the central and south-western areas of the city like Newtown and Soweto. Ballroom and Latin dancing is very popular within the north-west, west and south-west regions of the city, with the majority of the competitive ballroom and Latin dancers practicing in the west and south-west areas. Specialized dance appears to be practiced only in the north of the city (mainly in Midrand), whereas tap, freestyle, hip-hop and modern dance all fall within the west, north-west, north and north east section of Johannesburg. 1 Please refer to fig 66 +67 There is a blatant divide between spaces designed for dance and spaces used for dance in Johannesburg, as well as a forced split between the dancers who can afford training for professional opportunities and the dancers who can not. Spaces designed for dance in the city range from formal theatres housing dance performances, buildings designed specifically for practicing dance, to retail, office and residential spaces that have been physically transformed into dance studios. Spaces not designed for dance but are used for dance in the city include school halls and classrooms, community halls and recreation centres, living rooms and garages, and parks and street pavements. Almost all the spaces designed for dance in Johannesburg are found in the north, north-west and city centre. These designed spaces in the city centre are formal theatres like the Civic Theatre or are buildings for dance like the Dance Factory in Newtown. To join any of the dance schools that practice within spaces designed for dance can cost between R100 to R700 per month. In contrast to this, the majority of spaces not designed for dance but are still used for dance in Johannesburg are situated within the west and south-west areas of the city and the dance schools that practice within these have a joining fee that ranges between R0 to R100 per month. Free dance and outreach programmes are available in the Soweto, Westbury, Sophiatown and Alexandra. The mapping exercise revealed a gradient of spaces of dance across the city; ranging from the sparse distance between few spaces in the south and the concentrated distance between many spaces in the north. This is because in the northern half of the city each space of dance belongs to one dance school that often only practices one type of dance. In the southern half of the city each space of dance is used by many different dance schools that practice many different types of dance. This confirms the fact that in the southern half 34 of the city the spaces used for dance are shared. Reasons for this could be cheaper rental, cheaper maintenance and a lack in the number of spaces that are designed for public dance. By overlaying the different levels of household income of the city, these reasons can be verified because the majority of household income levels within this southern region are between R100 0 to R500 0 per month. The majority of household income levels in the northern sector of the city average around R15 000 per month, proving that the spaces designed for dance in the north of the city exist because of private funding. A look at the map of Johannesburg showing the different spaces and types of dance together reveals patches of congestion in certain areas and thus creates some interesting observations. It can be assumed that the congestion in the city centre is a conglomeration and concentration of a large amount of performance venues, buildings designed for dance, high standard dance studios and spontaneous informal dance (i.e. on street pavements) . These formal dance venues are supported and funded by people from all over Johannesburg. The informal dance in the city centre is a culture aimed at having fun and creating entertainment for the masses of people who are out shopping on the weekends and who live within a close radius to the city centre. Street dancing and pansula are performed every weekend on the streets and pavements around Metro-Mall Taxi Station, Park-Station and Jeppe Street Taxi Station. Kwela-kwela with penny whistling is informally performed at Zoo Lake and groups of drummers play on Saturdays in Joubert Park. The congestion seen in Randburg and Linden is caused by the concentration of many private dance studios each offering one type of dance like belly dancing, ballet and ballroom and Latin dancing. This specific region of Johannesburg is made up of a combination of people who are middle-class, live within medium density areas (town-houses and medium sized homes) and enjoy dancing. Therefore there is a high demand for dance facilities in this region that is met because the people can afford to pay for dance lessons and fund spaces designed for dance. The last interesting cluster of dance activity in the city is found further south of the city in Ennerdale. Most of the dance schools in the area teach in the community halls and have produced numerous professional ballet and ballroom dancers. The majority of the community members of Ennerdale are people who have moved out of Soweto with young children, seeking a safe environment where their children can learn either dance or soccer. 1 The mapping exercise proved that there is a large amount of dance activity occurring within the area of study forming a prominent congestion in the city. The types of dance performed in the area include ballroom and Latin dance, modern, aerobics, hip-hip, freestyle, gumboot, social dance, belly, ballet and break-dance. The area falls under the southern half of the map where there are sparse spaces of dance, each space is used by many different dance schools that practice many different types of dance, the spaces are shared, all spaces are not designed for dance but are still used for dance confirming the lack in the number of spaces that area designed for public dance. To join a dance school in the area of study is either free or for less than R100 a month, this is a direct reflection on the average household income levels within this region which fall between R0 to R5000 per month. 1 Christoforou, A. Washington Ballet. p.1. 35 Figure 96: The different types of dance being practiced + performed in 2009 located over the map of Johannesburg. 36 Figure 97: The different types of dance being practiced + performed in 2009 located over the map of Johannesburg. Figure 98: The different monthly fee to dance in 2009 located over the map of Johannesburg. 37 Figure 99: The different monthly fee to dance overlaid onto the different levels of monthly household income of Johannesburg. 38 Figuer 100: The different monthly fee to dance overlaid onto the different levels of monthly household income of Johannesburg together with the location of where most competitive dancers dance in the city. 39 Figure 101: Interesting points of dance congestion located on the map of Johannesburg. 40 Figure 102: Pantsula dancers performing outside Park Station, Joubert Park. Johannesburg 2009. Figure 103: The South African Ballet Theatre at the Johannesburg Theatre, Johannesburg. (De Mervelec 2005: 108) . Figure 104: The Studios of The South African Ballet Theatre at the Johannesburg Theatre. INTERNET. (http://www.saballettheatre.co.za. Cited 10 February 2009). Figure 105: The South Afri - can Ballet Theatre, The Johannesburg Theatre, Johannesburg. (De Mervelec 2005: 107). Figure 106: Contemporary Latin Dancers at Hollard dance studio. Johannesburg 2009. Figure 107: The South African BalletTheatre Outreach Programme in Alexandra, Johannesburg. (De Mervelec 2005: 10) .Figure 108: Bieber. Ballroom Dancers in the Ennerdale Community Hall. Johannesburg 2006. (Bieber 2006: 12) . 1. 1 . 4 . 7.2. 41 R ES EARCH I N G PRESE N T PLACES+PEOPLE OF DANCE IN WEST E R N JOHANNESBURG : 3.2: Introducing the Case Studies These eight case studies have been chosen because they best represent the current dance and music culture of the everyday that lives in the area of study. Each case study is made up of either a dance school or group together with a specific space they use to dance in. Pertinent questions will be addressed like; how and why do the dancers in the area use space for the social purposes in the ways they do? Does the coming together of people belonging to the area influence the broader communities of the area? A brief insight will be done on each case study followed with an analysis on movement within the space like access, circulation and exit and then end with an analysis on the rhythm created in the space by the dancers. The question will then be asked: does the space shape how the dancers move or do the dancers shape the space. Photomontages, plans, sections and diagrams will be included on each case study, which will then be combined allowing for comparisons and relevant conclusions to be made on the spaces of dance in the area of study as a whole. Figure 109: The different types of dance being practiced + performed in 2009 located over the map of the Area of Study. 42 Figure 110: Dancers from The Bosmont School of Dance at the Bosmont Recreation Centre 2009. 43 The Coronationville Rising Stars Dancing in Riverlea The Bosmont School of Dance The 7th Signs Girls Locat io n in a rea of stu dy Site Pla n Ph ot ogr aph s Pe rs onal Pai nting 44 Dancing in Westbury Tanya?s Belly Dancing Petula?s Aerobics Pravati School of Dance 45 1. The Rising Stars at t he Coron a tionville Community Hall Figure 111: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Coronationville Community Hall - showing how the dancers use the space. RES EARCH I N G PRESE N T PLACES + PEOPLE OF DANCE IN WEST E R N JOHANNESBURG : 3.3: Eight in-depth Case Studies Figure 112: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Coronationville Community Hall - showing the spread of energy + type of energy created by the Ballroom dancers of the Rising Stars. 46 A wonderful old lady named Ellen Julius (Aunty Ellen) runs the Rising Stars with the help of her family. She has lived in Newclare all her life, and has been dancing for over 40 years and teaching for over 25. Dancers pay a fee of R12 0 a year to join the school; which only covers the dancer?s registration fee with the Federation of Dance Sport South Africa (FEDANSA) . Aunty Ellen explains that FEDANSA is run by a coloured man and that only coloured dance schools belong to it. The dancers practice in the Community Hall in Coronationville, at the St Francis of Assisi Church in Newclare and in Aunty Ellen?s own home in Newclare. Dance classes are on Mondays to Thursdays from 19: 0 0pm to 21: 0 0pm in the evening and anyone can join no matter how old you are or what dance skills you have. On an average night up to 30 people of all ages will dance, ranging from 5 year olds concentrating on their foot work, to 50 year olds having a laugh and enjoying themselves. Most of the dancers walk to the practices and are predominantly from Coronationville, Newclare and Bosmont.Aunty Ellen explains that the reason the children start dancing with her is because they want to achieve something in life and ?when anyone from here [the area of study] hears music they just start dancing, they love it and you know dance is contagious here, so everybody joins in?. 1 Aunty Ellen tries to get all her dancers to enter competitions because it keeps the dancers dedicated and off the streets. 2 Some of the dancers say that it is a challenge to get the money for the entrance fees, transport fees and costume requirements for the competitions but that it is all worth it. 1 Ellen Julius, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 10 March 2009. 2 Ibid. Every Saturday evening Aunty Ellen helps out at the ?Langarm?, which is a social dance evening at Club Salsa situated in a warehouse in Industria West. Everybody is invited including the mentally and physically disabled patients from the Coronationville hospital. 3 Club Salsa also holds fundraising social dance events to raise money for housing in Westbury and Bosmont. Most of the members are elderly people from the area in their late 30?s to 80?s because the people in the area have always loved to dance. 4 Aunty Ellen?s decision to use the community hall is based on the reasonable rental fee, the high levels of security and that it provides a universal container meeting their most basic dance needs. The Coronationville recreation centre manages the hall, and Aunty Ellen is required to pay her membership fee of R32 per year to use the facilities. There is a monthly rental fee of R550 to use the community hall, but the recreation centre have compromised with Aunty Ellen because many of the Rising Stars dancers cannot afford to pay for dance, so Aunty Ellen must pay what ever she can towards the rental fee. The community hall in Coronationville was built during the 1940 ?s and is located in the centre of Coronationville. Today it stands surrounded by a high palisade fence and can be seen as reflecting a very standard Apartheid Era Hall type architecture. The hall is extremely large and cold; with high windows restricting any possible view of the inside from the outside and, because of security, access is limited to a back door. A view of the Community Hall at night gives off a dull illumination and gives no visual signs of the energy of the Rising Stars dancing their favourite salsa moves inside. Keeping in mind that the hall was designed to function purely as a hall for basic community needs; the dancers have to adjust to the space. Once The Rising Stars have left the hall, there is no visual evidence that they were even there. All that remains is a warmed up space. 3 Ibid. 4 Louis August, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 2 April 2009. 47 2. Danc ing at t he Riverlea Rec reation Centre Figure 113: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Riverlea Recreation Centre - showing how the dancers use the space. Figure 114: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Riverlea Recreation Centre - showing the spread of energy + type of energy created by the Break dancers at Riverlea. 48 Preparation is always a frantic burst of energy and the entire Riverlea community gets involved; working through the nights, practicing dances, sewing costumes and building floats. Roughly 50 children dance in the parade between the ages of 10 to 18 years old and about 30 adults help coordinate. Edwina explained that a fantastic achievement for them is that they have developed a process where children who danced in previous carnivals, in turn, help teach and choreograph future carnivals. 9 When asked why the children in Riverlea dance, Edwina responded by saying that dance in Riverlea is a talent and a gift, it makes the playing field level? in Riverlea there is always music playing and people are always jiving, we have a creative [dance and music] nature here. 10 The Riverlea recreation centre was built in the 1970 ?s and is located on a quiet street on the far southern end of Riverlea with large autumn coloured mine dumps forming the backdrop. The building is one of the only spaces used for dance in the area of study with a mirror. When the dance groups practice, children from all over Riverlea stand outside the centre and try peak their heads through the caged-up frosted windows to watch. The dancers throw their bodies into the air, land with one hand on the ground, sway their feet in the air, spin on their heads, and then jump back onto their feet. It looks like each person dances within the boundaries of an imaginary bubble, each bubble generously spaced in the entire volume of the room. This style of dance originated on the street and is designed to take place outdoors; therefore an external space designed for dance and for dancers to be become a public display would be ideal. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. Almost all the dance in Riverlea takes place at the Riverlea recreation centre and is coordinated by Edwina Fillies. Edwina teaches the RAD Ballet syllabus to the junior youth at the centre, although she has not registered the dancers with the ballet organisation because it is too expensive. 5 In conjunction with the Ballet classes, Edwina holds regular dance workshops for the children living in Riverlea every school holiday. She also teaches the junior youth music and piano, and facilitates the brass band practice rehearsals, the Riverlea senior social club evenings and the senior aerobics classes at the recreation centre. Edwina does not charge for any of her classes, only membership at the recreation centre is required and costs R45 for adults and R22 for pensioners and children per year. There are a number of informal dance groups who practice regularly at the Riverlea recreation centre. Each group is skilled in a variety of different types of dance like hip-hop, freestyle, street and break-dance. They dance at the centre because it supplies a space for them to rehearse for the big ?street? and hip-hop competitions that run on the weekends. Each dance group has a leader and their ages range between 15 to 18 years old. They meet at the centre after school from 16: 0 0 pm onwards and the centre allows them to use the facilities for free because if they are dancing at the centre then they are not getting up to trouble somewhere else. 6 Riverlea has represented the Region B sector of Johannesburg at the Joburg Carnival for three years and will represent Region B again this year. The carnival parades between Hillbrow and Newtown, and is a burst of colour, music and dance with flamboyant floats and costumes. 7 Preparation for Region B?s display happens at the Riverlea recreation centre and only starts at the end of November due to a delayed budget release by government. 8 5 Edwina Fillies, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 25 March 2009. 6 Ibid. 7 Joburg Carnival pamphlet 2008, p.1. 8 Edwina Fillies, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 25 March 2009. 49 3. The Bosmont School of Dance at t he Bosmont Rec reation Hall Figure 115: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Bosmont Recreation Centre - showing how the dancers use the space. Figure 116: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Bosmont Recreation Centre - showing the spread of energy + type of energy created by the Modern dancers at Bosmont. 50 The Bosmont School of Dance is run by Michelle Braam and her sister Ronda Rose, who both originally learnt how to dance through the school from the ages of 6 and 8 respectively. The school was established in 1972 and has produced a number of professional dancers and dance instructors throughout its existence. Michelle and Ronda teach modern dancing primarily, but try to fuse modern with the dance styles of pansula, ballet, hip-hop, freestyle and afro-fusion. Every Saturday morning from 8:30 am to 12:30 am the Bosmont recreation hall is filled with 65 dancers, ranging between 3 years old to 22 years old, and including physically and mentally disabled girls. Dancing takes places in the main hall, the foyer and home-work room. Almost all the dancers walk to the recreation hall and are predominantly from Bosmont, Riverlea, Coronationville, Sophiatown, Maraisburg, Fleurhof and Westbury. The Bosmont School of Dance is a family of dancers; everybody arrives at 8:30am and stays for the whole morning to watch the other classes, learn and socialize. The girls are serious about their love for dance and take part in national dance exams, festivals and shows. Some of the older girls are currently choreographing and teaching their own dance groups in the area. 11 The community hall in Bosmont was built in the late 1960 ?s and is located on Maraisburg road, close to Newclare. Today it is part of the Bosmont recreation centre together with a library, various home-work rooms and after- care facilities. It is surrounded by a tall palisade fence and stands out from the surrounding fabric because the walls are a bright pink and the roof is a proud green. The old hall?s positioning and design has caused the space to be extremely cold; and although there are some windows, the natural lighting is insufficient resulting in artificial lighting being used throughout the day. 11 Michelle Braam, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 4 April 2009. There is no heating and in winter the girls struggle to perform optimally because they can not warm up their bodies. The floors are a grey vinyl tile and have a negative effect on the girls when performing floor work because their feet stick to the surface. No activity can be seen from the outside because the window cill heights are too high, the hall is more like a large classroom, the foyer is meant as a space for circulation and the homework room is small and hidden away. The dancers adjust to the space because the building stands rigidly; revealing no emotions, concealing 65 dancers flexing their bodies into the air and sweeping their bodies on the floor. The Bosmont School of Dance is based at the Bosmont recreation centre for the simple reason that it has always been based there. 51 4. The 7 th Signs Hip-Hop Group at t he Coron a tionville Rec reation Centre Figure 117: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Coronationville Recreation Centre - showing how the dancers use the space. Figure 118: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Coronationville Recreation Centre - showing the spread of energy + type of energy created by the 7th Signs Group at Coronationville. 52 The 7 th Signs Hip Hop Group is a team of 7 young girls who are passionate about dancing hip-hop and freestyle, and who are extremely dedicated to the disciplines of dance and to one another. The girls? ages range between 17 and 19 years old and they are from Coronationville, Newclare and Westbury. They practice from Monday to Thursday, from 18: 0 0 pm to 21: 0 0 pm in the evenings at the Coronationville recreation centre. The 7 th Signs Group is managed by two of its dancers; Courtney Jacobs and Michelle Williams, who enter the group into regular hip-hop and freestyle competitions. The girls are not registered with any dance organisation and do not have a trained dance teacher instructing them. The girls choreograph, coordinate and compose their own dance sequences based on dance moves gathered from various sources; like the surrounding communities, watching other groups at dance competitions, T V and from friends. The recreation centre in Coronationville is made up of two buildings and was an addition to the existing community hall which was built in the 1940 ?s. The two buildings are ?clipped? onto the back of the community hall; together the three buildings form a ?U? shape in plan with a central courtyard and parking lot. The recreation centre is made up of a library, a series of after-care rooms and homework rooms. Security at the centre is of high priority - the windows are caged up and access into the buildings is through the heavily guarded security gate. The 7 th Signs Hip-Hop Group use one of the homework rooms to dance in, the girls call the space their own ?dance studio?. A view of the room from the street shows speckles of light shining through three caged up windows. Inside the room their bodies explode in centre of the space moving to the rhythm of the music; every beat is a bop, a crunch, a jump, and a slide. Their bodies flex into different parts of the room, at all possible heights, they embrace the ground and stretch toward the ceiling. The 7 th Signs Hip-Hop Group?s decision to use this space is based on the high levels of security and the fact that it is a universal container that meets their most basic dance needs. Because the girls are still scholars only the membership fee of R16 per year to join the recreation centre is required. In essence the space is a shell that functions as a homework room and as a result the dancers adjust to the space. The 7th Sign?s ?dance studio? at the Coronationville recreation centre is a temporary space that only exists because of the girl?s energy and passion for dance. 53 5. Danc ing in Westb ur y Figure 119: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at Dorca?s Creche - showing how the dancers use the space. Figure 120: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at Dorca?s Creche - showing the spread of energy + type of energy created by the Children in Westbury. 54 Westbury is an area with an abundance of alcohol and drug addiction, teenage pregnancy and immoral sexual practice, gangsters and convicts, HIV-AIDS and school drop-outs and as a result the mortality rate of the youth is high. 12 Despite this, the magical part about the community of Westbury is their persistence, drive and vision for the area to become a better, safer and happier place. One of the ways they want to achieve this is through celebrating Westbury?s passion for dance. 13 Christal Dolly and her husband Ruwayne Dolly coordinate all the free dance projects in Westbury. Their aim is to create a positive atmosphere through everlasting change. 14 They run the dance classes at the Westbury recreation hall and at Dorca?s cr?che. The types of dance they offer (based on the children?s specific needs) are gumboot dancing, hip-hop, free-style, ballroom and Latin dancing. Christal says that they want the children to have a choice, a broad background in different types of dance, so that they can make careers out of dance. 15 The junior youth dance class is on Friday afternoons from 17:00 pm at Dorca?s cr?che and is taken by a volunteer dance teacher. Roughly 60 children take part and dance in which ever style they enjoy. Last Christmas the junior youth performed for the public on Christmas day. The children danced down public passages, alleys and in a large parking-lot where they laid down carpets that they had brought from home onto the tarred surface to create a better dance environment. The junior youth and youth hip-hop classes are taken by the girls from the 7 th Signs Hip-Hop Group, they teach for free twice a week at the recreation hall. Patricia Isaacs from the Westbury Dance Academy takes the ballroom and Latin dance classes at the hall. The school pays an annual membership fee of R21 and a monthly rental fee of R180 to the recreation centre. There are many children in Westbury who want to learn to sing, read music and play instruments, but there are not enough funds to purchase instruments or to pay for a music teacher. 16 12 Westbury Outreach Presentation 2009, p.4. 13 Christal Dolly, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 26 February 2009. 14 Westbury Outreach Presentation 2009, p.4. 15 Christal Dolly, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 26 February 2009. 16 Ibid. Christal explains that the children in Westbury are born with a gift to dance, and that she would like to take this talent forward. 17 She says that through the therapeutic aspects of dance they can teach the children morals and respect, and keep them off the street corners. 18 When asked why the children have this love for dance, the response was that their love for dance comes from their deep love for music? people in Westbury are always listening to music, on every street in Westbury there is music playing; as a result the children have grown up with it. 19 The Westbury recreation hall was built roughly ten years ago. Dorca?s cr?che is located on the same property and was built during the 1940?s. The entrance to the cr?che is from the side through the heavily guarded front yard of the recreation hall. The recreation hall has two permanent security guards monitoring the property 24 hours a day. A view of Dorca?s cr?che through the palisade fencing from the street gives an impression of isolation as an outsider. The junior youth Friday dance classes take place in the small Assembly room of the cr?che. The light that filters through the two heavily barred windows highlights the colours of the children?s magical energy. Together the kids form a circle in the centre of the room; they sway, bump and wiggle from side to side. Each child takes a turn to dance in the middle of the circle. The room is filled with smiles. Christal?s choice to use this space for dance is based on the fact that it is one of the few spaces in Westbury that offers security for the children. The Westbury School of Dance was once a bustling ballroom dancing school that was recently closed down due to in-house politics. 20 Justine Abrahams, an ex- ballroom/Latin dancer who belonged to the dance School, explained that she trained professionally with the school and represented the school in many competitions. 21 The School used the St Francis Assisi Anglican Church in Newclare as a space for dance; they practised 4 times a week with an average of 50 dancers an evening. 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid. 19 Ibid. 20 Justine Abrahams, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 10 March 2009. 21 Ibid. 55 6. Tania?s Belly Danc ing in her home in Albert vill e Figure 121: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at Tanya de Jong?s home - showing how the dancers use the space. Figure 122: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at Tanya de Jong?s home - showing the spread of energy + type of energy created by the Belly Dancers in Albertville. 56 Tania de Jong used to teach belly dancing at the Westdene recreation hall but moved her classes to her living room at home because the hall was too cold and big, and it made her students feel uncomfortable. 22 She describes the style of dancing as something that needs to happen in a relaxing, warm and secure environment. 23 Her house is located on the edge of Albertville, bordered by Newlands and Sophiatown. Her classes are from Monday to Friday with a maximum of three dancers a class because the size of her living room is very small. Tania is a professional belly dancer, but teaches for her own personal enjoyment in the evenings and charges R 1 0 0 a month for four two hour classes. Tania adjusts the space by pushing all of the furniture to one side of the room. She stands with her back to the curtain covering the door and the belly dancers stand facing her with their backs right up against the couch pushed alongside the wall. Tania plays a variety of traditional Arabic music, burns sticks of jasmine incense, and pours herself and the dancers some red wine. They do figure 8 ?s with their hips, ?camels? with their hands, and ?shimmy? from side to side. They take turns to sit on the floor and watch each other dance. They laugh and dance, and everyone is comfortable and relaxed. From the street Tania?s house looks li ke any other house in Albertville, there are no windows that face onto the street and Tania?s belly dancing is kept a secret. Realistically even after adjusting the furniture and other secondary elements within the room; the remaining space is tight and restricts movement, therefore shaping Tania?s dance needs. Once the class is over, Tania moves her lounge furniture back to its position and the scale of the living room is matched with its function. 22 Tania de Jong, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 17 March 2009. 23 Ibid. 57 7. Petula?s Aerob ic c l a s s es at t he Marais b urg Rec reation Centre Figure 123: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Maraisburg Recreation Centre - showing how the dancers use the space. Figure 124: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Maraisburg Recreation Centre - showing the spread of energy + type of energy created by Petula?s Aerobics class in Maraisburg. 58 Petula Baatjies is a trained aerobics instructor who takes aerobics classes in the hall at the Maraisburg recreation centre, and at the community hall in Coronationville. Her motivation for teaching aerobics is to keep the people in her community healthy, fit and happy. 24 Her students are from Maraisburg, Florida, Coronationville, Bosmont, Newclare and Westbury; they are loyal and energetic and go to her classes to loose weight, learn new steps and to just get out and about. Their ages range between 23 years old to over 60 years old. Petula charges her aerobics students R80 per month; this covers rental fees of the halls, transport costs to and from classes and exercise equipment like floor mats and weights. 25 Her classes run in the evenings on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays and in the mornings on Saturdays at the community hall in Coronationville. At the Maraisburg recreational centre her classes run in the evenings on Tuesdays and Thursdays. The Maraisburg recreation centre is centrally located in Maraisburg and was built during the 1940 ?s. Petula and the aerobics ladies enter and exit the hall at the recreation centre from the street, through open double doors. At night an external view of the hall shows bodies of light, energy and colour bursting out into Maraisburg through the openings. Although this access into the hall largely compromises the safety of Petula and her students because the doors open onto the street and anyone can come in. 26 Petula explains that she feels much safer at the Coronationville community hall because of the high fencing and heavy security presence. 27 The room Petula uses for dance is a long, small rectangular room that functions as an aftercare room during the day. Besides from the double doors, there are no openings that allow for ventilation and views because the windows look 24 Petula Baatjies, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 24 March 2009. 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. onto the wall of the library. Petula plays feel good 80?s music from her two very large speakers (brought from her lounge) , and shouts instructions between her movements. The students follow Petula?s dance sequences and exercise moves, they have a great time laughing and joking whilst trying to keep their breath. Petula?s classes are full of energy, hard work and fun. Petula?s decision to use the hall is purely based on where her clientele live, reasonable rental fee and the fact that there are no other spaces that offer social facilities in Maraisburg, but by using the space she compromises her safety. In order for Petula to use the space an annual membership fee of R42 and a monthly rental fee of R250 per month must be paid directly to the local government. Petula sets up her entire environment; weights and mats in the corner and her speakers at the front, thus she does not adjust the space instead she creates her own temporary environment within the space. This environment comes and goes with Petula?s energetic presence; it is like an imaginary tent being placed within a large empty space. 59 8. Pravati School of Dance at t he Marais b urg Community Hall Figure 125: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Maraisburg Community Hall - showing how the dancers use the space. Figure 126: Plan + Section of the space used for dance at the Maraisburg Community Hall - show - ing the spread of energy + type of energy created by Shelly?s Belly Dancing class in Maraisburg. 60 The Pravati School of Dance is run by Shelly Greeff, a professional belly dancer and instructor. Her dance school offers hip-hop and belly dancing classes; a young 18 year old hip-hop teacher named Tester takes the hip-hop classes and Shelly takes the belly dancing classes. Tester lives in Maraisburg and also teaches hip-hop classes from his home. Hip-hop with the Pravati School of Dance is on Tuesday evenings at the Maraisburg community hall and most of the dancers are young boys between the ages of 4 and 12 years old. The belly dancing classes are on Thursday evenings at the community hall and the dancers are mainly girls between the ages of 6 and 50 years old. On a normal evening there will be about ten dancers a class per night. Shelly teaches belly dancing on a social level, her reason for teaching it is to help woman from the community to relax and feel comfortable with their bodies. She supplies all the dance props needed like big sheets of silky material and ?shimmy? belts for all her students to use in their dance sequences. Currently Shelly and her husband are busy organising a hip-hop festival; their aim is to help expose the raw talent in dance that exists in the area of study, but they are still looking for an appropriate dance venue. 28 The Maraisburg community hall stands proud in the centre of Maraisburg, it is a defiant building, and its style has a sense of the old classical Johannesburg architecture. It was built during the 1940?s with timber floors, pressed metal ceilings and grand columns. The scale of the hall is relatively small in plan yet the height in section is tall and grand, with small windows lining the top of the walls. The entrance of the hall is pronounced with columns framing the fa?ade with access from the street. The community hall sits next to the recreation centre. Shelly plays exotic traditional Egyptian music, the girls form a semi-circle facing her, Shelly displays a dance move and the girls follow. 28 Shelly Greeff, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 24 March 2009. The girls turn, twist and roll their hips and hands. Each dancer then holds a large sheet of fabric in their hand; they lift, float and wrap the fabric in the air - it is a scene of energy, movement and colour. The mood is relaxing and sexy, and it spreads into the quiet streets of Maraisburg. Although this specific mood is created by the dancers, it is temporary because it is quickly lost in the tall height and harsh fluorescent lighting of the hall. An external view of the community hall from the street shows an open double door releasing the sounds from the bells of ?shimmy? skirts and the sights of bright warm colours. The space is too large in relation to the amount of space used by the dancers and as a result they look lost inside the hall. Shelly uses the hall because it is in a convenient location and the fact that, besides from the recreation hall, there are no other spaces that offer social facilities in Maraisburg. In order for Shelly to use the space an annual membership fee of R42 and a monthly rental fee of R250 per month must be paid directly to the local government. Following Page- Figure 127: Two Children from the Rising Stars Ballroom Dancing School at the Coronationville Community Hall. Figure 128: Young adult practicing a break dance at the Riverlea Recreation Centre. Figure 129: Group of Young girls practicing modern dance at the Bosmont Recreation Centre. Figure 130: The 7th Signs girls practicing Hip-Hop at the Coronationville Recreation Centre. Figure 131: The Young children dancing at Dorca?s Creche in Westbury. Figure 132: The Belly Dancers practicing at Tanya de Jong?s home in Albertville. Figure 133: Petula?s Aerobics class practicing at the Maraisburg Recreation Centre. 61 62 63 R ES EARCH I N G PRESE N T PLACES+PEOPLE OF DANCE IN WEST E R N JOHANNESBURG : 3.4: Summing up + Graphic conclusion There is a large amount of non-profitable day to day activity feeding the passion for dance and music that lives within the area of study. The research has shown that the people who teach and facilitate dance, either offer their help and skills for free or for a marginal amount of money (compared with the statistics found in assessing dance within the greater context of Johannesburg) . Almost all the money paid for dance within the area goes directly to local government, who then manage the money accordingly. The government gain money from many other activities running at the centres and halls and then pay the required amount to cover each building?s management, maintenance and municipal service costs only. Special cases where dancers and teaches either pay an extremely small amount of money (annual membership fees) to dance or dance for free; are found at the Coronationville community hall, Riverlea recreation centre and Westbury recreation hall. Although no money is specifically allocated to sponsor dance within the area of study, the local government do cover the costs of running these three centres which are used for dance as well as for many other free activities. The question is then raised: if all the money paid for dance in the area could go towards one building as opposed to many, could it also contribute towards having appropriately designed spaces for dance? The case studies of the dance and music culture of the everyday also illustrate the absolute compassion that exists in the teachers and facilitators who belong to these communities. Their belief in the younger generations is evident, they are the people who can help provide the children with morals, respect and professional opportunities, and keep them off the streets. As seen in the previous chapter, since the implementation of the Group Areas Act, spaces of dance have always been isolated and separated. The case studies in this chapter confirmed that this observation still stands. Although the social interactions occurring within each space used for dance creates strong pockets of communities, the separation of the spaces plays a negative role effecting the possible social interactions of the people from the different areas within the area of study as a whole. When assessing each space used for dance, a pertinent question was raised ? if the spaces used for dance by the different schools and groups are intertwined, would there be a significant growth in the sharing of ideas, culture and community and, in turn, would it produce a more concrete body that could represent the dance and music culture that lives in the area of study? The research also indicated that the majority of the spaces used within the area are simple rigid containers. These containers provide a space for dance but limit dance; they are not appropriately designed for dance, in fact they are a disadvantage to dance - dancers cannot perform optimally and thus limits development in professional dance skills. The containers are also part of buildings that house many other activities unrelated to dance, and often the dancers are constantly interrupted by other intrusive noises and people. The movement studies on the dancers, teachers and spectators, confirmed that dance in the area is shaped, hidden and suppressed by its confining environments. This is a direct reflection on the unsafe atmosphere that presently overshadows the area, as well as the low levels of income generated by its residents. If the envelope of each of these spaces was designed to celebrate and visually show the dance inside the space, many more people might dance, get involved in dance and support dance in the area. This would develop a stronger community that would be born from this potential collection of the social body of energy. This kind of space is of high priority for regeneration 64 and moral uplift for the area of study. Together with the findings on the envelope of the space, the case studies revealed that the type of dance through its specific movements defines how the dancers use the volume of a space. This sparks another interesting question - what is the perfect space that matches the formalities of a certain type of dance within the unsafe atmosphere of the area of study? To conclude, the case studies articulated and defined how this passion for dance and music is communicated within a space. The research also confirmed that there are a variety of reasons as to why people dance within the area, some dance to get off the streets and to do what they love, some dance because it is a pastime that they enjoy and others dance on a very serious and professional level. The main reason which encompasses all of these is that the people dance because they have a gift for dance and a love for music, and, in turn, they use this passion to free themselves from their surroundings of current ?urban decay?. The types of communities that belong to the area today are still: materially poor but intensely social; crime-ridden and violent but neighbourly and self-protective; proud, bursting with music and dance, and swaggering with personality. Following Page- Figure 134: Internal view of Kokos Night Club in Camden Town , London, United Kingdom 2009. IN T E R N ET. (http://www.travel2music.com. Cited 27 /08 / 20 09 ) . Figure 135 : Jazz Club, Paris, France. INT E R N ET. (http://www.dartmouth.edu. Cited 27 /08 / 20 09 ) . Figure 136 : Belly Dancing Show. INT E R N ET. (http://www.beastnation.com. Cited 27 / 08 / 20 09 ) . Figure 137: Dance Stars. IN T E R N ET. (http://www.worldtonedance.com. Cited 27 /08 / 20 09 ) . Figure 138 : Ballet with Piano. INT E R N ET. (http://www.jackendoff.com. Cited 27 /08 20 09 ) . Figure 139: Pantsula Street Performance . INTERNET. (http://www.flickr.com. Cited 27 /08/ 2 0 09 ) . Figure 140 : Pantsula Performer. IN T E R N ET. (http:// 75.co.za. Cited 27 / 08 / 20 09 ) . Figure 141 : Free-Style Dancer. INTERNET. (http://www.flickr.com. Cited 27 /08/ 2009). Figure 142: Public Break Dancing Performance. INTERNET. (http://www.flickr.com. Cited 27 /08/ 2009). 65 66 69 ESSAY 4.1: Articulating the Urban Ethos of Western Johannesburg in the Context of Established Theories U sing the analogy of a palimpsest; layers of pertinent theoretical underpinnings combined with layers of significant extracts from original research of this thesis will create the body of the following chapter. The notion of the palimpsest is used to produce the very essence of the theoretical core of this thesis. The South African artist William Kentridge uses the palimpsest technique as a graphic tool, where he invades the ?first nature? with the ?second?. This chapter is not a theoretical collaboration of old facts but instead is an invasion on previously thought facts with the ?spatiality? of the area of study. ?Spatiality? is a term used by urban geographers ?to capture the ways in which the social and the spatial are inextricably realised, one in another?. 1 It is the spatial quality or character of a lateral enclosure. Character is a distinctive feature or trait. It is something special about an object that makes it what it is, its essential attribute or something special about a person or group of people that makes them different from others. Both music and dance create a distinctive spatial quality, they characterise space. Christian Norberg-Schulz uses the term ?Existential Space? which he defines as the concept of space and character and states that Architecture is the concretization of existential space. Trancik calls this type of space ?Place?. The first nature or layer of this exploration begins with Trancik?s urban design principals extracted from his book Finding Lost Space. Trancik?s argument is that one must consider the 3-dimensional relationship between buildings, spaces and of human behaviour. The three main principles of his urban design theory are identified as; the Figure-ground theory, the Linkage theory and the Place theory. The Figure-ground is a 2-dimensional abstraction in plan view which clarifies the structure and order of urban spaces. 2 It is used 1 Keith & Pile, Place and the Politics of Identity, p.6. 2 Trancik, Finding Lost Space, p.98. as a tool to show the relative land coverage of buildings as solid mass (figure) to open voids (ground) and reveals a variety of spaces of different sizes that are individually enclosed but ordered directionally in relation to each other. 3 The figure-ground drawing of the area of study creates a pattern which reveals the urban fabric. The Linkage theory is derived from ?lines? which attach one element to another, resembling a circulation diagram. ?These lines are formed by streets, pedestrian ways, linear open spaces, or other linking elements that physically connect the parts of the city? ?Trancik 1989. 4 The Place theory adds the components of human needs and cultural, historical and natural contexts and often includes history and the element of time. 5 Trancik explains that a certain ?Place? is composed of social and cultural values, and visual perceptions of individuals belonging to a certain community. Chapters 2 and 3 have revealed that dance and music are two of the main social and cultural characteristics of the communities belonging to the area of study and together form a large part of the cultural and historical context. These are the components which make ?Place? yet Trancik?s three theories of urban design are intrinsically linked. A specific place only exists because of specific figure-ground and specific linkages. The figure-ground of the area of study shows defined pockets of residential suburbs and industrial strips surrounding a central landscape (void) with dispersed freestanding isolated objects and condensed cluttered pockets of houses. The central urban pattern shows a fragmented variety of fabric and is made up of the areas of Newclare, Claremont and Westbury. It can be argued that the fragmented urban fabric is due to the relatively new formal RDP house settlement situated on the Westbury/Newclare edge of Claremont and the ?modern? medium density council housing in Westbury. 3 Ibid., p.97. 4 Ibid., p.98. 5 Ibid. Figure 143: Figure-ground drawing of Area of Study 2009- Focusing on Coronationville, Westbury, Newclare, Claremont + Industria West. Figure 144: Linkages drawing of Area of Study 2009- Figure 145: Heirarchy of Linkages drawing of Area of Study 2009- 70 71 72 73 It can be argued that the fragmented urban fabric is due to the relatively new formal RDP house settlement situated on the eastern edge of Claremont and the ?modern? medium density council flats in Westbury in contrast with the small pockets of houses that have existed in the area since the 192 0 ?s. This variety in the fabric has caused major gaps that disrupt the overall continuity of the area of study?s urban form. Yet these gaps, in turn, present the opportunity for infill development. The Joburg Urban Development Framework of 2008 states that it is precisely this variety in the area of study that encourages crime and social problems. There are also insufficient parks and un-developed open space which the Joburg Urban Development Framework of 2008 states is the main cause of a lack of passive recreational spaces. The Railway line runs East-West along the area of study with stations at Maraisburg, Bosmont, Claremont and Newclare. It effectively splits the area of study into two because there are limited crossings over this railway for both pedestrians and cars. The pedestrian crossings are only situated at the stations, resulting in strong pedestrian linkages through Maraisburg, Bosmont, Claremont and Newclare. The East-West and East-South-West Railway lines, together with Industria West contribute to the separation and isolation of Riverlea. These areas are directly affected by the Railway line and are ?characterized by degradation, but also pose the potential for intensified development in and around the stations? -Joburg Regional Spatial Development Framework 2009. 1 This is a main factor that has effected the thesis site position. The two main arterial road linkages (red) of the area of study are Main/ Ontdekkers Road and Harmony/Fuel/Commando Road. Main/Ontdekkers 1 Joburg.org.za, Joburg Regional Development Spatial Framework 2009: Section 2, p.8. Figure 146: Isolated Solids Figure 147: Industrial Mass Figure 148: Built after 1960 Figure 149: Original buildings of the area (1980 -1960) Figure 150: RDP Houses Road is a six-lane artery and runs from the Johannesburg CBD (East) to Roodepoort (West) . Main Road is lined with the edges of Westbury and the Martindale industrial strip. The implementation of Martindale was used as a segregation tool for the Apartheid government to help enforce the Group Areas Act, therefore to separate Triomf (Sophiatown today) from Westbury. Within this northern part of the area of study, Sophiatown is a completely separate pocket of solids, voids and linkages from Westbury and Coronationville. This results in the main linkage between three important destinations of the area of study being broken and disjointed. Harmony/Fuel/Commando Road is a four-lane road and runs North-South towards Soweto. It is effectively the main link which integrates and connects Soweto to central Johannesburg and finally to the northern suburb of Sandton. The mining belt between Soweto and central Johannesburg still traverses the figure-ground and linkages of the area of study today. The fact that a future Bus Rapid Transport Trunk Route will run along the Harmony/Fuel/Commando linkage is of major importance to the future changes that will occur in the figure-ground of the area of study. Secondary linkages (orange) which lead off the Harmony/ Fuel/Commando linkage and link the different areas within the area of study will be strengthened. This is another main factor that has influenced the thesis site position. Together the figure-ground and linkages have been one of the main forces that have caused dance to occur in separate spaces within the area of study. These spaces used for dance are designed to house specific functions and are not specifically designed to house dance. This can be seen at Dorca?s Creche for example; where the space used for dance was designed as a basic classroom, resulting in spatial limitations being forced onto the dancers? movements. 74 75 Figure 151: Photograph showing the railway line running cutting through the area of study 2009. 76 Therefore based on Trancik?s definition of place, these spaces of dance are not places of dance within the area of study. Each of the spaces do house dance at a certain point of time each day of the week, yet it is a temporary moment in time. The activity transforms the space into place only for this moment and after this the space returns to a simple meaningless container, locked-up and unapproachable. The dancers feel no sense of ownership. Chapter 2 described the melting pot of the dance and music culture that grew within Sophiatown, WN T and Newclare between the 192 0 ?s and 1950 ?s. During that period each street in Sophiatown developed a unique identity, brought about by its occupants and overcrowded shebeens and dance- halls. 1 The evolution of the yard space during that period in the freehold areas of Sophiatown and Newclare produced spaces of tribal celebrations and performances of dance and music. By understanding, adjusting and applying Trancik?s theories of urban design, the figure-ground, linkages and culture of the original Sophiatown of that period evidently prove that each individual street and yard within Sophiatown were specific ?Places?. This melting pot and rapid growth of culture developed in the area of study because places of dance and music were shared and filled with people of different races and backgrounds. As explained in Chapter 2, the Group Areas Act of Apartheid segregated races and placed each race within a separate isolated area. Today, many years after Apartheid, there is still evidence of this act. Although some new residents of different races now live within the area of study, the areas have remained separated pockets, due to the fragmented figure-ground and specific linkages, with the majority of the residents still falling under the original Group Areas Act race. 1 Chapman, Catalytic Memories: A Re-Urbanisation of Sophiatown, p.38. The separate spaces of dance are a direct product of this urban history, resulting in an extremely slow growth in the development of the dance and music culture in the area of study. Despite this, the passion for this dance and music culture is prominent in the communities. This passion of the culture, combined with relevant findings on the solids, voids and linkages, is the key element of the creation of a ?Place? born specifically from and within this region. By analysing the figure-ground and linkages of the area of study, various voids of ?Lost Space? have been exposed. Trancik describes ?Lost Space? as underused and deteriorating space. The urban form of the area of study has developed incrementally over time as a series of separate areas without ever having a master plan to guide the growth. ?Lost Spaces? are especially obvious along the Westbury, Newclare and Riverlea edges of Harmony/Fuel/ Commando Road, where the grid of local streets meets the broad diagonal thorough-fare road. ?Lost Spaces? are also exposed along the edges of the East-West Railway line in Newclare, Claremont and Bosmont. These in-between spaces have broken the continuity of the area of study?s urban form therefore making it confusing and unpleasant for pedestrians. Trancik explains that this causes a disruption in the spatial flow for pedestrians, resulting in no sense of spatial enclosure or identity. The ?Lost Space? identified within the area of study are large unsafe voids in the figure-ground. The disruption in the continuity of the grids, as well as sporadic urban planning, has caused undefined edges of Westbury, Newclare and Claremont. This has had an extremely negative effect on the individual?s sense of security because the ?Lost Space? promotes criminal activity within the area of study. 77 78 Figure 152: Lost Space drawing of Area of Study 2009. The concept of character is determined by ?how? things are and is described as both a physical and atmospheric element. 6 Therefore it is important to understand and define the character of the area of study. An area develops its distinct character depending on how the majority of its buildings relate to the earth and the sky, this majority expresses a common form of life, a common way of being on earth. 7 In order to apply this statement to the area of study, one must reveal how the settlement is related to its landscape in section, ?how? is its silhouette and ?how? are the individual buildings. A building?s meaning and character are intimately connected with the making of its space, together creating a specific ?spatiality?. Articulation is an aspect of the making of spatiality. It is related to ?how? a building is enclosed - the kind of construction and materials used, the treatment of the base, the wall and openings. 8 The varying capacity of a building depends on its enclosure, which can either be more or less complete and openings and directions can either be more or less present. The articulation of enclosure creates the concepts of private and public space. This element gives place a living totality. 9 6 Ibid., p.10. 7 Ibid., p.63. 8 Ibid., p.66. 9 Ibid., p.67. For Christian Norberg-Schulz, the loss of space is first felt on the urban level, and is connected with a loss of the spatial structures (solids) which secure the identity of ?settlement?. 1 Settlement is the man-made collection of spatial structures. Norberg-Schulz believes that a settlement should be a concentrated and enclosed area which ?gathers? individuals. It is safe to state that the edges of Westbury, Newclare and Claremont have a loss of spatial structure, which encourages openness as opposed to gathering. ? Openness cannot be gathered, it means departure, gathering means return? - Norberg-Schulz 1 979. 2 Based on Norberg-Schulz?s principles, this ?Lost Space? within the area of study has caused a loss of identity in such areas. The principle of an enclosed entity creating identity serves true for Coronationville, where the edges are connected fa?ades of houses facing the main thorough-fare streets; the edges are well defined and give the area identity, gather and provide passive security, together making the area a comprehensive totality. But the settlements of Westbury and Newclare have a very distinct identity which is partly due to their fringed edges and isolated solids, their loss of space. Norberg-Schulz states that gathering is the bringing together of forms and contents (meanings) which have their roots in other localities. 3 Chapter 2 has shown that the entire area of study is a gathering of the contents of a music and dance culture that has its roots in other localities. The specific settlement and social identity of the area of study creates a certain identity and orientation for the individuals who belong to it. For an individual to truly feel a sense of belonging, both identity and orientation must be fully developed within the individual. 4 The concrete environmental character is the very quality which is the object of man?s identification. 5 1 Norberg-Schulz, Genius Loci, p.194. 2 Ibid., p.95. 3 Ibid., p.58. 4 Ibid., p.20. 5 Ibid., p.5. 79 Warehouse Houses Shops Ex ist ing Yard House 80 Shops Counc i l Flats Figure 153 - Figure 158: Dominant architectural characteristics of the area - developed through the essay. 81 As stated above, spaces of dance within the area of study are not places of dance because of the originally intended function of the containers. The articulation of the enclosure of each of the spaces of dance is another key factor that prevents the spaces of dance becoming places of dance. Chapter 3 clarified that the buildings used for dance within the area of study are caged up (they have excessive burglar bars on every window and high palisade fences with barbed wire), are sub-standard and have restricted access. Their quality of enclosure has created isolated unapproachable buildings, enclosing the passion inside, with small windows lifted high above the ground. This articulation is a direct result of the non-regional approach by the designers of such buildings along with a reaction over time to protect the users from the high levels of crime within the area of study. Most of the spaces used for dance were designed during the Apartheid era. Could the articulation of the buildings be a direct result of this era? Could the isolation of the spaces of dance be a direct result of the effects of the lost space that lives in the area of study today? Norberg-Schulz states that different actions, which are of the everyday, demand places with a different character. How place is within a certain settlement should be born from the environmental character of that settlement. He explains that the history of place ought to be its self-realisation and that it is a not fixed entity.10 Character and space can change overtime. ?Human identity depends on growing up in a characteristic environment, this means that architecture ought to grow out of daily life, the task is a result rather than a condition? - Norberg-Schulz. 11 The third layer of pertinent theoretical underpinnings is shaped by musicologist views from Adam Krim?s book Music and Urban Geography. Krims argues that an urban ethos only finds its significance in its specific context, he goes on to explain that the urban environment shapes a specific music and dance culture, creating an urban ethos which, in turn, represents that urban environment. 10 Ibid., p.18. 11 Ibid., p.194. Figure 159: Sketch of a typical space used for dance in the area of study 2009. 82 Figure 160: Photographs showing the various enclosures of the spaces used for dance in the area of study 2009. 83 Therefore the location and articulation of the spaces of dance find their significance only within the context of the area of study. On any given day of the week, individuals in Westbury and Riverlea will set up a portable music player or park their car on a street corner and play music. The sound of the music spreads through the air and people soon gather on the corner, enjoy the music and dance. Krims describes this as the deployment of music which is used as a spatializing practice and it finds its significance in the particular areas that Westbury and Riverlea have become. The streets form an experience of urban geography; they ?produce a certain socializing experience for the individual, one appropriate to the area of study at a certain point in its history? ? Krims 2007. 1 2 The urban ethos of the area of study is not a single representation which is limited to local practices. It is constantly influenced by music, music videos, films, television, newspapers, magazines, novels, theatre and the internet. In the case studies in Chapter 3, it was stated that the many individual dance groups within the area of study develop their dance and music culture through such mediums. Yet the development of the dance and music culture is still physically limited by the figure-ground, railway line and unsafe spaces within the area of study. These factors ?determine which subjects move through the landscape, which parts of that landscape traverse and the extent to which that landscape imposes its constraints on those subjects? - Krims. 13 Based on Trancik?s principles, the areas of lost space and linkage restrictions have been identified, it can be stated that these spaces and restrictions cause an increasing sense of constraint on many of the residents. The East-West and East-South-West Railway lines as well as Industria West have caused the Riverlea residents to be constrained within their urban environment as well as making it difficult for the residents from the surrounding areas to enter. 12 Krims, Music and Urban Geography, p.xv. 13 Ibid., p.12. Many of the areas which fall under the area of study either lie on the edge or surround Railway lines; Krims explains that within areas live people whose lives can be degraded and disrupted by the close proximity to noisy, dangerous and polluting trains. 14 The image of the urban environment of these areas is of heavy urban industry and centralized inner-city production and transport. It can be concluded that the variety of experiences of the urban ethos within the area of study is far from random. Krims confirms Norberg-Schulz theory - that the true sources of the urban ethos lie in experiences of everyday encounters, rather than exceptional events. 15 The annual Riverlea parade of floats, dress, dance and music at the Joburg Carnival creates scenes that represent and celebrate Riverlea?s urban ethos, it celebrates the everyday passion for dance and music, and the strong sense of community of the area. One could draw an analogy of the scenes of the parade at carnival with the elements which could make a place for dance within Riverlea. Krims believes that cities must produce places in order for music and dance to continue their own transformations. 16 To create such places one must understand the way music and dance are ?lived? within the area of study. Chapter 3 revealed that spaces of dance within the area of study offer the possibility to see music and dance as both part of the spatialisation of social relations and also as a consequence of that spatialisation. Space represents coercive forces of social constraint whereas place represents the ways in which people and their expressive cultures revalidate localities, create sentiment and reaffirm the importance of their specific and unique corners of the world. 17 Not forgetting the conclusions made from the previous layers, a place for dance and music within the area of study would thus need to be a locus of freedom, individual self-making and the layering of sentiment over the landscape of solids, voids and linkages which make up the area of study. 14 Ibid., p.14. 15 Ibid., p.25. 16 Ibid., p.115. 17 Ibid., p.32 84 Figure 161: Fillies. The Riverlea Team performing at the Annual Joburg Carnival, Johannesburg 2008. (Fillies 2008) . 85 achieved if there is a feeling of confidence on the part of the dancer, confidence related to environmental elements. 23 Therefore there is a fine balance between a place for dance that creates a sense of safety, but at the same time allows a feeling of total freedom, versus a space of imprisonment. The theme of confined space versus freedom must be addressed. If this balance is achieved, place is achieved. The task also lies in creating a place in which individuals can come together and experience something as a group; meeting on equal terms creates a sense of companionship and community. This would offer an opportunity for people of the area of study to agglomerate, collaborate on projects and exchange ideas. If a place for dance can accomplish all these factors, ?individuals will feel a sense of purpose? within an urban environment of ?urban decay?. 24 23 Ibid., p.31. 24 Ibid., p.34. A place is where individuals can deploy their true identity within the identity of their surroundings. 1 8 As Norberg-Schulz stated - for an individual to truly feel a sense of belonging, both identity and orientation must be fully developed within the individual. 1 9 It is now important to apply the next layer of theoretical underpinnings composed of the psychological findings of Sian Palmer and Samora Ntsebeza. The conclusion has been drawn that dance occurs in spaces (not places) within the area of study. Sian Palmer?s theories on dance within an imprisoned space substantiate this conclusion. In order to design a place for dance within the area of study it is pertinent to understand the errors of the current spaces of dance. One must understand the ?impact? that the articulation of the space of dance has on the individual. 2 0 The spaces of dance within the area of study contain, deny, restrict, remove, prevent and exclude. By understanding ?how? they are articulated through Norberg-Schulz?s principles, it can be stated that such articulation could possibly inhibit the individual?s identity as the body is oppressed and suppressed within its urban environment. Palmer explains that ?a person can find freedom and transformation through dance and music using his/her imagination and working N OW through the body?. 2 1 This substantiates the findings made on the area of study under Trancik?s principles where the spaces of dance become places only in a temporary moment in time. Although Palmer explains that this is very hard to achieve when an individual is ?imprisoned? and completely enclosed from the surrounding urban environment. 22 Place should allow individuals to create, discover and develop, thus promoting true individual identity through dance. For Palmer, place is 18 Ibid., p.34. 19 Norberg-Schulz, p.20. 20 Palmer, A Space for Freedom, p.28. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. 86 Figure 162: Bieber. People crowding around a fire in Westbury, Johannesburg 2006. (Bieber 2006). Figure 163: Bieber. Children playing outside a Westbury block of Flats, Johannesburg 2006. (Bieber 2006) . Figure 164: Bieber. Child Singing in Westbury Flat, Johannesburg 2006. (Bieber 2006) . 87 In Samora Ntsebeza?s case study of moving dance out of the Diepkloof Community Hall and placing it in the streets of Diepkloof, ?total confidence and comfort on the dancers? part was achieved?. The dancers? comfort was expressed in ?how? they danced in the public urban environment. 25 Could it be argued that ?place? was achieved in the streets of Diepkloof just as ?place? was achieved in the streets of Sophiatown and Newclare during the 192 0 ?s to 1950 ?s? Dance is a form of performance, throughout time a preconceived notion has developed on the types of spaces that dance must be practiced and performed within. The conclusion on the spaces of dance within the area of study in Chapter 3 matches Ntsebeza?s view that dance is ?contrived? within such preconceived spaces. ?The spatial quality of the spaces is strict and attentive, the placement of bodies is evident and obvious, and as a whole it is a disengaged experience? ? Ntsebeza 20 0 9. 26 The type of dance being practiced and/or performed in Johannesburg today matches the preconceived individual expectations of the space in which it ?normally? takes part in. With regards to Ballet and Ballroom dance within its traditional performance venue, the public?s space is darkened and the dancer?s is lit, the dancers practice behind closed doors and the public see the final product. The space of performance holds the conversation between spectator and dancer. The space of practice is a secondary thought which remains behind closed doors. Contemporary dance and social dance is more of an intellectual conversation tool27 and was used in the Diepkloof dance experiment. The installation was an attempt to expand time and space through a spontaneous engagement between dancer and public interaction. 25 Samora Ntsebeza, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 11 March 2009. 26 Ntsebeza, Interview: 11 March 2009. 27 Ibid. The attempt was to break down ?the fourth wall? between dancer, musician and public eye. Ntsebeza?s aim is to challenge both the dancer?s and the spectator?s orientation. The question of ?how? posed by Norberg-Schulz about space is posed by Ntsebeza about the dancer - Who is dancer, where is dancer but most importantly ?how? is dancer? Ntsebeza confirms Palmer?s view that a dancer?s psyche is rendered by the space. ? Space effects one?s meditation into dance which is constructed by a mind shaped by its environment? - Ntsebeza. 28 28 Ibid. 88 Figure 165: Zulu Dance, Inner City, Johannesburg. (De Mervelec 2007: 56 -7) . 89 The final layer of theoretical underpinnings is made up of the various geographers? standpoints from Steve Pile?s Place and the Politics of Identity and Edward Soja?s Postmodern Geographies and ThirdSpace. As mentioned above ?spatiality? is a term used by urban geographers ?to capture the ways in which the social and the spatial are inextricably realized, one in another? Keith & Pile 1993. 1 Soja and Pile have tried to develop an understanding on how the spatial has influenced the social and how the social has influenced the spatial. ? We must have an awareness of the simultaneity and interwoven complexity of the social, the historical and the spatial, their inseparability and interdependence? ? Soja 1996. 2 Soja calls this the three-sided sensibility of spatiality-historicality-sociality which is the simplified version of Henri Lefebvre?s ?triple dialectic?. This principal is extracted from Henri Lefebvre?s works in his Production of Space. In these works Lefebvre states ?that space is produced and reproduced and thus represents the site and the outcome of social, political and economic struggle?. 3 Lefebvre defined the three different kinds of space which together make up the spatial and give it character - perceived space of materialised spatial practice; the conceived space or representations of space; and the lived spaces of representation (Representational Spaces) . ? For Lefebvre the globe is progressively dominated by distinct forms of spatiality? - Keith & Pile 1993. 4 The area of study contains many spatialities yet it has been stated that none of these spatialities are ?places? but are rather spaces that represent the outcome of the urban, economic, social and political condition of the area of study. Soja explains that every activity has a pertinent and revealing historical and social dimension 5 ; chapters 2 and 3 confirmed this statement with regards to the spatialities of the area of study by unfolding their historicality and sociality. 1 Keith & Pile, p.6. 2 Soja, Thirdspace, p.3. 3 Keith & Pile, p.24. 4 Ibid., p.24. 5 Soja, p.3. Soja refers to Lefebvre?s perceived space as ?Firstspace? or ?Real Space?, ?the concrete materiality of spatial forms on things that can be empirically mapped?. 6 He refers to Lefebvre?s conceived space as ?Secondspace? or ?Imagined Space?, which are ideas about space, in mental or cognitive forms. 7 Finally Soja refers to Lefebvre?s lived space as ?Thirdspace? which is ?the combination of the ?real? and the ?imagined? in varying doses?. 8 Foucault calls these lived spaces ? ?heterotopias? and described them as ?the space in which we live, which draws us out of ourselves, in which the erosion of our lives, our time and our history occurs?. 9 The investigations into the spatialities of the area of study, revealed that the spaces are a direct result of the once politically charged historical geography of Apartheid. Evidence of this was exposed under Trancik?s theories where the spaces of dance are segregated by linkages and lost space, and that the majority of the individuals belonging to the area of study are still coloured ? a result of the historical racial oppression. ?Space and the political organization of space express social relationships but also react back upon them? - Soja. 10 This statement confirms the findings made based on the articulation of the spaces of dance within the area of study under Norberg-Schulz?s theories as well as the application of Sian Palmer?s theories on how the impact of the spaces of dance affects the dancers within the area of study. Yet the meaning of the spaces of dance exists, the space for the dancer and spectator is a product of social translation, transformation and experience. 11 The area of study is well-known for the ?turf? wars which break out onto the streets and large open spaces of Westbury and Newclare between gangs. 12 There is a strong presence of territorialism within these two areas. 6 Ibid., p.10. 7 Ibid., p.10. 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid., p.16. 10 Soja, Postmodern Geographies, p.76. 11 Ibid., p.80. 12 Cullinan, (Reference needs to be recovered) 2002, p.1. 90 Could this be partly a result of the large amounts of lost space revealed under Trancik?s theories? The two areas are ?characterized by an unemployment rate of over 80 % , a very high school dropout rate, extreme family stress, poverty, very limited recreational facilities, and excessive substance abuse? ? Steyn 20 0 9. 1 3 The severe lack of extra-curricular and recreational activities, mean that children and young people spend a lot of time on the streets or sitting in crammed council flats. ?They have few options other than a life of gangsterism and drugs (through dealing and substance abuse)? - Steyn. 14 Territoriality works to segregate and compartmentalize human interaction by controlling presence/absence and inclusion/ exclusion. 15 Gangsters express an authoritative power that operates in locales within the area of study. Locales are spaces with reference to circumstances connected with it. Soja explains that territorialism creates the production and reproduction of spaces that concentrate interaction but also intensify and enforce boundedness. The ?Lost Space? surrounding and within Newclare and Westbury promote openness yet they have this exact presence of ?boundedness?. This can be confirmed with the findings made when Trancik?s theories were applied to these specific areas of lost space. It must be stated that there is a fine balance between territorialism and regionalism. ? Regional differentiation within and between locales is the setting for a contingent regionalism, an active consciousness and assertiveness of particular regions, as territorial and social enclosures? - Soja. 1 6 The area of study is a locality. It is defined as a pocket of particular types of enduring locales stabilised socially and spatially through the figure-ground of primary activity sites and the establishment 13 Steyn, Helping the Community of Westbury 2009, p.2. 14 Ibid. 15 Soja, Postmodern Geographies, p.150. 16 Ibid. of territorial communities. 17 The area of study (a locality) could be seen as a large spatiality expanded in scale, density, social differentiation and collective attachment to the area of study. Soja states that within the urban environment we create and occupy a multi-layered spatial matrix of nodal locales. 18 Pile believes that relations of power and discipline are inscribed in the spatiality of social life, therefore arriving at the themes of politics, power and ideology. By inscribing these elements new spaces of politics are identified and new politics of identity are located. 19 These inscribed spaces are what Pile calls ?locations of struggle?; ?communities of resistance?; and ?political spaces?. Communities of resistance spaces are ?considered fundamentally important to our perspective, our location in the world, and our right and ability to challenge dominant discourses of power? - Keith & Pile. 20 The communities of the area of study ?have been crippled after many years of apartheid, discrimination, and poverty? - Steyn. 21 This has resulted in disparities between the area of study and the greater context of Johannesburg. One must consider the fact that parts of the area of study were once ?political spaces? which has caused the area of study to become a location of struggle with communities of resistance. Pile explains that locations of struggle can be understood by how the individual is understood to be located within society. 22 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid., p.153. 19 Keith & Pile, p.6. 20 Ibid. 21 Steyn, p.1. 22 Keith & Pile, p.35. 91 Almost all the layers of pertinent theoretical underpinnings have included some elements of the complex relationship between spatiality and identity. Through analysing the social spaces of dance within the area of study an understanding of the identity of the individuals and communities which belong to the area of study has developed. ?Social space opens up the way for autonomous definition of identity? - Lash & Friedman 1992. 23 The sight of the urban environment is painted through unfolding the various spaces of dance. ?Every story is a travel story ? a spatial practice? - de Corteau 1984. 24 The case studies in Chapter 3 were individual stories of an experience within a specific spaciality of the area of study. Since their existence, the communities of the area of study have had their own historicity and spatiality that has influenced the consciousness and practice of their younger generations as well as the new individuals moving into the area of study. Cultural fusion was a product of the melting pot within the area of study between the 1920?s to 1950?s. Pile explains that this is a cultural hybridity through which political codes of difference are crossed and transgressed through the processes of cultural fusion rooted in real spatialities. 25 As a result the spatiality that once existed was the ground on which momentary and ever-shifting lines were drawn between inside and outside, oppressor and oppressed, the same and the other. 26 The racialised oppression caused by the Group Areas Act, created a distinct political identity within the area of study ? a coloured identity. As a result, today the presence of a coloured identity is extremely evident within the area of study. It has created a sense of belonging for the individuals within the locales. Identity and location are inseparable. Spatialities produce urban environments that are filled with ethical, epistemological and aestheticized meanings. ?By combining the notions of multiple spatialities simultaneously present with the practice of radical contextualization, we can understand the significance of spatiality? -Keith & Pile.27 To conclude, ?It aint where you?re from, its where you?re at!? - Gilroy 1991. 28 23 Lash & Friedman, Modernity and Identity, p.5. 24 De Carteau, The Practice of everyday life, p.115. 25 Keith & Pile, p.19. 26 Ibid., p.18. 27 Ibid., p.31. 28 Gilroy, There aint no black in the Union Jack, p.19. ESSAY : 4.2: Conclusion + Graphic Conclusion Figure 166: Photograph of Lost space situated parrallel to railway line in Newclare 2009. Figure 167: Photograph of Lost space surrounded by isolated objects in space in Westbury 2009. 92 95 96 97 EV IDENCE BASED DESI G N : 5.2: Leading to Site Options Previous Page- Figure 168: Photograph of mirror at the Riverlea recreation centre, Johannesburg 2009. Figure 169: Section through Yard House. (After Chapman 2008: 37). Figure 170: Photograph of Westbury Flats, Johannesburg 2009. Figure 171: Bieber. Dance in Westbury , Johannesburg 2006. (Bieber 2006). Figure 172: Photograph ?Coloureds Unite?, Johannesburg 2009. Figure 173: Fillies. The Riverlea Team performing at the Annual Joburg Carnival, Johannesburg 2008. (Fillies 2008) . Figure 174: Aerial Photograph of Area of Study showing important topographical features - adapted from Google Earth 2009. 98 Figure 175: The different types of dance being practiced + performed in 2009 located over the map of the Area of Study. 99 The first decision made leading toward site selection is for the site to fall within the areas of Newclare, Westbury, Coronationville + Martindale. This decision is based on the conclusioins made in the previous chapters. The reasoning for this decision is: ? Most of the everyday practice of dance falls in this area. ? Many key primary + secondary linkages cross this area. ? Strong commercial activity + highest concentration of the population living within the area of study. ? It contains many of the few pedestrian crossings that link the area of study over the railway line. ? The figure ground presents the most challenging lost space, area sepration+ abandoned space. Therefore it presents an extremely exciting architectural opportunity. ? There are significant historical buildings that still stand in these areas. An Urban Development Framework (UDF) for the Western areas of the city has been released by Joburg.org.za. It was compiled by 26?10 South Architects and Ikemeleng Architects. The area of study is in a strategic location within the central zone of the city of Johannesburg. An important factor extracted from the Framework is that Newclare, Westbury and Coronationville are well positioned areas in relation to the city?s prominent movement routes, the East-West railway line and the future BRT routes. The future BRT Trunk route will create a large advantage for these areas; it will make Parktown, Rosebank, Sandton and Rivonia easily accessible. For successful future development in the area, 5 principle values extracted from the UDF need to be made priorities when designing: 1. Strategic location of future development 2. Responsibility for resource and environmental conservation 3. The right to meaningful participation 4. The right to cultural sustenance 5. Priority should be given to women, children, the aged, disabled and those affected by HIV/AIDS The District Nodes shown in the area of study are zones that are of importance to a number of areas; they are located in areas of higher density and at points of confluence of linkages. The Neighbourhood Nodes shown in the area of study are zones of importance to one community and are found at regularly spaced intervals determined by a 400m/4minute walking radius to ensure equitable access to opportunities and amenities. The Westbury Station node centres on a key railway station ? Newclare Station, important bus interchanges and the Coronation hospital. Currently 2764 train passengers use the Newclare station per weekday. This node is extremely important for the area of study because it offers opportunity for intermodal interchange between the BRT and the Trains. This node has great potential for integration of the stations through an appropriate design. The Harmony Circus Station node is strategically placed at the confluence of Perth Road, Portland Street, Main Road and Harmony Road. These are all primary linkage routes. The node falls within close proximity of proposed high density housing developments. The UDF has proposed for these two nodes to act as catalysts for the regeneration of these economically depressed areas through the capitalisation of opportunities created by large volumes of pedestrian movement to, from and between stations. 1 For each of these nodes to be successful each must pivot movement, mix functions and integrate with other nodes. 2 They must have a core function with a surrounding cluster of various other support functions - housing, retail, educational, churches, etc, therefore attracting a variety of users. Nodal Integration is also a priority ? each node must have a relationship to other nodes; it must be interdependent. 3 1 Joburg.org.za, Joburg Regional Spatial Development Framework 2009 Newclare-Coronationville- Brixton corridor, p. 56. 2 Ibid., p. 55. 3 Ibid. 100 westbury newclare coronationville martindale Figure 176: Palimpsest with site options. Figure 177: Diagram with information extracted from: 26?1 0 South Architects & Ikemeleng Architects. High Intensity Economic Nodes of the Newclare-Coronationville-Brixton Corridor. (Joburg Urban Development Framework of 2008 : Joburg.org.za) . 101 Figure 178 - figure 180: Diagrams explaining the ?Node Concept?- 26?10 South Architects & Ikemeleng Architects. Node Conceptual Diagrams. (Joburg Urban Development Framework of 2008: Joburg.org.za) . The streets through the district and neighbourhood nodes form the core of the public environment network. The public realm spreads along street edges and open public spaces. The UDF places great importance on the urban design of the public realm where spaces are shared in which social and economic exchange take place, the places where people of differential income and socio demographic mingle and opportunities are created. 4 The design of the public realm in the area of study should offer socio-spatial transformation of its lost space. Design of the public realm must include: ? The existing street character of the area ? Human interaction, trade + cultural exchange ? Safe pedestrian-friendly routes through high quality street furniture, lighting, paving, landscaping + way-finding signage.5 ? The creation of visual thoroughfares + landmarks to aid orientation + legibility.6 ? Accessibility for disabled persons as well as prams and pushchairs ? Concentration of activity along edges of streets and public spaces ? Land use mixing in support of efficiencies of movement through shorter journeys between home and work and contra-flow commuter movements ? Provision of both on-street and off-street parking facilities The BRT Corridor runs along Fuel Road between Industria West, Newclare, Coronationville and Westbury and has been proposed for densification; to bring jobs closer to people and people closer to jobs. 7 It is suggested that local government must develop on the council-owned vacant land north of Newclare Station or release the land to development proposal call. The framework has also suggested that the existing council housing in Westbury along Fuel Road must be consolidated and redeveloped and that private properties falling within the corridor must be rezoned to allow market forces to redevelop high density mixed use typologies. This can be achieved through: Retail + social amenities concentrated around anchor public spaces, and permeable block structure facilitating direct pedestrian movement + perimeter block configuration, forming tight street edges. 4 Joburg.org.za, Joburg Regional Spatial Development Framework 2009 Newclare-Coronationville- Brixton corridor, p. 62. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid., p. 95. 102 Figure 181: 26?10 South Architects & Ikemeleng Architects. Land-use Plan of the Newclare-Coronationville-Brixton Corridor. (Joburg Urban Development Framework of 2008: Joburg.org.za) . 103 EV IDENCE BASED DESI G N : 5.3: Three Different Sites_Three Different Buildings After combining the findings made in this thesis with the proposals made in the Urban Development Framework on the area of study, three sites will be weighed up against one another. The site that is most compatible with the type of building that this thesis is so far moving towards will be chosen. KEY 1 . Coronationville 2. Westbury 3. Claremont 4. Newclare 5. Riverlea 6. Bosmont 7. Maraisburg 8. Newlands 9. Albertville 10. Sophiatown Figure 182: Diagram: Area of Study in relation to Central Johannesburg: (After Chapman 2008 : 19) . Figure 183: 26? 1 0 South Architects & Ikemeleng Architects. Land-use Plan of the Newclare-Coronationville-Brixton-Corridor. (Joburg Urban Development Framework of 2008 : Joburg.org.za) . 104 Figure 143 - figure 157: Photographs of optional Sites SITE 1 Figure 184: Sketches + Photograph of Site 1. 105 SITE 2 Figure 185: Sketches + Photograph of Site 2. 106 SITE 3 Figure 186: Sketches + Photograph of Site 3. 107 108 109 EV IDENCE BASED DESI G N : 5.4: One Site_One Programme Site Analys is Figure 187: Site Analysis - Mapping project showing Land-Use, Hierarchy of vehical + pedestrian movement together with the prominant Railway Line 110 Sun Angles Wind Direct ion Fal l Sect ion Figure 188: Site Analysis in Section- Showing the heights that surround the site, highlighting the future High Density housing + the Coronation Hospital. Figure 189- figure 191: Environmental Site Analysis 111 112 Figure 192: Photo strip of view of site - standing on Newclare bridge over the Railway line. 113 Exist ing Reno Cinema on site. Figure 193 + 194: Photographs of Reno Cinema as it stands in 2009. 114 115 Exist ing Reno Cinema. Drawings at 1 : 2 5 0 Plan Site Plan 1 : 2 0 0 0 Sect ion 116 Site Plan 1 : 2 0 0 0 North Elevat ion Hamilton Street Facade: East Elevat ion Original Entrance Canopy : South Elevat ion West Elevat ion Sect ion 117 Bui l d ing the Programme 118 Programme 119 The Pracatum Music School in t he Candeal Favel a in Brazil: musi cality + dance tea c hing sc h ool for dis a dvan ta ged c hil dren Accomodation: 2400 children Date of Completion: May 2004 Architect: Unknown No Drawings could be found and documentation on the school is scarce. The Pracatum music school is a community upliftment project run by Carlinhos Brown, a well-established musician from Candeal. The school is located in the center of Candeal; next to ?Ghetto Square?, a concert facility which Carlinhos Brown built for his own band?s public performances. It provides the children with professional training in music and dance and is designed to be easily accessible for the disabled. The majority of the students attending Pracatum come from the district of Candeal. 1 The children spend most of the year training to represent the school at the annual street carnival of Brazil. Members from the community are responsible for maintaining the school, hiring the school?s instructors, recruiting students and designing the curriculum. The curriculum is varied and the school cooperates with government programs to further encourage student interest in education. 2 Together with creating a series of new generations of musicians and dancers, the school has created better life conditions in the community. 3 Pracatum holds regular fund raising events to raise money for the improvement on the conditions of the existing housing in the area. In 2005 the state government recognised the school and made a decision to participate in and support the project. 1 Kenzan Tours, Project Pracatum, p. 1. 2 Ibid., p. 2. 3 Ibid., p. 1. The building itself is small and welcoming, the outside walls are either covered in murals painted by the children or are a collection of waste materials which the children use to create music on with drum sticks. Initially the school could not afford instruments; a recycle project now exists where the children create instruments out of waste materials li ke plastic drums and tins. Learning about music and dance and developing the discipline that comes with it has helped the people of Candeal change the way they deal with the problems existing in area. 4 4 Caramelo Para Todos, Elmilagro de Candeal. (Movie for the Balrcelona Film Forum 2004). 1 2 K EY 1 . Pracatum Music School 2. ?Ghetto Square? Pracatum Music School in relation to surroundings in Candel, Brazil EVIDENCE BASED DESI G N : 5.5: Ideas, Inspiration + Precedent Studies Figure 195: Aerial Photograph of the Pracatum Music School: adapted from Google Earth 2009. 120 Figure 196: Film Still showing the front Elevation of the Pracatum Music School taken from Elmilagro de Candeal. (Todos 2004) . Figure 197: Film Still showing children dancing in the courtyard of the Pracatum Music School taken from Elmilagro de Candeal. (Todos 2004) . Figure 198: Film Still showing children dancing and playing music using the waste materials on the walls of the Pracatum Music School taken from Elmilagro de Candeal. (Todos 2004) . Figure 199: Film Still showing children playing music using the waste materials on the walls of the Pracatum Music School taken from Elmilagro de Candeal. (Todos 2004) . Figure 195: Aerial Photograph of the Pracatum Music School: adapted from Google Earth 2009. 121 Chess Park: An outdoor p l ace d esi gned for Public Dance, Public Cinema + Chess in Glend ale, Los Angel es. Date of Completion: December 2006 Total Area: 418m squared Architect: Rios Clementi Hale Studios Los Angeles. Client: Local Glendale Government The outdoor ?plaza? is positioned just off the main boulevard in the city of Los Angeles. Nine meter tall Lanterns line the sides of the two sided space ? defined by buildings on the north and south sides and open on the east and west. The park serves as a through-way for people walking between an alley on the west and Brand Boulevard on the east; containing retail, office space, restaurants, entertainment venues and a concert stage. The long and narrow dimensions of the park set up tension between the contrary roles of corridor and destination. 1 Yet it is these dimensions that are a good fit for public events, both planned and spontaneous. 2 The park operates mainly as a city-sponsored Polynesian dance exhibition space and a venue for unofficial weekly dance contests. Polynesian dance is a localised version of break- dance. The plaza is used throughout the day; from that of a shortcut to one of the most crowded and exciting dance spots in the city. The space is a startling success for dance. 3 In the mornings the place is used as a short cut linking pedestrian movement routes, at noon people from surrounding buildings came to the park to enjoy lunch and sit on the benches to play chess, chat etc. At 3pm junior youth boys start arriving to practice their dance moves on the stage. The stage is placed on the more public side of the park, on the Boulevard side. 1 Morris Newman, A Small Urban Space: Landscape Architecture September 2007, p.30. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. The dancers use the stage to practice for the evening competitions that take place on the stage later on. At 7pm nearly 100 teenages crowd into the park - the long and narrow dimensions of the park seem like a perfect container for watching the dance contest. 4 The park is long and narrow enough to hold many people and offer a comfortable sense of crowding. The sound system is integrated into the walls of the stage. One of the chess players stated that since the plaza?s existence (formalisation of the dance competitions) there has been notably less violence, illegal drug dealings and deaths in the area. 5 At 7:30pm on weekends the outdoor cinema runs. Chess Park is a public landscape that goes from a calm public walkway to a crowded dance floor all in one day? 4 Ibid., p.34. 5 Ibid., p.35. Figure 200: Aerial Photograph of Chess Park: adapted from Google Earth 2009. 1 2 3 K EY 1 . Alley + Parking Lot 2. Chess Park (RED) 3. Brand Boulevard 4. Concert Hall 4 Chess Park in relation to surroundings in Glendale, Los Angeles 122 Plan + Sec t i o n Figure 201: Plan & Section of Chess Park. Rios Clementi Hale Studios. Chess Park Los Angeles, 2006. (Newman 2007: 35) . Figure 200: Aerial Photograph of Chess Park: adapted from Google Earth 2009. 123 Figure 202: Chess Park during the early afternoon, photograph taken by Jill Connelly. Rios Clementi Hale Studios. Chess Park Los Angeles, 2006. (Newman 2007: 34) . Figure 203: Chess Park during the afternoon, photograph taken by Jill Connelly. Rios Clementi Hale Studios. Chess Park Los Angeles, 2006. (Newman 2007: 32) . Figure 204: Chess Park during the evenings, photograph taken by Jill Connelly. Rios Clementi Hale Studios. Chess Park Los Angeles, 2006. (Newman 2007: 33) . Figure 205: Chess Park during the evenings, photograph taken by Jill Connelly. Rios Clementi Hale Studios. Chess Park Los Angeles, 2006. (Newman 2007: 33) . Figure 206: Chess Park during the evenings, photograph taken by Jill Connelly. Rios Clementi Hale Studios. Chess Park Los Angeles, 2006. (Newman 2007: 33) . 124 125 Dance Base: A Dance + Music Centre in Edinburgh?s Old Town of Grassmarket in Scotland. Date of Completion: June 2008 Architect: Malcolm Fraser Architects Client: Dance Base Proudly old and new pieces of architecture; Dance Base is a collection of internal and external dance and music studios situated in the shadow of the Edinburgh Castle. There are four dance studios placed around a series of courtyards and passageways that reflect the mediaeval pattern of the city and guide movement through the site. 1 One of the courtyards is a raised roof garden, below it are administration spaces. The site is on a steep south-facing slope and is adjacent to a high density housing block. The project reuses a number of existing buildings, and integrates the existing buildings with a completely new building at the very north of the site, which has support facilities dug into the slope with dance studios above. 2 Each studio stands individually within the cityscape ? one of the studios sits prominently within the shell of an existing building; while three other studios vary: one with a glazed roof and the other two with split pitched and pyramidal roofs. The development responds to the wider urban context by including a new stair that connects the city movement routes to the castle and reinstates the prominence of the old city wall. 3 1 Malcolm Fraser Architects, Dance Base Information Pack 2007, p.1. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. K EY 1 . Castle 2. Dance Base 3. Public Boulevard 1 2 3 Dance Base in relation to surroundings in Grassmarket, Scotland Figure 207: Aerial Photo of Area of Grassmarket: adapted from Google Earth 2009. Figure 208: Photograph of Dance Base. Malcolm Fraser Architects. Grassmarket, Scotland, 2008 . (http://www.malcolmfraserarchitects.com). 126 127 Figure 209: 3D-sectional Sketch of Dance Base. Malcolm Fraser Architects. Grassmarket, Scotland, 2008 . (http://www.malcolmfraserarchitects.com). 128 Figure 210: Photograph of Ballet Studio. Malcolm Fraser Architects. Grassmarket, Scotland, 2008 . (http://www.malcolmfraserarchitects.com). Figure 211: 3D Sketch of Dance Base. Malcolm Fraser Architects. Grassmarket, Scotland, 2008 . (http://www.malcolmfraserarchitects.com). Figure 212: Perspective of Dance Base. Malcolm Fraser Architects. Grassmarket, Scotland, 2008 . (http://www.malcolmfraserarchitects.com). 129 Principles of Safety Jane Jacobs states that the thing to understand about public peace ? the sidewalk and the street peace ? of cities is kept primarily by an intricate, almost unconscious, network of voluntary controls and standards among the people themselves. 1 When addressing the theme of architecture and security the important question is ? how much easy opportunity does the space offer to crime? Jane Jacobs uses the streets of the North End of Boston as an example where public peace is achieved through the space not offering any opportunity to crime. She accounts this to the streets being heavily and constantly used by people of every race and background. 2 Strangers come to work, to shop, to stroll, to draw money and to bank cheques; and therefore as an extra they spend money in the area. Jacobs on the North End of Boston- ?The streets were alive with children playing, people shopping, people strolling, people talking. . . The general street atmosphere of buoyancy, friendliness, and good health was so infectious that I began asking directions of people just for the fun of getting in on some talk?. 3 A well used city street is apt to be a safe street. 4 The 3 main qualities of a well used street derived by Jacobs are: 1 ) Clear demarcation between public space + private space. 2 ) Eyes on the street, buildings cannot have blank sides facing onto the street. 3 ) The sidewalk must have users on it fairly continuously, both to add to the number of effective eyes on the street + to induce the people in the buildings along the street to watch the sidewalks in sufficient numbers. This is achieved through placing a substantial quantity of stores + other public places along sidewalks, including public places that are used at night like stores, bars + restaurants. 1 Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, p.41. 2 Ibid., p. 43. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid., p.45. K EY 1 . Treed Public Sqaure 2. Pedestrian crossings linking public movement routes 3. On street parking 4. Paved Public Boulevard 5. Tight street edge, buildings face onto streets with windows + balconies 1 2 4 2 2 35 5 Figure 213: Aerial Photo of Area of North End Boston: adapted from Google Earth 2009. The Streets of North End Boston 130 The Streets of North End Boston Figure 214: Diagrams on Safety: playing with the edge of a building - adapted from Frank Ching?s Architecture: Form, Space + Order, 1996. 131 132 Figure 215: ?Eyes on the street?: Mai Mai Market on the Street, Inner City, Johannesburg. (De Mervelec 2007: 17) . Figure 216: A Family at Mai Mai Market outside home, Inner City, Johannesburg. (De Mervelec 2007: 21) . Figure 217: ?Security?: Mai Mai Market the Coffin Maker, Inner City, Johannesburg. (De Mervelec 2007: 26). 133 Alvaro Siza ? Arc hitec t Alvaro Siza is an absolute inspiration. He strongly believes that ?no place is without its spirit?. Each of his works reveals a unique sensitivity to the urban context to which it belongs without detracting from its functional and stylistic identity. 1 The following projects have been chosen as insight into how architecture can respond to the city it is born from, achieve passive surveillance security, interweave into its surroundings and be one with the public realm whilst still having a proud iconic statement. The Housing and Shopping complex is a four storey building that has an admirable urban scale and presence to it. It remains modest and approachable yet its forms are dominant in the landscape. Here Siza has shown a critical understanding of the local face-brick tradition and has carefully blended this with his own distinctive style. He has carefully matched materials and colour with individual forms, thus visually defining the dominant functions in the programme. His play with external volumes projecting over the ground plane creates a very public gesture towards the pedestrian who momentarily pauses to look whilst passing by. The Faculty of Architecture at the University of Porto is a large complex of five four storey studio pavilions lined along a generous terrace that stretches out from the library and gallery space. The key to Siza?s success of this complex is the terrace space. It is ingeniously designed in relation to the contours and the boundaries of the landscape. This is evident at the start of the terrace; where the plane subtly ramps up as an extension of the natural ground line. It is at this exact point where the complex gently holds hands with the public realm. This concrete ramp illustrates Siza?s flare for proportion of length and trajectory which perfectly mirrors the pedestrian path below. The Galician Centre of Contemporary Art is a museum that dances with its three surrounding typologies ? a public garden, the residential fabric of the city and an old convent. The museum stands proudly as a sculptured rectangular mass. It is in the simplicity of the public entrance of this building that is of great architectural value: Siza has purely defined the entrance by skilfully carving it out of the large rectangular form. 1 Kenneth Frampton, Alavro Siza ? Complete Works, p. i. Housing + Shopping Complex, Schilderswijk, The Hague, The Netherlands Desi gn for Mat teot t i Pia z za , S iena , I ta ly 134 Figure 218: Photograph of Housing + Shopping Complex in Schilderswijk. Alvaro Siza. The Netherlands, 1988 . (Frampton 2000 : 273 ) . Figure 219: Siza. Perspectives of Desi gn for Mat teot t i Pia z za . S iena , I ta ly, 1 9 8 8 . (Frampton. 2000 : 321 ) . Figure 220: Siza. Perspective of Faculty of Architecture, University of Porto. Portugal, 1996. (Frampton 2000 : 307 ) . Figure 221:Photograph of the Faculty of Architecture, University of Porto. Alvaro Siza. Portugal, 1996. (Frampton.200 0 : 303 ) . Facul ty of Archi tecture , Un ivers i ty of Por to , Por to , Por tu ga l 135 Galician Centre of Contemporary Art, Santiago de Compostela, Spain 136 Figure 222: Photograph of the Galician Centre of Contemporary Art. Alvaro Siza. Santiago de Compostela, Spain, 1 9 93 . (Frampton.2000: 341) . Figure 223: Siza. Site Plan of the Galician Centre of Contemporary Art. Santiago de Compostela, Spain, 1 9 93 . (Frampton.2000: 340) . Figure 224: Photograph of the Galician Centre of Contemporary Art. Alvaro Siza.Santiago de Compostela, Spain, 1 9 93 . (Frampton.2000: 341) . 137 EV IDENCE BASED DESI G N : 5.6: Accomodation Schedule 138 141 DESIGN DEVELOPMENT : 6.1 : The 4 Dance Environments The 4 Dance Environments in the programme are Public, Social, Formal and Private. The Public environment consists of a space designed for Break-Dancing, a space designed for Pantsula + Gumboot Dancing and a space designed for Hip- Hop. Falling under the Social environment are two spaces designed for Ballroom + Latin Dancing. The Formal environment consists of two spaces designed for Ballet + Modern Dancing. Lastly falling under the Private environment is a space designed for Aerobics and a space designed for Belly Dancing. Although Belly Dancing can be seen as a dance that entertains an audience, in the area of study the dance is practiced behind closed doors as a recreation of relaxation and not of performance. These 4 environments each require a certain type of space, respond to the surrounding context differently, allow the context to respond to each of the spaces differently and lastly attract other similar functions. Figure 225: Public Break Dancing Performance. INTERNET. (http://www.flickr.com. Cited 27 /08/ 2009). 142 143 144 145 DESIGN DEVELOPMENT : 6.2: Placing on Site 146 147 148 149 DESIGN DEVELOPMENT : 6.3 : The Diagram 150 151 DESIGN DEVELOPMENT : 6.4: Models 152 Model 1 153 154 Model 1 155 156 Model 2 157 158 Model 2 159 160 Model 3 161Model 4 162 163 164 165 DESIGN DEVELOPMENT : 6.5 : Themes Important design themes that will now be explored are: Buildings that ?dance? vs. static buildings. Transparency vs. translucency. Climatic orientation + ventilation. Studio + stage as one entity. Acoustics. Adaptability. Structure. Dancing in the streets. The square as a transformable platform/audience space. The changerooms as an experience for the dancers. Circulation: Movement + views. Difference in space as a product of difference in dance character. The conclusions in the research of this thesis have lead to the primary objective in the design - for dance to be seen from the outside and for people to know the building as a place for dance. Although dance needs to be seen from the outside, using large amounts of glazing can be expensive. An import role of any building is to bring people in. Therefore a play of mysterious facades is necessary ? translucent materials. The design must tease pedestrians and viewers! Specific decisions must be made- when and where the design allows views into the studios/stages. Explorations into light and shadows will be necessary. Climatic orientation should be carefully considered ? the translucent materials allow some particles of light to pass through them while they partially reflect others and this can be beneficial with regards to harsh sunlight entering the studios. Ventilation is of great importance ? how does fresh air make the studio?s breathe? Acoustics must be carefully considered here ? especially regarding the large studios facing onto the square. Figure 226: Dance is beautiful. UNKNOWN. (Received from Andrew Bell on 20 /09/ 2009) . 166 3d Sketch of Design 167 DESIGN DEVELOPMENT : 6.6 : Plans + Sections + 3d Sketches 168 169 Larg e Ball e t + Modern Studi o /Sta g e 170 Figure 227: Photograph of the Kunsthal Museum Park. Rem Koolhas/OMA. The Netherlands, 1 9 92. (Asensio. 2002: 21) . Figure 228: Photograph of the House in the Forest. Rem Koolhas/OMA. The Netherlands, 1 9 92- 94 . (Asensio. 2002: 39) . 171 Soci al - Larg e + Small Ballro o m + Latin Stag e /Stu di o s 172 173 Soci al - Larg e + Small Ballro o m + Latin Stag e /Stu di o s 174 Publi c Dance Enviro n m e n t 175 Circ ul a t i o n 176 Figure 229: Photograph of Lloyd?s Register of Shipping. Richard Rogers Partnership. London 2 0 07. Figure 230: Stage Scaffold. INTERNET. (http/www.dreamviews.com. Cited 10/10/2009) . 179 180 Site Plan 1:2000 181 Ground Floor Plan -1 1:250 182 Ground Floor Plan +1 1:250 183 Third Floor Plan 1:250 184 Fourth Floor Plan 1:250 185 Section AA 1:250 186 Section BB 1:250 187 Section CC 1:250 188 189 Section C 1:100 North-West Elevation 1:250 190 North-East Elevation 1:250 191 South-West Elevation 1:250 192 South-East Elevation 1:250 193 194View of Design - Looking from Park across Hamilton Street 195 View Sitting in the Square Watching a Ballet Performance 196 View of A Place For Dance Functioning on a Normal Evening 197 View of Multi-functional Square - with Temporary Canvas Roofi ng + Temporary Timber Pallet Floor System 198 View of Cinema Building - Functioning as a Public Cinema Space 199 View of A Place For Dance Functioning on a Normal Day 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 BIBLIOGRAPHY ARMSTRONG, M. (1984). Space for Dance. Publishing Centre for Cultural Resources: New York ASENSIO, P. (2002). Rem Koolhas/OMA. teNeues Publishing Company: UK BEAVAN, K. (2004). Johannesburg: The Making and Shaping of the City. Unisa Press: Joahannesburg BEINART, J & MALLOWS, E. (1962). For Us. University of Witwatersrand: Johannesburg BIEBER, J. (2006). Between Dogs and Wolves: Growing up with South Africa. Double Storey Books: Cape Town CHAPMAN, T. (2008). Catalytic Memories: A Re-Urbanisation of Sophiatown. University of the Witwatersrand: Johannesburg CHIPKIN, C. (2008). Johannesburg Transition. STE Publishers: Johannesburg CHRISTOFOROU, A. (2008). Washington Ballet. Carte Blanche: Johannesburg COPLAN, D.B. (2007). In Township Tonight! South Africa?s Black city music and theatre: 2nd Ed. Jacana Media: Johannesburg CULLINAN. (Reference needs to be recovered) 2002. DE CARTEAU, M. (1984). The Practice of everyday life. University of California Press: Berkeley DE MERVELEC, P. (2005). The South African Ballet Theatre. In Camera Art Publications: Sandton DE MERVELEC, P. (2007). Cul De Sac. Cemenart Publications: Johannesburg DEWAR, D and UITENBOGAART, ROELOF. (1995). Creating Vibrant Urban Places to Live: A Primer. University of Cape Town: Cape Town ELLFELDT, L. (1988). A primer for Choreographers. Wveland Press: Prospect Heights FRAMPTON, K. (2001). Alavro Siza ? Complete Works. Phaidon Press Limited: Hong Kong GILROY, P. (1987). There aint no black in the Union Jack. Hutchinson: London HUDDLESTON, T. (1956). Naught For Your Comfort. Collins: United Kingdom 208 JACOBS, J. (1962). The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Jonathan Cape: United Kingdom KEITH, M & PILE, S. (1993). Place and the Politics of Identity. Routledge: London KRIMS, A. (2007). Music and Urban Geography. Routledge: New York LASH, S & FRIEDMAN, J. (1992). Modernity and Identity. Blackwell publishers: Oxford NORBERG-SCHULZ, C. (1979). Genius Loci. Rizzoli International Publications Inc: New York PALMER, S. (2008). A Space for Freedom. Thesis for MA Drama + Movement Therapy: London RILEY, T. (1995). Light Construction. The Museum of Modern Art: New York SALTER, A. (1978). Laban: Perspectives on Notation Volume 1+2. London University: London SCHLESINGER, M. (1993). Nightingales and Nice-time Girls. VIVA Books: Johannesburg SCHOLES, G. (2002). Dance Station: an exercise. University of the Witwatersrand: Johannesburg SOJA, E. (1989). Postmodern Geographies. Verso: London SOJA, E. (1996). Thirdspace. Blackwell publishers: Massachusetts TRANCIK, R. (1989). Finding Lost Space. Van Nostrand Reinhold Company: New York TREBILCOCK, P & LAWSON, M. (2004). Architectural Design in Steel. Spon Press: London OTHER DOCUMENTS 26?10 SOUTH ARCHITECTS & IKEMELENG ARCHITECTS. (2009). Joburg Regional Development Spatial Framework 2009: Joburg.org.za 26?10 SOUTH ARCHITECTS & IKEMELENG ARCHITECTS. (2009). Joburg Urban Development Framework of 2008: Joburg.org.za 209 DOLLY, R & DOLLY C. (2009). Westbury Outreach Presentation 2009. KENZAN TOURS. (2004). Project Pracatum. www.kenzantours.se. MALCOLM FRASER ARCHITECTS. (2007). Dance Base Information Pack. www.malcolmfraserarchitects.com. OVENS, W. Planact Urban Land Pamphlet: Overview Report 2008, Joburg.org.za. STEYN,G. (2009). Helping the Community of Westbury. www.conquest.org.za UNKNOWN, Joburg Carnival pamphlet 2008. JOURNALS ARCHITECTURAL REVIEW, Vol. CCXXI, NOS.1323-1326. May 2007, June 2007, July 2007 & August 2007. LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE, Vol. 97, No.1. September 2007, NEWMAN, M. A Small Urban Space, p.30-36. FILMS CARAMELO PARA TODOS. (2004). Elmilagro de Candeal. (Movie for the Balrcelona Film Forum 2004). INTERVIEWS ALBERTVILLE: Tania de Jong, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 17 March 2009. BOSMONT: Michelle Braam, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 4 April 2009. CORONATIONVILLE: Ellen Julius, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 10 March 2009. 210 INDUSTRIA WEST: Louis August, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 2 April 2009. MARAISBURG: Petula Baatjies, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 24 March 2009. Shelly Greeff, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 24 March 2009. MEADOWLANDS: Humphrey Jacobs, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 13 May 2009. Lucas Kgomongwe, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 13 May 2009. Victor Mokhine, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 13 May 2009. Marks Selala, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 13 May 2009. PARKHURST: Samora Ntsebeza, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 11 March 2009. RIVERLEA: Edwina Fillies, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 25 March 2009. SOPHIATOWN (TREVOR HUDDLESTON CENTRE): Victor Mokhine, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 7 April 2009. WESTBURY: Christal Dolly, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 26 February 2009. Justine Abrahams, Interview: personal communication transcribed: 10 March 2009.