1 TO WHAT EXTENT DO INTEGRATED DEVELOPMENT PLANS REFLECT THE POLICIES OF THE POLITICAL PARTY LEADING THE CITY? A COMPARISON OF THE 2011 IDP’S IN JOHANNESBURG AND CAPE TOWN. Hyacinth Nhlumayo 1353701 A research report submitted to the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Urban Studies Johannesburg, 2021. 2 DECLARATION I, Hyacinth Asanda Nhlumayo declare that the research conducted and presented in this dissertation is my own, unaided work except where otherwise indicated and referenced accordingly. It is submitted for the degree of Master of Urban Studies in Urban Politics and Governance through the University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. This research report has not, either in whole or part, been submitted before for any degree or examination at any other University. HA.Nhlumayo Day 2 of November 2021 in Johannesburg. 3 ABSTRACT The purpose of this research report was to investigate the extent in which Integrated Development Plans reflect the Housing and Economic Development policies of the political organization at the helm of the Municipality. The research was layered and utilized the qualitative method of research which included interviews and document analysis in order to reach its findings. It analyzed the IDP documents from the respective municipalities in comparison with the policy positions stipulated in the manifestoes and policy documents of the political organizations to find the similarities and differences which suggested the extent of the influence. Interviews with officials from the City of Johannesburg’s Economic Development Department and Integrated Development Planning: Community Dialogue Unit, the African National Congress’ Head of Policy and the Democratic Alliance’s Senior Policy Researcher were utilized in order to understand the complexities and tensions between municipal policy procedures and political influences and processes. The research report found that in reference to these two specific Integrated Development Plans, they were, to a large extent closely aligned with the policies of the political party governing at that particular juncture. The IDP’s were localized and simplified versions of the political organizations policy documents, conference resolutions and manifestoes. The IDP process fails to take power imbalances and manipulation into consideration which is its biggest flaw. In its conceptualization, the document places the participation of community members at its core, as their ideas are meant to be the main shaping tool of the document. However, practically it fails to factor in how public participation processes can be influenced and infiltrated by political organizations who oftentimes end up overpowering the views of the people. The research noted through the comparison of documents and interviews with individuals that had participated extensively in the process, that there was a constant interference throughout the IDP process from political organizations, internally through their political office bearers and externally through party aligned community members and ward committee members. Representatives from political organizations communicated the need for documents such as the IDP to be aligned with their policies and ideological positions. The IDPs public participation model and framework is seemingly flawed because of the manner in which it ignores the influence and power political organizations yield which must be taken into consideration in order to ensure that the process is fair and transparent. 4 DEDICATION In loving memory of my Grandmother Ntombifuthi ‘Bab’Omncane’’ Thwala 1960 – 2020 & My friend and historical force Sabelo Ngubeni 1995 – 2021 & My confidant and mentor Geoff ‘Majoro’ Makhubo 1968 – 2021 Your sudden passing has left a gaping hole in my heart and a wound that will never heal. Your support, love and prayers have carried me, rest now. 5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am deeply humbled and grateful for God’s grace over the last year and through the journey of writing this paper. It has not been an easy one, but had it not been for his love and protection, I would not have been able to see it through. I would firstly like to offer my sincerest gratitude to my supervisor, Prof. Sarah Charlton. I know it has not been the easiest journey, but I would like to thank you for not giving up on me. This paper would not have been possible had it not been for your guidance, encouragement and critiques. I would furthermore like to offer my special thanks to Lebogang Maile for his unwavering interest, encouragement and support throughout the years and my academic career. To Malusi Gigaba, thank you for your contributions to this paper and for allowing me to consistently tap into your well of wisdom. To my family and friends, thank you for carrying me on my darkest days and for being a constant source of inspiration. To my best friend Themba Mathibe, I do not think there are enough words to fully articulate how grateful I am for your love, prayers and support. To my partner, muntu wami izandla zidlula ekhanda. Thank you for your love, patience and continued support. Nxele, Fakazi, Mhlephethe. Thokozani makhosi ami amakhulu. 6 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ANC African National Congress DA Democratic Alliance CoCT City of Cape Town CoJ City of Johannesburg CSI Corporate Social Investment CTSDF Cape Town Spatial Development Framework IDP Integrated Development Plan IRDP Integrated Residential Development Programme EPWP Expanded Public Works Programme MSA Municipal Systems Act NUSP National Upgrading Support Programme RDP Reconstruction and Development Programme SDF Spatial Development Framework UISP Upgrading Informal Settlements Programme UDZ Urban Development Zones 7 CONTENTS Chapter One: Introduction 1.1 Introduction 10 1.2 Context of the Study 10 1.3 Rationale and Objective 11 1.4 Research Questions 13 1.5 Research Approach 13 1.6 Outline of Chapters 14 Chapter Two: Literature Review 2.1 Introduction 16 2.2 Public Participation 16 2.3 Communicative Planning Theory 20 2.4 Political Party Influence 22 2.5 Political Parties and Participation 23 2.6 Politics, Participation and the IDP 23 2.7 Municipal Governance and the Integrated Development Plan 25 2.8 Conceptual Framework 28 Chapter Three: Methodology 3.1 Introduction 30 3.2 Research Design 30 3.3 Study Context 31 3.4 Research Methods 31 3.5 Approach to Analysis 34 8 3.6 Limitations 36 3.7 Ethics 37 Chapter Four: Municipal and Political Framework 4.1 Introduction 38 4.2 African National Congress 38 4.2.1 ANC’s Economic Development Position 39 4.2.2 ANC’s Housing Position 41 4.3 City of Johannesburg 2011 Integrated Development Plan 44 4.3.1 Economic Development 44 4.3.2 City of Johannesburg’s Economic Development Challenges 45 4.3.3 City of Johannesburg’s Economic Development Outcomes 46 4.3.4 Housing 47 4.3.5 City of Johannesburg’s Housing Challenges 47 4.3.6 City of Johannesburg’s Housing Outcomes 48 4.3.7 Conclusion 49 4.4. Case Study: City of Johannesburg and the African National Congress 50 4.5 Democratic Alliance 51 4.5.1 DA’s Economic Development Position 52 4.5.2 DA’s Housing Position 54 4.6 City of Cape Town 2012 Integrated Development Plan 56 4.6.1 Economic Development 57 4.6.2 City of Cape Town’s Economic Development Challenges 57 9 4.6.3 City of Cape Town’s Economic Development Outcomes 57 4.6.4 Housing 59 4.6.5 City of Cape Town’s Housing Challenges 59 4.6.6 City of Cape Town’s Housing Outcomes 59 4.6.7 Conclusion 61 4.7 Case Study: City of Cape Town and the Democratic Alliance 62 Chapter Five: Analysis of Findings and Conclusion 5.1 Introduction 64 5.2 IDP Public Participation Process 64 5.3 Findings 67 5.4 Analysis of Findings 69 5.5 Conclusion 70 5.6 General Conclusions 71 5.7 Recommendations 72 6. Reference List 75 7. Appendices 78 10 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Introduction South Africa’s turn from apartheid was heavily influenced on a local scale by the role played by civic organizations and political parties. Even though they had no legislative power, they were able to position themselves as a tool to unite the black majority which they did for years during apartheid. In this day and age one can begin to question the type of power and influence they now have on legislation and how they utilize this in the post-apartheid dispensation. This chapter presents the background and a brief overview of this research report. 1.2 Context of the Study Apartheid was officially brought to its knees in 1994 after the first Democratic elections took place and the newly elected Government1’s aim was to “rebuild local communities and environments” with the hope of creating a “democratic, integrated, prosperous and truly non- racial society” (Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs 1998: 26). The idea of development planning was first conceptualized in the country’s new democratic Constitution in the early 1990s but was properly coined and unpacked in the White Paper on Reconstruction and Development (1994). It called for integrated development planning that included participation from key-role players and stakeholders outside of government in decision-making processes (Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs 1994). This was more clearly set out in the White Paper on Local Government (1998) where it explains an Integrated Development Plan (IDP) as a “five-year strategic development plan for a municipality which serves as the principal strategic management instrument” (Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs 2000: 44). As stipulated in the Municipal Systems Act (MSA) (2000) the IDP must address issues that include economic development, spatial planning and performance targets. Each municipality must create an IDP where it 1 In this report the word government is understood as the administrative and regulatory system which governs the country or community. In the report Government (with a capital G) refers to a specific tier or entity which is characterized by bureaucracy and governance, whilst government refers to the structure and institution conceptualized through acts. 11 clearly maps out its short, medium and long term goals and its vision for the city. IDPs supersede all other development plans that the municipality may have. The process of creating IDPs must be inclusive with the active participation of all stakeholders which include municipal workers, investors, politicians and the general public (Majam & Uwizeyimana 2018). IDPs are aligned with the Municipal Executive’s term of office, which include the Mayor and his appointed Members of the Mayoral Committee, who stand as the political office bearers for each department. The IDP process clearly stipulates the need for engagements with different stakeholders and the public. This platform allows for them to give their opinion and vision on the IDP and the manner in which it must be implemented. However, it is not entirely clear what practically shapes the IDP document and to what extent political party ideological positions and plans are reflected in it. The research is therefore important because it seeks to investigate the extent in which the content of the IDP aligns with the policy resolutions and ideological positions of the political organization leading the City. It investigates the power relations and imbalances at play between political parties and the municipalities in which they find themselves at the helm of, and whether or not organizational policies and resolutions are in line with the plans of the City through the IDP. South Africa is a constitutional democracy that allows the presence of multiple political parties with the African National Congress currently in the majority at a national level. It is possible for the different structures of government to be run by different political parties and this is because South Africans vote for each level of government separately. Even though National and Provincial elections sit at the same time, there are different ballot papers which are utilized when voting, which gives civilians the option to vote for different political organizations at different levels of government. It is not clear how much power the organization and their resolutions have on policy and legislation especially at local government level which centres much of its plans on public participation as it is the closest to the people. 1.3 Rationale and Objective South Africa is in its 27th year of Democracy and all municipalities have the task to ensure the structural and economic development of the communities they govern as guided by the Municipal Systems Act (2000). The participation of stakeholders is a key requirement of the 12 IDP process, and this will be more carefully discussed in Chapter Two. However, some stakeholders are perceived to have more power and influence than others (Majam &, Uwizeyimana 2018). Political parties that are in control of municipalities have different policies on issues such as housing and economic development, yet at the same time there is a legislated process to guide development at Local Government level through a plan which includes a substantial public consultation process. The manner in which the IDP is conceptualized, one would expect for it to focus more on the needs of civilians than political organizational policies. There is a tension between municipal and organizational approaches and the research investigates this phenomenon. The research does not seek to critique democracy, but rather seeks to showcase the shortcomings of the IDP as a participatory mechanism. The IDP process was conceptualized in a manner which put public participation as the most integral component (Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs 1998). However, it is arguable that community participation has very restricted time to engage in the process because of the structure of the engagements which normally take place in the evenings within a stipulated time frame which thus limits their contribution to the document. When drafting an IDP, the municipality gives the public 21 days to contribute to the document through community meetings and most recently during the COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown, it allowed online submissions through live sessions which were facilitated by either a member of the executive or normal government employees. On the other hand, engagements with certain interest groups take place in private with members of the Municipal Executive which are political office bearers and departmental officials. The extent of the influence political parties have on policies and plans such as the IDP is not as widely publicized as it is at national level, and thus not fully understood which is what the research explores. The research will provide an in-depth explanation of IDPs, their legislation and the relationship with political parties’ policies. It will be looking specifically at the 2011/12 IDP as this was the last time the City of Johannesburg was led by the ANC for a full term, in comparison to the City of Cape Town which has been consistently led by the Democratic Alliance (DA) over the last ten years. The research interrogates the housing and economic development policies of the African National Congress and the Democratic Alliance in order 13 to ascertain to what extent these policies are aligned and included in the IDP document of that particular city. The research ultimately explores what might be reflected with respect to political versus procedural influence in the housing and economic sectors of the IDP. 1.4 Research Questions The main focus of the research is to discover the extent ruling political organization positions are reflected in Local Government policies, given that public participation processes are intended to influence these policies. This will be done through an interrogation of the Housing and Economic Development aspects of the 2011/12 IDPs in both the ANC-led Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality and DA-led Cape Town Metropolitan Municipality. The aim is to compare the content of these IDP documents with the content of political party documents, and infer from this the extent of influence. This question is important because there is limited understanding in the manner in which Local Government operates and the role and influence of ruling political parties on its processes. Main Research Question: To what extent do Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) reflect the policies of the political party leading the City in ANC-led JHB and DA-led Cape Town? Sub-questions: 1. Would one expect the IDP document to reflect the ruling party policy? 2. What are the housing and economic development policies of the ANC and DA? (What were they at the time) 3. To what extent do the City of Cape Town and City of Johannesburg’s 2011/12 IDPs reflect the policies of their governing parties? 4. What are the specific party policies that are reflected in the IDP documents of these two Municipalities? 5. To what extent are the party policies and the IDPs substantively different in these sectors and what is the significance of this? 1.5 Research Approach There are two parts of this particular research which includes document analysis and one-on- one interviews and questionnaires with senior officials from the City of Johannesburg. 14 Interviews with officials from the City of Cape Town unfortunately did not take place as they were unreachable. The researcher interviewed officials from the different departments in order to gain more understanding on the process and creation of their departmental policies and plans as reflected in the IDP. The researcher also interviewed the African National Congress’ Head of Policy and the Democratic Alliance’s Senior Policy Researcher. The interviews with representatives from the Political Parties were even harder as there were questions, they were not willing to answer or attempted to avoid. These interviews did however provide a detailed explanation of the processes and the interviewees personal experience and understanding of the influence and power of the different stakeholders. In terms of the document analysis, the research looked specifically at the City of Johannesburg’s and the City of Cape Town’s 2011/12 Integrated Development Plans. Thorough readings of these two documents were done, looking specifically at the economic development and housing sections. It also looks at the historical and most recent economic and housing policies of the ANC and the DA as detailed in their conference resolutions, policy documents and manifestos. The research is minimal risk as it did not put anyone or their livelihood at possible harm. The people who were interviewed for this research are officials and experts in their different fields and departments, this included Assistant Directors and Heads of Department which was highly beneficial and added to the reliability of the information that was used in the research. None of the names of the participants were included in the research unless they gave verbal permission for this to be done. The researcher holds the position of a Specialist of the City of Johannesburg which made it easier to access some of the officials and documents which were paramount to the research which could not be found online. 1.6 Outline of Chapters Chapter One: Introduction. This chapter provided the background which included the rationale, aim and objectives of the research. It also provided a brief explanation behind the IDP and its purpose. It set out to investigate the tension between political and procedural processes in relation to legislation through the IDP document. Chapter Two: Literature Review 15 This chapter will focus on providing the theoretical and legislative base of the research. This will be done through presenting the Communicative Planning theory that acts as a base for the introduction of the notion of public participation. It also presents the Municipal Frameworks of the notion integrated development planning. This will be used to demonstrate the concepts and theories of how these two aspects relate to each other. Chapter Three: Methodology This chapter will include a context chapter and a detailed description of the different research methods used throughout the study. Chapter Four: Municipal and Political Policy This chapter will look specifically at the two different IDPs and political party policies and position on housing and economic development. This chapter will also present the discussion and comparison between the influence of the two political parties on the respective IDP. Chapter Five: Analysis of Findings and Conclusion This chapter will focus on the analysis of the two different IDP documents and political parties’ policies and overall discussion of the research. It will also draw the conclusions based on the findings of the study conducted. 16 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Introduction The apartheid system which lasted for almost half a century ensured that administrative and political power remained in the hands of the white minority. When it officially came to its demise in 1994, the newly elected Democratic Government’s aim was to rebuild the country and create a more inclusive society. South Africa is now a democratic state that allows for the presence of multiple political parties with the African National Congress currently in the majority. The country is guided by the Constitution which was drafted and finalized through an open, inclusive and participatory process which is one of the guiding principles of the document. The Integrated Development Plan (IDP) is guided by the same principles as our Constitution, with public participation as its cornerstone. Local Government has the responsibility of ensuring that this process takes place efficiently and fairly when the document is reviewed annually. In understanding the IDP one must look at the theories, legislative frameworks and the discussions around it. This particular chapter will focus on providing the conceptual and legislative framework of this research which later in the document will be utilized to provide an analysis of the findings and the final conclusion. The chapter will begin by discussing the notion of public participation which is at the core of the IDP process. This will be followed by a presentation of the communicative planning theory that underpins the notion of public participation and its critiques. The chapter will also present the discussion around the extent and type of influence political parties have on policy. It will then examine the relationship that political parties have with the notion of public participation and then look closely at the role of politics and the experience of civilians in the IDP process. The chapter concludes with the discussion of the legislative frameworks which deal with the conceptualization and implementation of Integrated Development Planning. 2.2 Public Participation: The Local Government Municipal Systems Act of 2000 calls for the development of a “culture of municipal governance that complements formal representative government with a 17 system of participatory governance” (MSA 2000 quoted by Barichievy 2005: 374). This particular Act ensures that public participation forms part of important municipal procedures and policy formulation. According to Goldfrank (2010) public participation is viewed as a platform in which civilians are able to directly engage with the government of the City. The notion of a participatory government is deeply rooted in the country’s Constitution and sits at the core of the IDP process. Public participation is believed to promote the ideals of state accountability and responsiveness. South African citizens have the responsibility to move from being “passive subjects in dependent relationships with particular politicians or parties into active citizens” who know and exercise their rights (Goldfrank 2007: 148). This notion of an active citizen calls for active participation in forums, community meetings, izimbizo, the creation of petitions and sometimes protests. Public participation is also viewed as a tool to enhance democracy and encourage innovation whilst attempting to close the economic and social gaps created during apartheid. It gives community members and other focus groups the platform to give an input on the transformation and development they would like to see in their communities and areas of interest. The municipality’s strategic master plan which is the IDP highlights the importance of government officials consulting with local community members and insists on their ideas and developmental needs being heard. South African municipalities have the responsibility to promote community participation through the “receipt, processing and consideration of petitions and complaints” and through “public meetings and hearings” but most importantly through “consultative sessions with locally recognised community organisations and individuals” (Barichievy et al 2005: 375). These processes are mostly facilitated by ward councillors and their committee members. The Municipal Systems Act (2000) also includes the institution of Ward Committees under the leadership of the Ward Councillors. Citizen control is the epitome of community participation as explained by Arnstein (1969) in her ladder of citizen participation, as it allows the community to participate in a meaningful way whilst giving them decision making powers and a seat in planning and decision-making processes, through ward committee members. Ward committees in most instances, consist of the Ward Councillor and about 10 locals chosen by the community itself (Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs 2000). Ward Councillors are elected during elections and stand as representatives of their respective political organization and a voice of their area and Council. 18 Ward Committee members are individuals chosen by the community and have the responsibility to act in the best interests of the community whilst reflecting their diverse needs and interests. They must also advise the Ward Councillor on issues, policy and ensure the active participation of the community in matters that need their input. The MSA clearly states that they can give recommendations and lodge complaints on behalf of the community through the “ward councillor, to the metro or local council, the executive committee, the executive mayor or the relevant metropolitan sub-council” themselves (Piper & Deacon 2008: 64). South Africa’s model of public participation at Local Government level can be likened to Brazil’s Porto Alegro’s motion of the Participatory Budget where “citizens participate as individuals and as representatives of various civil society groups” (Baiocchi 2001: 48). They have meetings where they are able to elect delegates to represent neighbourhoods similarly to ward committee members and most importantly are able to review the budget and projects of the previous year, which has some similarities to the annual IDP process (Baiocchi 2001: 48). Porto Alegre’s model creates direct deliberation between citizens and the government giving them a platform to form part of “pragmatic problem-solving, and in monitoring and implementing solutions” (Baiocchi 2001:50) However in Brazil’s case their government had created proper infrastructure, and had officials which were committed in creating a system that ensures that the “participatory inputs were translated into budgetary outputs” and not mere suggestions like in the IDP process (Heller 2012: 654). Unlike Brazil which utilizes ‘binding participation’ where citizens are “are directly involved in shaping the municipal budget”, South Africa utilizes ‘consultative participation’ where citizens express their demands in an “open and organized manner but only indirectly influence decision making” (Heller 2012: 656). In South Africa the presence of ward committee members is heavily criticized by scholars and the general public. Firstly, the design is inherently flawed because of the manner in which it fails to “integrate them meaningfully into council decision-making processes” (Barichievy et al 2005: 380). It is also criticized because of the manner in which committee members tend to be “colonised by party agendas” which simply reproduces the ideas of the branch or political party in power in the area at the time (Piper 2008: 62). This takes away their ability to hold the party accountable or monitor its responsiveness to the needs of the 19 people. Political parties tend to use these structures to replicate their positions and ideas (Piper 2015: 8). According to key officials, the ANC’s stance on Ward Committees has always been clear that they must be utilized to “mobilise the broadest range of interests in the community behind progressive goals as part of the overall national democratic transition” (Carrim quoted by Piper & Deacon 69). They must emulate and strengthen the stance, ideals and visions of the local branch and the organization as a whole. This is where the tension around ward committees begin as they are meant to be objective individuals that speak on behalf of the community and must push for its advancement. There is a tendency for political organizations to absorb governance structures into doing their work for them. The Municipal Systems Act is not specific about the political background of ward committee members, but rather focuses and calls for them to be directly from that particular community and must be chosen by its members in a sitting. When looking at the system of public participation and all its facets particularly in the context of South Africa’s Local Government, one is able to see how it fails to take into consideration politics and inequality. Baiocchi (2001) highlights the manner in which people are unequal, which greatly affects their level of deliberation within these participatory processes. He notes the manner in which debates and deliberations can be dominated by the more knowledgeable and powerful individuals. Community participation fails to take into consideration the potential for deliberations to be influenced and ruled by the elite. He emphasizes Bourdieu’s stance that “deliberation and participatory democracy reproduce hierarchies” both political and class wise (Bourdieu 1991 quoted by Baiocchi 2001: 52). When looking at Arnstein’s ladder of participation one could argue that South African municipalities accord with level four on her ladder which involves the consultation of community members although their views are seldomly taken into consideration or even implemented. (Arnstein 1969). Piper and von Lieres (2015) note the tendency for government officials to take public participation sessions as a need for municipal compliance, rather than being fully active in driving these initiatives and ensuring that the needs of the community and other stakeholders does not simply exist on paper but are also implemented. The next section will discuss the theory which underpins the notion of public participation in the planning field and its critiques which some have been briefly discussed above. 20 2.3 Communicative Planning Theory The notion of communicative planning is heavily reliant on spoken interactions and consultative measures in the planning process. It makes the argument that knowledge is socially constructed and thus a space cannot be created based on research without taking into consideration social cohesion and human interaction and how those interactions make the space and should therefore influence its planning (Machloer and Milz 2015). Similarly to Purcell (2009), Machloer and Milz (2015) provide a historical background to how the communicative planning theory was created. They present and problematize the systematic model of planning which at the time was the most used method. The model gave planners the power to act on research and their vision on a particular space with very limited input from ordinary civilians (Machloer and Milz 2015) . However, this particular model began losing favour in the late 1980’s as it was viewed as a means to uphold the political-economic status quo. This led to the promotion of the communicative planning method by Forester (1989) inspired by Habermas’ (1984) communicative rationality theory which encouraged co- operative action through mutual deliberation. Habermas (1984) argues that distorted communication ultimately creates distorted power relations and influence. The “ideal speech situation” calls for an “uncoerced and undistorted interaction among individuals” who might have competing interests (Duma 2002: 20). It is thus important for language to be used as a tool to delegitimize the power of certain groups and call for a more inclusive approach, to make everyone a part of the conversation. The theory calls for planners to be more inclusive as it argues that different stakeholders would bring in diverse solutions to some of the problems that they were facing. Forester (1989) sets up rules of communication during planning where he insists that all should include “comprehensibility, sincerity, legitimacy, and accuracy or truth” (Forester 1989: 45). Government has the responsibility to “pay attention to imbalances of information and lack of representation; we need to make sure that all points of view are heard and not only those of the articulate or powerful” (Sandercock 1997 quoted by Duma 2002: 22). In order for community members and other stakeholders to be able to engage properly and make informed submissions they need to be taught about the planning processes. In this approach there is a clear attempt to neutralize power relations through the sharing of knowledge and communication. 21 This planning theory is used in South Africa and is the framework utilized for much of the legislation put into place by the democratically elected government. This can be visibly seen through the IDP process which places much value on the contribution of communities in order for processes to take place legitimately. Planners in this particular context have the responsibility to “listen critically, advise, organise, analyse, share their scientific knowledge with ordinary people” in order to capacitate our normal civilians (Duma 2002: 31). On the other hand, citizens have the responsibility to “participate actively in initiatives aimed at developing” (Duma 2002: 31) and attend community meetings and give their inputs. Public participation is at the centre of the process whilst government officials and planners are deemed as co-ordinators and enablers of the development. The theory believes in the importance of “listening to the concerns and interests of all parties” and the production of “local knowledge and experience of the people” (Duma 2002: 44). One must however look at the extent in which this theory is implemented and discuss how it plays a role in delegitimizing certain power relations. The theory is also heavily criticized because of the manner in which it perpetuates an imbalance in power relations, contrary to its intentions. It creates the idea that through opening communication channels, a consensus will ultimately be reached and in order for it to be reached there are those that must compromise and the power ultimately lies with the planner to make the final decision. Huxley (2000) notes the tendency and possibility of “distorted communications and strategic calculations” which creates the notion that planners are the “vanguard whose knowledge of what is best for others justifies” (Huxley 2000: 374) their actions and decisions. They are given enough power to be able to appease the strategic interests of the stakeholders of their choosing. The context and political forces which may have influenced the process are oftentimes not taken into consideration. Huxley (2000) highlights the manner in which the theory also fails to take into consideration the unequal levels of influence different stakeholders have. Taking this into consideration there is a clear possibility that government can favour some groups over others including, “men over women, stakeholders over citizens” (Tickel and Peck 1996 quoted by Huxley 2000:374). Stakeholders in this particular disjuncture refer to interest groups and different spheres in society which are consulted. These groups interests may have the tendency of being more in line with what government wants to achieve compared to normal community members. There is also a tendency of attempting to use “ideological and political practices ... 22 that confuse the powerless” and minimize their influence thus taking away their agency (Healey 1992 quoted by Foley 1997: 4). The communicative planning theory and its critiques are a clear underpinning of my research as they demonstrate the imbalance in power relations between different stakeholders. The theory falls to acknowledge power relations and the manner in which systematic inequalities have the power to greatly influence outcomes. 2.4 Political Party Influence Purcell (2002) offers a framework for understanding state restructuring and the state’s role in economic regulation and the explicit influence of political agendas on this through the regulation theory. He offers an explanation of the theory and attempts to demonstrate how it works to regulate the public. The theory attempts to investigate the decision-making processes and policies of state institutions. The manner in which the state is constructed allows for government officials to operate according to the political influences and the political landscape. One must understand the “degree of political institutionalisation, centralisation, and responsiveness of the elected elites to the will of the people” in order to understand the type of influence political parties have on policy (Verma 2000: 229). Political parties have the responsibility to not only represent the interests of the people but to also act in their best interests. However, the political parties “ideological complexion, can alter policy” in ways that may not be beneficial or favourable to the people. (Verma 2000: 231). In the European context it is believed that parties “pursue similar policies regardless of the ideology on which they campaign” (Verma 2000: 233). Joly and Dandoy (2018) explain how political organization’s manifesto documents work. Manifestoes present organization’s “official priorities and preferences in light of coming elections and potential government negotiations” (Joly & Dandoy 2018: 513). They argue that one must look at this specific document in order to “study the impact of political parties on the executive agenda” and measure their success and extent of their influence when looking at policy (Joly & Dandoy 2018: 513). The manifesto allows a horizontal analysis where one is able to examine the influence of the party through the “ideological policy positions, based on the relative emphasis of different policy issues in party manifestos” (Joly & Dandoy 2018: 514). One is able to examine whether these ideological bases and positionings match government policy positions. 23 However, in systems with public participation processes one needs to understand how this participation shapes policies and programmes, in addition to party manifestoes which is one of the main questions and discussions this particular research will attempt to demonstrate. 2.5 Political Parties and Participation The inclusion of the notion of public participation in the Constitution, indicated a clear “departure from apartheid-era authoritarianism” (Booysen 2011: 176). The notion of democracy is underpinned by the idea of a ‘government of the people, by the people and for the people’. Political parties operate on this premise and are seen as means to uphold democratic governments. This is because they operate on three different levels “within the party itself, within the broader community and within the structures of government” (O’Reagan 2010: 7) and all these levels require the buy in of people. Public participation is viewed by political parties and particularly by the ANC in this instance as a means of “co- opting both elites and ‘ordinary’ people into governance projects” (Booysen 2011: 174). Public participation “brings people into positions of co- responsibility, while sharing information about achievements and listening to people’s complaints” (Booysen 2011: 174). Political parties believe that the inclusion of the people through public participation results in less resistance and offers much greater legitimacy with whatever issue is being dealt with. Political parties have a tendency to monitor and actively seek the input of normal civilians particularly towards elections in order to determine their positions going forward. This is because they have a direct interest in ensuring that what their manifestos offer coincide with the needs articulated by the people on the ground. It is only through the different forms of public participation are they able to locate and understand these views. 2.6 Politics, Participation and the IDP In the 1990’s Government adopted the slogan ‘Batho Pele’ which when directly translated means ‘the people first’. This new approach to service called to put South Africans at “the centre of the planning and delivery of services (Matshigi 2007 quoted by Tshoose 2015: 18). There was an intention for participation and the inclusion of the voices of citizens to be at the core of the democratic dispensation. The conceptual values of public participation include 24 “inclusiveness, openness, access, consultation, shared decisions and transparency” (Tshoose 2015: 15). As stipulated in the Municipal Structures Act, 117 of 1998, one of the core functions of municipalities is to create mechanisms to consult the public and encourage public participation. The IDP process was viewed as a direct response to the legislative and constitutional requirement to involve communities in the matters of local government. IDP forums provided a clear platform for “discussion, negotiations and joint decision making; they also monitored policy planning and implementation” (Booysen 2011: 186). Participants included members of “council executive committees, councilors, traditional leaders, ward committee representatives, heads of departments, senior officials from government departments, representatives from organized stakeholder groups, activists, resource people or advisors and community representatives” (Booysen 2011: 187). The IDP public participation process is meant to be a space where “citizens map out and prioritize needs, which feeds into local planning and budgeting, and ensures a close match between supply and demand” (Everatt et al 2010: 224). Public participation in this particular context is furthermore viewed as a way of rethinking the manner in which the state engages with citizens, and therefore transfers “decision-making powers and resource allocation decisions” (Everatt et al. 2010: 225) to them. The IDP participation process is characterized as an invited space with the presence of civilians and organizations which is legitimized by the state. Methods which are utilized to help achieve public participation include “IDP forums, ward committees and public meetings, budget consultations” (Everatt et al. 2010: 227) where government must go to the people. However, the South African Government is seen as one that is a “mixture of neglect, lack of service delivery, corruption, infrequent feedback, limited involvement” which makes the entire notion of public participation almost futile (Tshoose 2015: 18). The complaint has been that, even when public participation sessions do occur, it “tends to be brief, in the shape of sporadic inputs that decorate particular stages of planning and programming cycles” (Friedman 2006 quoted by. Tshoose 2015: 18). There is a general feeling that officials and planners view and treat these sessions as a requirement to meet “performance targets and service delivery requirements” (Tshoose 2015: 18). They have a tendency to be defensive and act as “gate-keepers and controllers rather than as facilitative bodies” which allow the 25 community and different stakeholders to voice their opinions and visions. Public participation at local government is somewhat viewed as a “pseudo-democratic instrument through which authorities legitimize already-taken decisions” (Tshoose 2015: 19) which is the reason many civilians are so reluctant to participate. Officials and planners’ approach with predetermined programmes and utilize public participation spaces as a platform for sharing information and sometimes giving very limited feedback. There is also the idea that councilors and political parties have the tendency to fill public participation sessions with people that will push their interests. (Everatt et al. 2010). This is also done to through under-publicizing meetings or calling them at inconvenient times where majority of the public is unavailable. Ward committees are used as a means to influence and mobilize the community around a particular interest or issue. There is struggle of members being a voice of the people whilst simultaneously being ‘captured’ and used to advance certain agendas or push their own political ambitions and that of others. 2.7 Municipal Governance and the Integrated Development Plan: The White Paper on Reconstruction and Development (RDP) of 1994 was a growth and development strategy that was originally conceptualized by the ANC and was used to respond to the economic and social problems the majority of the South Africans were facing. It sets out frameworks that the government was to use in its quest to rebuild the economy and better the lives of all South Africans (Department of Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs 1994). It was directly in line with the ANC’s quest to mobilize and restructure the country’s resources and finances in order to meet requirements and recommendations of RDP priorities and better the lives of many South Africans. One of the six principles of this particular document is ‘Meeting of Basic Needs and Building the Infrastructure” which sets out the theoretical base and vision for rebuilding, which is how the IDP was originally conceptualized. The document also introduces the White Paper on Local Government (1996) which outlines the transitional framework and programme for transformation to be enforced by local government in order to achieve the vision stipulated in South Africa’s then newly drafted Constitution. The main vision of the White Paper on Local Government (1996) is to set out frameworks that will be utilized to rebuild local communities and improve the spatial, economic and 26 social contexts of South Africans, undoing the harm caused by apartheid’s segregationist laws of development. It sets out different laws that govern the financial, administrative, political and policy objectives of the municipality. The idea of the Integrated Development was firstly conceptualized in the White Paper on Local Government document which provides the legislative framework and explains the plan and how it must be implemented. The Local Government Transition Act (Second Amendment Act) of 1996 is a document that was formulated to restructure local government thus allowing for it to align itself with the priorities of the White Paper on Reconstruction and Development. It most importantly demonstrates the different power relations between the public and the different stakeholders in the creation of the IDP and local government in general. The Education and Training Unit, a Non-Profit organization which aims specifically at capacitating local government and community-based organizations in order to further transformation and democracy in South Africa, provides a scope of the relevant stakeholders which are to take part in the IDP process and its conceptualization. It speaks about each stakeholders level of participation and the importance of their participation in the process. Most importantly this document provides a clear example of the five different phases of the IDP process, relevant for this research. The document provides an in-depth explanation of the IDP and how it is meant to work, including the different phases which must passed in order for the document to be implemented. The IDP Guide Pack (1999) was created by the Decentralized Development Planning Task Team and published by the Department of Provincial and Local Government in 1999. This document provides an in-depth purpose of Integrated Development Planning and provides an interpretation of the Municipal Systems Act 2000 which created mechanisms that would allow municipalities to spearhead the social and economic upliftment of local communities. It details the planning process in creating the IDP through the clarification of the different organizational and sectoral roles and responsibilities. This document also gives recommendations and expected outcomes of the process. Most importantly it deals with the different sectors that must be addressed through the document. It details the role of local government and looks at the policy principles of the different departments and how they can be applied to the IDP. This document is important for this proposed research because it provides a framework that must be utilized in order to create the IDP and looks in depth of what is expected of each department and the different stakeholders. 27 The Municipal Systems Act (2000) provided the legal framework of the municipality to regulate planning, performance management, administration and ensure service delivery. It is utilized to shape the government into an agency that is responsive to the social and economic needs of the people. It sets out the goals, processes, role-players and requirements for the IDP process. The Municipal Systems Act argues that in order for an IDP document to be legally adopted it must have: (i) A vision for long- term development with special emphasis on the municipality‘s development and internal transformation needs. (ii) Development provides priorities and objectives, including local economic development aims. (iii) The development strategies must be aligned with national and provincial plans and planning requirements. (iv) A spatial development framework, including basic guidelines for land-use management. (v) The operational strategies. (vi) Disaster-management plans. (vii) A financial plan, including a budget projection for at least the next three years. (viii) The key performance indicators and key performance targets. (Municipal Systems Act 2000: 38) Most importantly it emphasizes the need for community participation and places it at the centre of the processes in order for the documents mandate to be achieved. It acknowledges the proximity of Local Government to it’s the people compared to the other two spheres which would allow the facilitation of public participation. 2.8 Conceptual Framework The literature mentioned above provides both the theoretical and legislative framework needed for the research. Local Government’s Municipal Systems Act provides the legislation of the IDP whilst simultaneously providing the conceptual backing of public participation in the South African context. It is by drawing from the Communicative Planning Theory which emphasizes and encourages public participation where one is able to understand the extent of 28 the influence and contributions of political organizations as stakeholders. The research wishes to examine the relationship between political organizations and the notion of public participation as shaping forces of the IDP document. The theory will also be used to determine and demonstrate the role and powers of the different stakeholders. Both the legislation and the political party positions must be taken into consideration and have a direct effect on final version and the research wishes to explore the extent to which they influence the IDP document. The tension between the different legislation, the implementation of public participation, the communicative planning theory and the interests and influence of political organizations ultimately produces the Integrated Development Plan. The legislation presents the conceptualization and implementation procedures of the IDP but fails to take into consideration how the failure of the implementation of efficient public participation processes are at times influenced and thus helpful to political organizations and their agendas. There are very sharp contradictions with the manner in which the IDP process is meant to take place and how it ends up taking place. The lack of consideration of unequal power relations by legislators is what gives political organizations the opportunity and power to influence and Public Participation Communicative Planning Theory Legislation Political Organization Position and Policy Integrated Development Plan 29 manipulate processes. The research will explore how these tensions ultimately produce a IDP document that is favourable to the political party. 30 CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY 3.1 Introduction The previous chapter explored literature, conceptual and legislative frameworks which frame the IDP. This chapter will present the research design, the methodology, limitations, and the ethical guidelines which were considered and adhered to throughout the study. 3.2 Research Design As the researcher, I had to take into account my personal position and experience as an employee of the City of Johannesburg under the Private Office of the Executive Mayor. This put me both at an advantage and a disadvantage throughout the data collection process of this study. It was a disadvantage because of how wary the City’s officials were of me because of the department I worked for. Some officials were incredibly cautious about the manner in which they answered my questions, particularly those relating to the interference of political organizations through their office bearers. However, I believe that my position as a political staffer was advantageous because it allowed me to understand the tension and complexities in the relationship between officials and political office bearers. This understanding assisted me to critically analyze these undertones and apply them in understanding how the IDP document is conceptualized by the housing and economic development departments. The research method which I utilized allows for a nuanced and critical analysis and comparison of the different documents. The interviews with officials from the different departments provide insight into the complexities of the creation of the document and the relations which a document analysis would have failed to do own its own. Interviewees were chosen based on their position within the respective department and direct role and understanding of the IDP process. The perspectives of the officials from the City of Johannesburg have assisted in the understanding of the tension between administrators and party officials having worked with both political organizations. There is also a triangulation of data sources which assists in the validity of the study. I was able to access documents from the housing and economic development officials, the ANC’s archive and the office of the Speaker which deals directly with the piecing together of the IDP. 31 3.3 Study Context This study looks particularly at the 2011/2012 Integrated Development Plans of the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality under the leadership of the ANC and the City of Cape Town Metropolitan Municipality under the leadership of the DA. The study looks at this particular time frame as this was the last time the City of Johannesburg was led by the ANC for a full term in comparison to the City of Cape Town which has been led by the DA consistently for the last 15 years. The City of Johannesburg is the economic hub of Africa whilst the City of Cape Town is perceived as the home of tourism and international attraction. Due to their major contributions to the economy, they are perceived as the two most important cities in the country. The research looks into two different municipalities in order to understand how differently or similarly these two organizations operate in relation to the IDP. The two Cities are run in different ways and focus on different things, with the City of Johannesburg running under the slogan of a ‘World Class African City’ which the City of Cape Town does not do. Similarly, to the IDP documents which focus on different aspects, the City of Johannesburg’s was framed with the intent of “focusing on the basics and preparing for long term” (City of Johannesburg 2011: 1) whilst the City of Cape Town was interested in creating the notion that “this City works for you” (City of Cape Town 2012: 1). At face value these slogans sound similar but when elaborated in the IDP documents mean completely different things for each city and the organization at its helm. The DA was focused on growing the economy, job creation and attracting investments whilst the ANC was trying to provide basic services and create jobs. When these two documents were conceptualized, the world had just been brought to its knees financially by the Great Recession which had taken place in 2009, and South Africa was negatively impacted particularly in relation to economic growth and employment. 3.4 Research Methods The qualitative method of research was utilized throughout this study, which relies on the reasoning of observations and interpreting of sources. Interviews with the four officials are the primary sources and were used for an in-depth enquiry into the relationship political organizations have with their representatives and the perceived influence they and their policies have on the formulation and implementation of policies at local government level. 32 The secondary sources which are being interrogated in this research include an in depth reading and comparison between the IDP and the policy documents, conference resolutions, manifestoes and national policies of the political organizations. Official Documents Utilized Local Government Transition Act Amendment Act, 1996 Municipal Systems Act, 2000. Integrated Development Planning for Local Government, 1994. The White Paper on Local Government, 1998 The White Paper on Reconstruction and Development, 1994 African National Congress – 2011 Local Government Manifesto African National Congress – 2009 Manifesto Policy Framework African National Congress – 52nd National Conference 2007 African National Congress – Freedom Charter, 1955 African National Congress – The Reconstruction and Development Programme, 1994 Democratic Alliance – Creating Economic Opportunities for All, 2009 Democratic Alliance – Local Government Manifesto 2011 Democratic Alliance – More than a Shelter, 2009 Democratic Alliance – Economic Policy for Growth, Opportunity, and Equity, 2009 Democratic Alliance – DA Manifesto Election 2009 The above documents were chosen for analysis because they include governmental policies, plans, visions, and legislation. Regarding the political organizations, the documents selected present their historical vision, ideological positions, policies, and developmental plans respectively and with most being created around the time the research is focused on. The document analysis was done by thorough readings of the plans of the two IDP documents from the different cities looking specifically at the Economic Development and Housing sections. It also looked at the Economic Development and Housing policy documents, conference resolutions and most importantly the manifestoes of the ANC and the DA. The readings of these document allowed for the researcher to understand the vision behind the texts but also allowed them to pick up the subtle differences and similarities between these 33 documents. Through this, the research was able to look into the extent of these similarities through a direct comparison of the IDP and the ideological and planning positions of the political parties in relation to housing and economic development. The two municipalities were chosen due to their high economic activity which ultimately affects their spatial and housing needs. It is useful to interrogate the type of challenges big cities which experience high levels of migration experience and look into the solutions they have for these challenges. Throughout the phase of the document analysis of the IDP documents, I looked at the chapters and sections that related specifically to Economic Development and Housing Departments. In the CoCT’s 2012 IDP, the information was collated under the specific pillar which made the information much easier to find and understand. Their Housing plans fell under ‘the caring city’ pillar and this is where they detailed the challenges of the department and the people, and also detailed their plans for the next five years whilst their Economic Development challenges and plans were collated under the “opportunity city” pillar. The City of Johannesburg’s 2011 IDP required a bit more time in order to understand because of the manner in which it is structured. The IDP (2011) presents the City’s context which includes the challenges being faced by the City and its people in the second Chapter and only begins detailing its plans in Chapter Six; Focusing on the Basic and Seven; Preparing for Long Term. The research required a thorough reading of both these chapters in order to understand and interpret the plans and policies of the City and both IDP’s were analysed critically and the most important themes, content and plans relating to Economic Development and Housing were included in the research and are discussed more in depth in Chapter Three of this research report. The reading and interpretation of the political organizations policy documents, conference resolutions and manifestoes were a bit more straightforward as some of the documents were refined versions of their previous counterparts. The earlier documents assisted in understanding the context and background of a particular ideological position and also gave a bit more information than a manifesto could. The study also included individual interviews which assisted the research by providing first- hand experience of the working relationships and an in-depth understanding of the IDP process, how it is meant to take place theoretically and how it ends up taking place physically. The individual interviews included senior officials from the City of 34 Johannesburg’s Economic Development Department and Integrated Development Planning: Community Dialogue Unit which falls under the Office of the Speaker. The officials which were interviewed have been with the City for over ten years and were selected based on their position, understanding and experience with the IDP. They gave their personal experience and understanding of the influence and power of the different stakeholders in the IDP process. The research also included interviews from the ANC’s Head of Research and Policy and the DA’s Senior Policy Researcher which allowed the research to understand the parties housing and economic development policies and the parties belief on how their and why their positions should be included in the IDP document. 3.5 Approach to Analysis In terms of fieldwork the researcher set up and followed a five-step procedure which included both the interviews and document analysis of documents which assisted in the overall analysis for the paper and reaching the conclusion. • Step One: Reading of the housing and economic development sections of the IDP documents. • Step Two: Assessment of the political parties policy documents and conference resolutions looking specifically at the housing and economic development aspects. • Step Three: Interview with officials from the three departments. • Step Four: Interview with political party representative. • Step Five: Assemble and analyse data. 35 Analysis Process Task Assessment Objective Method Data Consolidation 2011/12 IDP Document Analysis Fully understand and note the housing and economic development plans as stipulated in the CoJ’s 2011 IDP and the CoCT’s 2012 IDP. Reading and making notes. Collate housing and economic development key policies. Political organization policy document and conference resolution analysis. Determine the stance of the two political parties in respect to housing and economic development. Reading and making notes. Separately collate their policies and overall stance. Interview and questionnaires with officials from the Integrated Development (1 CoJ), Housing and Economic Development (1 CoJ) departments. Determine policy creation and implementation process. Economic Development - Physical and telephonic interview. IDP Unit – Sent questions to answer at their leisure. Consolidate and collate their preferred processes and personal experiences. Interview with representative from political organization’s current policy unit (1 DA, 1 ANC). Understand their policy creation and how they attempt to get their policies in implemented in government. Physical interview. Consolidate key responses and arguments which are not found in the documents. Assembling and analyzing data. Interpret all data collected in order to assist when making final findings for the research. Writing. Collate all data collected. 36 3.6 Limitations The research unfortunately finds itself in the middle of global pandemic which slowed down some of the desired and projected milestones in attempts to understand the complex relationship between the political organizations and how their policies influence local government plans. Throughout the data collection process there was still much fear around the virus which made many of the preferred interviewees reluctant on agreeing to an interview as they complained on time constraints and work pressure. Two of the interviewees indicated that they preferred to answer the questions at their own leisure which made it hard for the researcher to observe the nuances between their responses, facial reactions, and body language. The Democratic Alliance Senior Policy Researcher had been with the organization since 2013 and had in-depth understanding and articulation of the party’s policies and they were referred to by the DA’s Head of Policy. The official from the CoJ’s IDP Community Dialogue Unit had been with the City around the time the 2011 IDP was created. Both were emailed the questions which they later responded to with answers as per their request. The ANC ‘s Head of Policy availed himself for a sit-down interview, similar with the senior official from Economic Development who started with a telephonic interview, but later felt uncomfortable with answering certain questions over the phone which led to interview ending up as a sit down. There was a continuous attempt to contact officials from the City of Cape Town’s Housing, Economic Development and IDP Department from June until October. I sent numerous emails which were not responded to and attempted to call to no avail. The CoJ’s Housing department referred me to someone who had been in the unit during 2011 who kept on promising to revert back to me with his answers as I reminded him every week until this research was submitted. However, having worked with both the ANC for years and most recently the DA, the officials in the City of Johannesburg were able to give some insight on the similarities and differences of the IDP process under each organization. This assisted in providing some insight on the manner in which the DA operates, however this information was utilized cautiously as I acknowledge that these are different contexts, and the workings may be completely different. The majority of the documents in which this research utilized can be found on the website of the two Municipalities and the Democratic Alliance. However, with some of the documents from the African National Congress have disappeared 37 with the loss of their website in the recent years, I was lucky to be given access to the ANC’s archive at Luthuli House in order to review the documents I needed. 3.7 Ethics The study received ethics clearance from University of the Witwatersrand’s School of Architecture and Planning Research Ethics Committee (Protocol Number: SOAP078/06/2020). The study observed the University’s ethical standards of conducting research, such as getting informed consent from participants. This was done through the attachment of a participant information sheet on all requests for interviews which included information on the researcher and the study they were embarking on. The document also gave interviewees the option to withdraw at any moment and choose anonymity. Personal information acquired by the researcher as a means of familiarizing themselves with the interviewee has been hidden and removed from the transcripts. All transcripts and voice recordings have been stored in an electronic password protected file on a laptop that only the researcher has access to. 38 CHAPTER FOUR: MUNICIPAL AND POLITICAL FRAMEWORK 4.1 Introduction The previous chapter detailed the research design and methods utilized throughout the study. This chapter will focus on exploring the City of Johannesburg’s (CoJ) Metropolitan Municipality’s 2011 IDP, the City of Cape Town’s Metropolitan Municipality’s 2012 IDP, and the African National Congress and Democratic Alliance’s policy documents, policy resolutions and manifestoes. The chapter will also present a discussion and comparison of each IDP to the policies of the political organization at its helm. 4.2 African National Congress This section will look at the ANC’s policy documents, conference resolutions, guiding documents and elections manifestoes. The African National Congress which was originally called the South African Native National Congress is one of the oldest liberation movements in Africa, which was formed on January 8th, 1912, by Sol Plaatjie, Josiah Gumede, Pixley ka Isaka Seme and Dr. John Langalibalele Dube in Bloemfontein. Its initial goal was to bring all “Africans together as one people to defend their rights and freedoms” (African National Congress 1912). One of its main goals which it hopes to achieve in the post-apartheid dispensation is to “create an equal society, reverse the legacy of colonialism and apartheid and thus create a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic, united and prosperous society” (Malusi Gigaba: Interview 2020). The ideals of the ANC are heavily based on The Freedom Charter which was created in 1955 through a public participation gathering known as the Congress of the People. Through this, it was able to create a “vision of an alternative society” and establish a new order based on the will and ideas of the people (Freedom Charter 1955). The Charter proclaims that “South Africa belongs to all who live in it” going against the rule of racial segregationist laws of the apartheid government. One of the most important principles of the Freedom Charter (1955) was: “the people shall share in country’s wealth” which meant that the resources and wealth of the country was to be equally distributed amongst the races. 39 The ANC’s policies and manifestoes are not only guided by the Freedom Charter (1955) but are also guided by the “ANC Strategy and Tactics [document]; the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP); the Constitution of South Africa and the relevant resolutions and policies of the 52nd ANC National Conference (Polokwane)” which is documented in the party’s 2009 Manifesto Policy Framework (African National Congress 2009). The 2011 Local Government Manifesto was aligned with the 2009 Manifesto Policy Framework, which both ran a campaign under the slogan “working together we can do more!” (African National Congress 2011). Through its linkage with the 2009 National Manifesto, the ANC argued that since local government was the closest to society and the first point of contact of the communities it would be better positioned to implement some of the ideas and policies stipulated in the Manifesto (2009) which was originally targeted at National and Provincial Elections (Phago 2012: 66). It is through this campaign that the ANC recollected its achievements throughout the years it had been in power whilst simultaneously identifying the challenges the masses of South Africa still faced and laid down the plans and priorities it had in order to fix them. In its 2009 manifesto it acknowledged that South Africa was still deeply plagued with high levels of “unemployment, poverty, deepening inequality and rural marginalisation” (African National Congress 2009: 2). It also acknowledged that it is only through “working together with various sectors of our society” would it be able to achieve more and faster change. The manifesto puts an emphasis on a “large-scale creation of decent work opportunities at the centre of our economic agenda, to deal with the triple challenge of unemployment, inequality and poverty” (African National Congress 2009: 7). It highlighted that it would ensure that the “creation and retention of decent work and sustainable livelihoods” was the focus of all economic policies that its government would pass. It also highlighted the importance of active citizen participatory democracy through the Freedom Charter clause which stipulates: “the people shall govern” and this physically means the “empowering of people, especially women; workers; youth and rural people, to participate in decision-making processes that affect their lives” (African National Congress 2009: 4). 4.2.1 ANC’s Economic Development Position 40 The South African economy was one of the structures which was utilized to decipher the fundamental differences between the white minority and the rest of the black population. Black South Africans had been historically excluded from directly participating in the economy. The white minority relentlessly utilized its political and economic power to ensure the systematic exclusion, oppression and exploitation of black people. South Africa is deeply marred with the “the world's most unequal patterns of distribution of income and wealth” (Reconstruction and Development Programme 1994: 76). The economic growth of the country was heavily reliant on the provision of cheap labour by the black majority. This was deeply plagued by “rigid hierarchies and oppressive labour relations” (Reconstruction and Development Programme 1994: 78). A very disproportionate share of poverty and inequality has fallen on the back of black people. The ANC’s aim is to create an “economy that is equitable, one that is growing on a sustainable basis. That’s creating jobs, transforming in terms of ownership patterns but most importantly is modern, stable and robust” (Malusi Gigaba: Interview 2020). It wants to create “conditions for an inclusive economy that will reduce unemployment, poverty and inequality and produce decent jobs and sustainable livelihoods” (African National Congress 2009: 20). The mandate as stipulated in the 2011 Manifesto was that “every government department, every sector and every business entity, regardless of size will focus on job creation (African National Congress 2011: 4). Municipalities were given the responsibility to ensure that through the guidance of the New Growth Path which is a framework that set out to create 5 million jobs by 2020, they, working alongside communities and the private sector would lead economic development. The ANC highlights the clause in the Freedom Charter: “there shall be work and security” and it committed itself to “building a more equitable, sustainable and inclusive economic growth path, centred on the creation of decent work opportunities and sustainable livelihoods” (African National Congress 2009: 9). As informed by the ANC’s 52nd National Conference Resolutions (2007) which stated that the “creation of decent work and sustainable livelihoods will be the primary and overriding objective shaping other policies” (African National Congress 2009: 9). It would ensure that government’s “monetary and fiscal policy framework” would be structured in a way to” provide for accelerating growth, creating decent work opportunities, developing and growing the economy whist continuing the transformation of the economy” (African National Congress 2009: 9). The ANC Government 41 stated that it would create a ‘Jobs Fund’ with the budget of R9 billion in order to fund job- creation initiatives (African National Congress 2011). The party noted that it would also embark on a programme to ensure that more job opportunities are created through the Expanded Public Works Programme which must be based in the poorest areas. The ANC states that it would also ensure that government launches an agency which will focus on creating “access to funding and employment creation, which will be linked to skills development opportunities and build decent work opportunities for young people” (African National Congress 2009: 11). It would also “implement broad-based economic empowerment and affirmative action policies and adjust them to ensure that they benefit more broad sections of our people, especially the workers, youth, women and people with disabilities”. It would also introduce an economic stimulus package in order to “to avert massive slowdown in the economy” and “avert or minimize job losses and cushion the poor from the economic down turn (African National Congress 2009: 12). It is through its ‘New Growth Path’ programme did the ANC aim to create “five million jobs in the next 10 years’ (Phago 2012: 67). The plan of the programme is to “facilitate local economies for decent employment creation and sustainable livelihoods” (Phago 2012: 67). It also wishes to provide support rural development infrastructure in order to ensure that rural economies thrive and develop sustainably. In relation to Economic Development, the African National Congress offers an understanding of the needs of the people and the South African economy. The ANC’s programs and plans are centered around responding to these challenges and also reversing the effects of the segregationist apartheid policies. Its plans are two folded as they speak to the changing of policy and the introduction of new long-term programmes, but also the support of plans and projects that respond to the immediate needs of citizens. It is interested in creating an economy that is inclusive but also progressive and growing and thus creates jobs and decreases poverty and inequality. 4.2.2 ANC’s Housing Position The African National Congress endorses the Freedom Charter’s principle that: “there shall be houses security and comfort” which calls for government to provide adequate and safe housing, health care and recreation sites to the people. This principle was clearly set out in the ANC’s RDP document which explained that “all South Africans have a right to a secure place in which to live in peace and dignity” (Reconstruction and Development Programme 42 1994: 27). The issue of the lack of adequate housing and basic services is one that is historical and was fully acknowledged by the organization. The ANC also acknowledged the urban housing backlog which it believed has ultimately led to the increase in informal settlements and overcrowding in hostels. It calls for funds to be allocated to create “viable communities in areas close to economic opportunities and to health, educational, social amenities and transport infrastructure” in order to undo the structural and economic consequences of apartheid (Reconstruction and Development Programme 1994: 27). The ANC positions itself in full agreement with National Housing Policy (2010) which sets out the framework and guiding principles that government’s across the country must apply in relation to housing. The policy provides a guide of the instruments which must be utilized to “assist low income households to access adequate housing” (National Department of Human Settlements 2010 : 1). This is done through the Integrated Residential Development Programme (IRDP) which has different facets that must ensure that “human settlements [are situated] in well-located areas that provide convenient access to urban amenities, including places of employment” (National Department of Human Settlements 2010 : 4). The ANC did not foresee a government that would only provide adequate housing structures but also envisioned one that would also provide “sanitary facilities, storm-water drainage, a household energy supply and convenient access to clean water” to all (Reconstruction and Development Programme 1994: 27). Communities must be direct beneficiaries to the development and transformation of their areas The ANC indicates that the national housing programme as stipulated in the National Housing Policy (2010) is not only about building houses, but also looks to creating liveable communities and transforming accessible cities in order to change the apartheid spatial planning patterns. It will provide housing that is “suitably located geologically, environmentally, and with respect to economic opportunities and social amenities” (Reconstruction and Development Programme 1994: 28). This will be done through the implementation of the ANC Government’s ‘Breaking New Ground’ Strategy which would: • Continue the programme to convert hostels into family units; 43 • Increase access to secure and decent housing for all by strengthening partnerships with financial institutions and the private sector and increasing their role; • Accelerate the delivery of new rental housing, provide support for housing co- operatives and ensure that provincial and local government allocate land for this purpose; building skills; • Encourage people to build their houses based on their own plans and choices and provide people with building skills; • Spearhead a programme for the allocation of building materials to rural communities for purposes of self-building and provide people with building skills; and • Ensure all qualifying military veterans receive adequate housing. (African National Congress 2009: 20). The ANC plans on providing alternative housing through “sufficient affordable rental housing stock which will be provided to low-income earners” and individual and collective home ownership. It will also spearhead a program to ensure hostels and informal settlements are “transformed, upgraded and integrated” into communities (Reconstruction and Development Programme 1994: 29). It also called for the creation of a housing type that would support the process of migration. The ANC’s plans for 2011 – 2016 : • Create 400,000 housing units in the next five years, on well-located land with services and within a 30-45 minute journey to work that uses less than 8% of disposable income for transport. • Upgrade informal settlements in 45 municipalities in the next five years and ensure they have security of tenure and access to basic services. • Empower metros and large cities to play a direct role in the provision of housing, developing and managing the built environment and improving and expanding public transport networks. • Promote alignment of the planning processes in the different spheres of government. • Create 80,000 mixed income social and rental housing units in the next five years, so that low-income earners can live in proximity to where they work. (African National Congress 2011: 9) 44 The African National Congress’ Housing plans are centered around not only providing infrastructure but creating human settlements where citizens can exist and thrive. It is clear and consistent on its position and is in full agreement with the National Housing Policy (2010) on the decision to focus on undoing the apartheid spatial planning patterns whilst simultaneously providing homes to the citizens as promised in its Freedom Charter (1955). When looking at its timelines based on the 2011 Local Government Elections Manifesto the vision it has is a bit ambitious and would need the introduction of new programmes and large amounts of funds to back it. 4.3 City of Johannesburg 2011 Integrated Development Plan This section will be looking particularly at City of Johannesburg’s 2011 IDP’s housing and economic development sections. This particular IDP was framed with the intent of “focusing on the basics and preparing for long term” (City of Johannesburg 2011: 1). The City wanted to focus on providing its residents with their basic needs whilst simultaneously creating sustainable and long-term plans to respond to their challenges. During the creation of this particular IDP the CoJ was under the leadership of the ANC with Councillor Parks Tau at the helm as the Executive Mayor. The CoJ Metropolitan Municipality acknowledged that the IDP is a “long-term vision and strategic priority for the municipality” which ensures development at local government level (City of Johannesburg 2011: 4). It is a tool that bridges the gap between the City’s long-term strategic planning and its annual operational plans” (City of Johannesburg 2011: 4). It also acknowledges the need for and importance of extensive community consultation in the IDP processes. 4.3.1 Economic Development The CoJ’s Economic Development Department is responsible for “the implementation of the City’s vision and long-term economic development strategy” (City of Johannesburg 2011: 21). It has the responsibility to “facilitate economic growth for the City by collaborating” with different departments, organizations, businesses, entities and stakeholders. (City of Johannesburg 2011: 21). It must most importantly create jobs and ensure development 45 programmes which will encourage investment opportunities in Johannesburg. These programmes must appeal to the “finance and business services, community services, trade and manufacturing” sectors which make up about 84% of the City’s economy (City of Johannesburg 2011: 73). The department is also in charge of support, research and the creation and implementation of policy to help develop skills, businesses, and the sector. It manages some of the City’s biggest entities that fall under its portfolio which include the Metropolitan Trading Company, Joburg Tourism Company, Joburg Property Company and the Joburg Market. According to the department its vision to ensure that the CoJ becomes a city that “plays a role as the key economic hub on the continent, and a national economic-growth leader” (COJ 2011: 21). It is only through research, job creation, skills development, economic interventions and investment promotion can this be realized which are the department’s main focuses in this particular term. 4.3.2 City of Johannesburg’s Economic Development Challenges However, in its quest of ensuring that the city becomes a huge contributor and an active participant of the local and broader economy, it is a Department that is plagued with many issues that are a result of the systematic exclusion of black people by the apartheid system. This particular IDP was drafted in 2011 after the world had experienced a recession and South Africa particularly had experienced over a million job losses. Johannesburg as the economic hub of the country came under enormous strain because of the migrations that took place during this particular time. Many South Africans from rural areas moved to the ‘City of Gold’ to find employment and economic opportunities and growth for them and their families (City of Johannesburg 2011: 9). There are dire cases of inequality and poverty throughout the City. According to the 2011 IDP one of the main issues the City experienced were high levels of unemployment which were sitting at 21,8% in 2009 which contribute to high levels of inequality and poverty (City of Johannesburg 2011: 9). According to the City’s Gini. Co-efficient. Of 0,63/ Global Insight about 21,6% of households still live below the poverty line. The youth which are deemed as the future of our country and a beacon of hope for many families face a similar fate if not a more drastic one to their elders with the youth unemployment rate sitting at 45% nationally in 2011. 46 4.3.3 City of Johannesburg’s Economic Development Outcomes Even though it has not fully reached all its goals, the CoJ’s Economic Development Department noted in the IDP document that it had come far in its attempts to ensure job creation and the economic development of its civilians. In its aim to facilitate economic growth, the City has created Urban Development Zones (UDZ) which is an “incentive scheme aimed at encouraging inner city renewal” (City of Johannesburg 2011: 36). It allows for taxpaying or property owning individual or entities to claim a tax allowance which covers “accelerated depreciation of investment made in either refurbishment of existing property or the creation of new developments” (City of Johannesburg 2021). In relation to Economic Development between 2011 – 2016 the City plans to focus specifically on: • Employment Creation and Enterprise Development • Sector support and economic diversification; • Area based economic interventions; • Skills development with a special emphasis on technical skills; • Research and development; and • Trade and investment promotion. (City of Johannesburg 2011:36) The department reported that it is through its Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP) where it was somewhat successful in job creation which has also assisted in its quest to respond to service delivery issues and the maintenance of infrastructure. EPWP is a local government programme which focuses on job creation and skills development for the particularly young and unemployed residents. This programme has seen over 150 000 by 2011 jobs being created all over the City which exceeded the initial target of 120 000. During the 2011 – 2016 term, the City has allocated over R200 million to support EPWP grant for projects “practicing labour intensive methods to create new employment opportunities” (City of Johannesburg 2011: 94). 47 The City reported that it adopted a collaborative approach when dealing with economic development and growth thus making the implementation of this a responsibility of all the different departments, entities, stakeholders and civil society. It also noted the importance of creating close working relationships and a communication line to ensure the development and growth of Johannesburg’s economy. 4.3.4 Housing In the 2011 IDP the CoJ’s Housing Department highlights its responsibility to ensure that “different housing needs are met in sustainable human settlements providing a range of well located, good quality, adequately serviced, safe and affordable accommodation opportunities” (City of Johannesburg 2011: 25) for all residents in the City. The plans and interventions included in the 2011 IDP attempt to address this through social mobility and human development programmes. The goals of the department include: • On a progressive basis, all residents living in inadequate housing to access affordable, safe and decent accommodation; • Quality of the City’s existing and future housing stock is enhanced and maintained; • Increased sustainability and liveability of all residential communities; and • Access to adequate accommodation that is suitable, relevant, appropriately located, affordable & fiscally sustainable. (City of Johannesburg 2011: 26). 4.3.5 City of Johannesburg’s Housing Challenges Housing within the CoJ is one of the biggest and crucial challenges that the City and its administration face. The backlog of housing opportunities is another main challenge of the City which reveals itself in the ever growing number and expansion of informal settlements. According to the City’s research it houses about 180 different informal settlements throughout its jurisdiction (City of Johannesburg 2011: 44). In the IDP document the Department reported that residents of the City complained about the “double allocations, unfinished houses, long waiting lists and the transfer of houses to dependants” and the long awaited formalization of informal settlements and allocation of formal stands (City of 48 Johannesburg 2011: 48). There is also a trend in the City of “increased densification of informal settlements as compared to the creation of new settlements” (City of Johannesburg 2011: 11). The City also faces challenges of “overcrowding in the public hostels, the non-regulated backyard rental, inner city overcrowding, and the homeless” (City of Johannesburg 2011: 94). In the IDP document it is reported that migration of civilians into the City puts a further strain on the Department and also makes it almost impossible for them to monitor the numbers they still need to attend to. Other issues which the Department acknowledges were the energy and water shortages, the class divide which “leads to political and economic instability” (City of Johannesburg 2011: 73). The focus of the City in the 2011/16 term is to address the housing challenges and improve service delivery 4.3.6 City of Johannesburg’s Housing Outcomes The Spatial Development Framework (SDF) guides the City’s IDP in relation to spatial transformation as it provides the “development strategies and policy guidelines” (City of Johannesburg. 2011: 53). It is the City’s long term spatial vision and dictates which programmes and projects must be included in the IDP to ensure that it is achieved. The CoJ’s SDF aims to create a “urban structure premised on the principles of sustainability, accessibility and efficiency.” (City of Johannesburg 2011: 55). The City plans to create infrastructure and human settlements that are of quality, affordable, sustainable and can be utilized by all. The IDP notes that South African cities and townships are still heavily characterized by the apartheid spatial planning legacy which left the poor on the periphery and far away from opportunities. In order to fix this, the City will not only introduce new legislation on spatial and land use planning but will also release public land in order to ensure the “delivery of 400 000 housing units on “well located land” with a 30 to 45 minute journey to work and services and using less than 8% of disposable income for transport by 2014” (City of Joburg 2011: 43). In the IDP the City is not specific about the placement of these housing units but emphasizes the need for them to be situated in areas that are close to economic opportunities. Development does not only focus on creating structures that will house our people, it is therefore the City’s vision to create a functional urban structure that provides dignity to its 49 people. This will be done through the City’s basic services programme which includes “electrification, public lighting, water and sanitation and waste management); and integrated transport planning” for all human settlements (City of Johannesburg 2012: 73). In its quest to respond to the housing challenges the City has identified “sustainable human settlements as one of the most critical pillars around which it concentrates much of its work” (City of Joburg 2011: 39). The Departm