Negotiating post migration identities: The intersectional experiences of black lesbian 

immigrants in Johannesburg, South Africa. 

 

A research study presented to 

 

The Department of Critical Diversity Studies 

School of Social Sciences 

Faculty of Humanities 

University of the Witwatersrand 

 

In partial fulfillment of the requirements 

For the degree of Masters in Critical Diversity Studies 

By 

 

Ngwenya Lindile Nontobeko 

Supervised by Dr Cuthbeth Tagwirei and Professor Melissa Steyn 

                                                             May 2021 



i 
 

Declaration 

 

I Ngwenya Lindile Nontobeko, student number: 1154041 a student registered for a Master in 

Critical Diversity studies do hereby declare the following: 

I am aware that plagiarism (the use of someone’s work without their permission and / or without 

acknowledging the original source) is wrong. 

I confirm that all the work submitted for assessment for the above-mentioned course is my own 

unaided work except where I have explicitly indicated otherwise. 

I have followed required conventions in referencing the thoughts and ideas of others. 

I understand that University of the Witwatersrand can take disciplinary action against me if 

there is evidence that this is not my own unaided work or that I have failed to acknowledge the 

source of the ideas or word in writing. 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

  

 

 

 

Signature                                                                                      Date:  23 May 2021 

  



ii 
 

Acknowledgements 

I acknowledge and extend my gratitude to my supervisors, Dr Cuthbeth Tagwirei and Professor 

Melissa Steyn for their commitment, guidance, motivation, and constant support.  

Thanks is also due to Sabelosenkosi Ndlovu, Samkeliso Sibanda, Sibongile Bhebhe and my 

mentor Mr Oncemore Mbeve for the constructive advice, encouragement and support. Special 

thanks go to my colleagues and friends Innocencia Zazzie Ndlovu, Takudzwa Sandra Gazimbi, 

Palesa Sera and Lesedi Tshabalala. May God abundantly reward your efforts. 

To Thomars Shamuyarira, the Fruit Basket Organisation and GALA organisation, thank you 

for rendering me assistance when I needed it. I also would like to make a special thank you to 

the participants who made this research a success.  

Sincere thanks to my family, oNgwenya and oSiTshela, who became pillars of strength and 

encouragement when the load seemed too heavy to bear. You are loved and appreciated. Last, 

but not least, I thank God for making all things possible.  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



iii 
 

Abstract 

The aim of this study was to investigate the intersectional experiences of black lesbian 

immigrants living in Johannesburg, South Africa. Research often looks at the experiences of 

black lesbian immigrants in the context of broader LGBTQ experiences or addresses lesbian 

identities as singular rather than intersectional. Carrying several subordinate identities (for 

example gender, racial, nationality etcetera) positions one within an intersectional invisibility. 

This rank relegates black lesbian immigrants to a culturally unseen role that can have 

consequences for their well-being and social integration. Due to COVID-19 lockdown 

restrictions, individual, semi-structured and in-depth interviews were conducted via 

WhatsApp, phone calls, Skype and Zoom with 11 lesbian immigrants aged 18-65 years. 

Thematic analysis was used to analyse data. Research findings demonstrate that divisions 

within the society based on gender, religion, ethnicity, sexuality and class do not exist 

independently from one another but rather interrelate and interact, resulting in systematic social 

inequalities. These intersecting challenges include challenges around documentation, 

stigmatization in public spaces, discrimination at workplaces, physical abuse, emotional torture 

and sexual assault. 

Key words 

Black lesbian, Immigrants, Intersectionality, Johannesburg 

 

  



iv 
 

List of Acronyms 

 

CCMA                     Commission for Conciliation Meditation and Arbitration 

CoRMSA                 Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa 

CSVR                      Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation 

DHA                        Department of Home Affairs 

DRC                        Democratic Republic of Congo 

GALA                     Gay and Lesbian Memory in Action 

HIV                         Human Immunodeficiency Virus 

ILGA                      The international lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex association    

IOM                        International Organization of Migration 

LGBTQ                  Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Queer 

PASSOP                 People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty 

SADC                     Southern African Development Community (SADC) 

STI                         Sexual Transmitted Infections 

UNAIDS                Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS  

ZEP                        The Zimbabwean Exemption Permit 

  



v 
 

TABLE OF CONTENTS 

 
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 1 

Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 1 

The research problem ........................................................................................................ 3 

The significance of the study ............................................................................................. 3 

The objectives of the study ................................................................................................ 4 

The research questions ....................................................................................................... 5 

Sub questions .................................................................................................................... 5 

Terminology and concepts ................................................................................................. 5 

Chapter delineation ............................................................................................................ 6 

Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 7 

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................... 8 

Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 8 

LGBTQ immigration to South Africa ................................................................................ 8 

Attitudes towards LGBTQ immigrants ............................................................................ 13 

FIGURE 1: WHAT SOUTH AFRICANS THINK AND FEEL ABOUT SAME SEX 

RELATIONSHIPS (SUTHERLAND ET AL., 2016). .......................................................... 14 

FIGURE 2: VIOLENCE TOWARDS NON-GENDER CONFORMING PERSONS .............................. 15 

FIGURE 3: POPULAR EXPLANATIONS ABOUT SAME SEX ORIENTATION  ................................. 15 

FIGURE 4: VIOLENT ATTITUDE TOWARDS IMMIGRANTS ...................................................... 16 

Physical Violence against lesbians in South Africa .......................................................... 19 

Socio-economic challenges faced by LGBTQ immigrants ............................................... 28 

Theoretical Framework .................................................................................................... 32 

Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 32 

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ....................................................................................... 34 

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 34 



vi 
 

Research Design .............................................................................................................. 34 

Study setting .................................................................................................................... 35 

Brief description of the study site..................................................................................... 35 

FIGURE 5: DEMOGRAPHIC POPULATION ACCORDING TO RACE IN JOHANNESBURG ............ 36 

FIGURE 6: DEMOGRAPHIC POPULATION ACCORDING TO ETHNICITY IN JOHANNESBURG .... 36 

FIGURE 7: DEMOGRAPHIC POPULATION ACCORDING TO RELIGION IN JOHANNESBURG 

SOUTH AFRICA ................................................................................................................. 36 

TABLE 1: OTHER DEMOGRAPHIC EXPLANATIONS IN JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH 

AFRICA (STATS SA, 2018) .............................................................................................. 37 

Study population.............................................................................................................. 38 

Sampling procedure ......................................................................................................... 39 

Research Instrumentation................................................................................................. 39 

Data Collection Method ................................................................................................... 40 

Data analysis and interpretation techniques ...................................................................... 41 

TABLE 2: DATA ANALYSIS PROCEDURE ..................................................................... 41 

Ethical considerations ...................................................................................................... 43 

Informed consent ............................................................................................................. 43 

Informed consent for recording voices in Research .......................................................... 43 

Privacy and anonymity .................................................................................................... 44 

Participant Safety ............................................................................................................ 44 

Reflexivity ....................................................................................................................... 45 

How to ensure trustworthiness of qualitative data ............................................................ 45 

Credibility .................................................................................................................... 45 

Triangulation ............................................................................................................... 45 

Confirmability: ............................................................................................................ 46 

Audit Trail ................................................................................................................... 46 

Reflexivity: .................................................................................................................. 46 

Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 46 



vii 
 

CHAPTER 4: DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS ...................................................................... 47 

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 47 

Biographic details of the participants ............................................................................... 47 

TABLE 3: BIOGRAPHICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF PARTICIPANTS .......................... 47 

Black lesbians' perceptions of themselves ........................................................................ 48 

Perceptions of the broader society .................................................................................... 51 

Strategies black lesbian immigrants use to deal with multiple forms of marginality ......... 65 

Discussion of findings ..................................................................................................... 67 

CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................... 80 

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 80 

Recommendations ........................................................................................................... 81 

Reference list ...................................................................................................................... 83 

Appendixes ......................................................................................................................... 96 

Appendix A: Interview schedule ...................................................................................... 96 

Appendix B:  Information sheet ....................................................................................... 98 

Appendix C: Informed consent ...................................................................................... 101 

Appendix D: Permission letter for counselling services at the Centre for the Study of 

Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)............................................................................. 103 

 

 

 

   

  



1 
 

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 
 

Introduction 
 

Since the advent of a democratic dispensation in 1994, South Africa has become a major 

destination for African migrants fleeing poverty, war and human rights abuses (Crush and 

Peberdy, 2018; Adepoju, 2019). The last 10 years have seen an increasing number of 

immigrants who identify as LGBTQ moving into South Africa in response to discrimination 

and persecution in their homophobic countries (Zabus, 2009; Martin, 2012). Homosexuality is 

illegal in many African countries including Uganda, Kenya, Nigeria, Zimbabwe and Malawi 

(De Greef, 2019). LGBTQ individuals do not enjoy the rights afforded heterosexual 

individuals, couples or families (Redcay, Luquet and Huggin, 2019). Churches, the media and 

the state contribute to homophobic climates in these countries (Butler, 2004). Resultantly, 

many LGBTQ people are not protected in their home countries and often hide their sexual 

orientations and gender identities to avoid daily persecution, which can include, but is not 

limited to, unlawful imprisonment, blackmail, public shaming, physical and psychological 

abuse, and sexual assault (Kahn, Alessi, Woolner, Kim and Olivieri, 2017). Often, this leads to 

mental health issues, such as depression or other post-traumatic stress disorders (Sutter and 

Perin, 2016). LGBTQ people living in such countries may have to hide their identities or their 

non-conforming gender behaviours in order to avoid being victimized and their rights violated. 

(Kahn, et al., 2017).  

The article for International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Intersex Association (ILGA) 

written by Mendos (2019) highlights that political and state sponsored homophobia is still 

alarming, especially in Africa. The report indicates that there has not been much change from 

the previous years when it comes to the promotion of LGBTQ human rights.  Homosexuality 

is still a severe offence in 35 countries within Africa. Three countries can sentence individuals 

who are found to be in the same sex relationship for life (Mendos, 2019). Four countries’ 

imprisonment sentences range from 14 years to life. One country has a stipulated prison 

sentence of up to 10 years for those accused and found to be in same-sex relationships and the 

rest of the countries do not specify the level of imprisonment in their countries (Yang, 2019). 

Seychelles, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Rwanda and the Central African Republic signed the 

United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against homosexuality in 

Geneva in March 2011. Notably, South Africa is the only country on the continent to have both 

laws in place to protect sexual minorities and same-sex marriages (Ibrahim, 2019). 



2 
 

Reports from activists and social movements indicate that discrimination and violence are the 

major challenges faced by lesbian people. What makes it more worrying is that they are not 

protected by the law (Mendos, 2019). In 1995, during a televised public rally in the capital 

Harare, former president of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, characterized gays and lesbians as 

worse than dogs and pigs. In 1999, he termed gays and lesbians gangsters and, in the following 

year, described sexual diversity as a cultural abomination and rottenness that Britain was 

trying to force on Africans (Shoko, 2010). Van den Heever (2015) claims that patriots in 

Zimbabwe were encouraged to shield Zimbabwe from Western imperialism which came 

disguised in the form of homosexuality. This kind of homophobia has been propagated in state-

controlled media and elsewhere in Africa (Epprecht, 2004). Other former African leaders, 

including Kenya’s Arap Moi, Namibia’s Sam Nujoma, Malawi’s Bingu wa Mutharika, 

Nigeria’s Olusegun Obasanjo, and Senegal’s Abdoulaye Wade shared Robert Mugabe’s 

sentiments and, on several occasions, endorsed the view that sexual diversity is unAfrican 

argument (Van den Heever, 2015). All of these presidents are on record for making 

stigmatising and discriminatory statements (Tamale, 2014). 

Immigration or exile is one of the alternatives LGBTQ people find themselves considering. 

Awondo, Geschiere and Reid (2012) report that due to negative homophobic and transphobic 

conditions imposed on sexually marginalized groups, there is a trend in Africa where LGBTQ 

people are forced into exile as sexual refugees in foreign countries. The South African Refugee 

Act 130 of 1998 “grants refugee status based on the fear of persecution of belonging to a 

particular social group, which could include one’s sexual orientation” (Refugee Act 130, p. 8). 

South Africa is the only African country to enact legislation that prohibits the discrimination 

of gender identities and sexualities under its highest law of the land, the Constitution, thereby 

ensuring the protection of enumerated rights and fundamental principles of human dignity and 

equality (De Ru, 2013). A 2012 report from the People against Suffering, Oppression and 

Poverty (PASSOP) observes that, as a result, many citizens from all over Africa are making 

their way to South Africa in the hope of finding a less homophobic, safe living, environment. 

Among these immigrants are lesbian individuals whose intersectional experiences often go 

unaccounted owing to predominant tendencies to lump them together with other LGBTQ 

people or failure to consider the complexities of their multiple identities as lesbians, women, 

Black and immigrants. 

This research taps into the intersectional experiences of lesbian immigrants by recognizing how 

they are complexly positioned in post-1994 South Africa. Despite the increasing acceptance of 



3 
 

LGBTQ immigrants in the country, belonging to a sexual minority in a society largely oriented 

toward heterosexuality has its challenges (Meyer, 2003). For lesbian immigrants, the problem 

is compounded by the realities of xenophobia and gender-based violence, for instance. The 

result, in some cases, is discrimination based on one’s nationality and gender even in countries 

that are celebrated for having progressive constitutions (Mundangepfupfu, 2019). The research 

therefore breaks the cycle of lesbian invisibility by connecting certain marginal positionalities, 

which are often studied independently within social sciences, through the perspectives of 

lesbian immigrants in Johannesburg, South Africa. 

The research problem 
 

Research on LGBTQ experiences tends to mask the distinct conditions which lesbian 

individuals find themselves in as sexual and gender minorities located within patriarchal 

spaces. As a group, LGBTQ people share the experiences of homophobia in several of its 

manifestations such as violence and discrimination. Nevertheless, the nature of these 

experiences differs depending on how each person is socially positioned along other axes of 

identity such as gender, race and class. It is for this reason that research on the specific 

experiences of black lesbian immigrants is key. Though it is possible to draw parallels among 

LGBTQ people, being black, a woman and an immigrant suggests experiences which a gay, 

white, man would not go through, for instance. 

Taylor, Hines and Casey (2011) observe that the experiences of black lesbian immigrants are 

often ignored or looked at monolithically, rather than as intersecting experiences. This is 

despite the fact that carrying several subordinate identities marks black lesbian immigrants for 

intersectional invisibility (Purdie-Vaughns and Eibach, 2008). The failure to tease out the 

unique experiences of black lesbian immigrants means policy interventions and activities 

around immigration, gender, sexuality and race will continue to service fragments of their well-

being rather than targeting them holistically. Consequently, these women are relegated to 

culturally unseen roles, which has consequences for their well-being and social integration 

(Choubak, 2014). Research therefore needs to centre on how their identities intersect and what 

this means in terms of their experiences in South Africa. 

The significance of the study  
 

This study seeks to examine the experiences of black lesbian immigrants in South Africa in 

view of their multiple marginal positionalities. Such an approach unpacks the connections 



4 
 

among race, gender, sexuality and nationality as they play out in positioning black lesbian 

immigrants in certain ways. This breaks the dominant cycle where marginal positions often get 

studied independently within social sciences. The study therefore explores how individuals 

with multiple marginalized identities regard and deal with the potentially contradictory 

identities in relation to the environment in which they find themselves. Black lesbian 

immigrants’ negotiations of shifting identities relating to gender, nationality, race and sexuality 

are explored through semi-structured interviews to gain a deeper understanding. 

Through this endeavour, a significant research gap in the social sciences literature that could 

guide immigration, sexual orientation and numerous identity studies will be addressed. It is 

necessary to explore how sexual identity can shape experiences that are rarely discussed in 

immigration literature after migration settlement. It is also interesting to explore how sexual 

identity is negotiated with other minority statuses that are not adequately fleshed out in the 

context of sexual minority research that does not distinguish the ethnic/cultural backgrounds 

or gender status of the participants. There is limited literature that addresses issues of black 

lesbian immigrants in South Africa. The failure to tease out the experiences of this category 

needs to be addressed in order to enrich the existing discourses on migration and gender. 

Discourses on LGBTQ experiences also need to be amplified by demonstrating points of 

convergence and divergence among the various individuals who identify themselves as 

LGBTQ persons. For this reason, the study will address the issues of lesbians only, in the 

context of their intersectional experiences. 

The knowledge gained from this study may help the government and other key stakeholders 

involved in the same field to draft public policy. Public policies are a reflection of the beliefs, 

attitudes and values of society. This study will enable the government and policy-makers to be 

aware of the challenges faced by black LGBTQ immigrants and create awareness on how 

policy and legislative interventions can be tailored to address them. 

The objectives of the study  

The research seeks to:  

✓ Analyse black immigrant lesbians’ perceptions of themselves and their host 

communities. 

✓ Examine the extent of gender, sexual, racial and xenophobic marginality faced by black 

lesbian immigrants.  



5 
 

✓ Assess the strategies black lesbian immigrants use to deal with multiple forms of 

marginality. 

The research questions  

➢ What are the intersectional experiences of black immigrant lesbians in South Africa?  

Sub questions  

✓ What perceptions do black immigrant lesbians have of themselves and their 

communities in South Africa?  

✓ To what extent do black immigrant lesbians experience homophobia, gender-based 

violence, xenophobia, and racism in South Africa?  

✓ How do black immigrant lesbians deal with various marginal positionings in South 

Africa? 

 

Terminology and concepts 

 

It is important to clarify the terms that are central to the study to provide an understanding of 

how they are used. I acknowledge the unease around the term ‘homosexual’ because of the 

negative connotations it carries.  It is subject to a lot of controversies, and debate. However, it 

is important to note that, where possible, the term is avoided, but in some cases the word has 

been recognized and kept to the point of stressing the meaning of the text and what it sought to 

achieve. Msibi (2011) says that the term ‘homosexuality’ originated in the West. It was 

negatively used to mark, pathologize and stigmatize individuals who engage in same-sex 

relationships. The other term which is used in the research is ‘gay’. Some researchers use the 

term ‘gay’ to refer to all the experiences of those involved in same sex relationship, including 

lesbians.   

There are also questions around the use of LGBTQ terminology. The use of this abbreviation 

is not always constant. One of the reasons being the time difference of the period when the 

articles being referenced were written and published. Secondly, the terminology can be used 

interchangeably depending on the subject in question. This terminology is not static, and it 

continues to grow. 

The Welcoming Project (n. d) says that in the past years various abbreviations have evolved to 

represent lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer persons and their allies. They add on to say 



6 
 

that “if letters for all groups are included, these abbreviations can become quite lengthy and 

cumbersome” (The Welcoming Project, n. d, para. 3). There is no clear consensus regarding 

the terms to use. LGBTQ is the most used abbreviation. To add, The Welcoming Project (n. d) 

claims that the term LGBTQ is easily recognized as representative of diversity. To clear this 

confusion, the term LGBTQ will be used consistently in this research, except when I paraphrase 

or quote directly from another text.  

Chapter delineation 
 

Chapter 1: Introduction  

The research introduction is outlined in Chapter 1. The introduction addresses the problem 

statement, the rationale for the study and research questions, the aims and objectives of the 

study, and clarifies terminology and concepts. 

Chapter 2: Literature review 

Chapter 2 reviews literature relevant to the study. It covers key terms used in the research, 

LGBTQ immigration to South Africa, South African perceptions of same-sex relationships, 

physical violence against lesbians in South Africa, and the socio-economic challenges faced 

by LGBTQ immigrants. In addition, intersectionality is discussed at length as a theoretical 

framework that forms the basis of the study. 

Chapter 3: Research Methodology  

In Chapter 3, methods used to carry out the research are discussed. Details of the 

methodological process, including the qualitative approach, sampling method, data sources and 

collection methods, are provided. The conclusion of the chapter clarifies the method of data 

analysis, study validity and trustworthiness, ethical issues, and reflexivity. 

Chapter 4: Data Analysis and Results 

The analysis and interpretation of in-depth interviews conducted with participants are the focus 

of this chapter. The results are presented and discussed according to the themes arising from 

the data. The themes include black immigrant lesbians’ perceptions of themselves and their 

host communities, the extent of gender, sexual, racial and xenophobic marginality faced by 

black lesbian immigrants, and the strategies black lesbian immigrants use to deal with multiple 

forms of marginality.  

Chapter 5: Conclusions and Recommendations  



7 
 

This chapter provides the summary of the findings. Lastly, based on the research findings, 

recommendations are presented. 

Conclusion 

 

In this chapter, the problem statement, the rationale for the study the research questions, the 

aims and objectives of the study, and the clarification of terminology and concepts are 

covered. The significance of the study and the contribution it will make are also stated. 

 

 

  



8 
 

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 

 

Introduction 
 

Research on sexual minorities abounds, yet little exists in terms of the experiences of black 

immigrant lesbians. The reason for this is that scholarship on sexual minorities either tends to 

focus on LGBTQ people as a group or focus more on the migrant experiences of gay and 

transgender people. This is not to say literature on lesbian experiences in Africa, or South 

Africa for that matter, does not exist. However, no sustained efforts have so far been made to 

consider how being positioned intersectionally as black, lesbian and immigrant invites specific 

experiences peculiar to those positioned thus. This literature review sets the stage for 

addressing this gap by discussing some of the scholarly preoccupations related to black lesbian 

immigrant experiences and demonstrating the significance of intersectionality as a suitable 

framework for the study. Below is the definition of key concepts used in the study. 

 

LGBTQ immigration to South Africa 
 

There is substantial literature on immigration to South Africa in general and some studies on 

LGBTQ immigration. A 2019 report from (ILGA) claims that South Africa is one of the safest 

places in the world when it comes to the rights of the LGBTQI people. This is because of its 

progressive constitutional laws (Mendos, 2019). However, many immigrants are not welcome 

to South Africa (Segatti, 2017). This is because the country is also experiencing economic re-

emergence, which has resulted in high unemployment and high demand for jobs 

(Mundangepfupfu (2019). One of the reasons that immigrants are easily identifiable in South 

Africa is their inability to understand and speak South African languages (Batisai, 2016). 

Mundangepfupfu (2019) claims that South Africa is seen as the promised land for most queer 

people. It attracts queers from nearby countries and further afield.  It is the only country in 

Southern Africa that recognizes the right of LGBTQI (Mendos, 2019; Human Right Watch, 

2011). There seems to be a link between movement and expression of one’s sexuality 

(Jennings, 2010). While most states in Africa sought to leave homosexuality in the precolonial 

past, South Africa remained one country which held the promise of sexual tolerance.  

The Immigration Act, 2002 (Act No. 13 of 2002) and the Refugees Act, 1998 are one of the 

two laws and policies that facilitate the movement of LGBTQ+ immigrants from their home 

countries to South Africa (Act No. 130 of 1998). Both of these acts place the blame for 



9 
 

xenophobic attacks and discrimination against immigrants in South Africa. To try to ensure 

immigrants' stay, the Immigration Amendment Bill of 2010 (Amendment Bill, 2010) 

prominently introduced various types of temporary visas and permanent residence, allowing 

legal immigration to South Africa (Moyo, 2017). Nonetheless, many foreigners complain that 

the entry procedures are too strict and rigid. This act also aims to prevent illegal immigrants 

from entering South Africa and to protect the country from immigration inflows (Moyo, 2017). 

In 1998, the Refugees Act went into effect. The act was intended to protect the rights of 

displaced people and those who were said to be in fear for their lives. The Refugees Act also 

grants refugees all of the rights outlined in the South African constitution's Bill of Rights, with 

the exception of the right to vote. These rights include access to health care, housing, basic 

education, and so on (Refugees Act, 1998). However, the South African government appears 

to have failed to properly implement the Refugee Act (Memela, 2014). The department of home 

affairs does not properly monitor applications for asylum and refugee permits, and they take a 

long time to process. This disadvantages the asylum seeker because they risk being arrested, 

detained, and deported. (CoRMSA, 2016). Asylum seekers are sometimes discriminated 

against by officials from home affairs, who demand bribes in exchange for visa renewals or 

extensions. When asylum seekers refuse to comply with their demands, they face humiliation, 

xenophobia, and homophobia. Because of these circumstances, many LGBTI refugees and 

asylum seekers have chosen not to apply for legal documents and instead to live as illegal 

immigrants. 

The South African Constitution (1996) article 9 (3), highlight that “the state may not unfairly 

discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds, including race, 

gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, color, sexual orientation, age, 

disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture, language and birth” (Constitution of South 

Africa, 1996, pg. 6). This clause signified a new beginning for the people living in South Africa 

(Mundangepfupfu, 2019). The 1996 South African Constitution therefore included a non-

discrimination clause based on sexual orientation. 

It is interesting to note that in the next 10 years that followed, the state formulated a number of 

policies and laws that considered LGBTQ people's rights (Human Rights Watch, 2011). This 

was the result of long struggles between the state, the community and LGBTQ people. These 

laws, often referred to as sodomy laws, were removed from the Constitution. This allowed 

LGBTQ people access to medical care, insurance, immigration, inheritance, recognition of 

same-sex marriages, adoption, child custody, change of sexual status and adoption rights for 



10 
 

same-sex couples. However, these progressive laws have not stopped people from being violent 

and hostile to LGBTQ people in South Africa. A survey conducted in 2016 shows that there is 

a huge gap between the ideals of the Constitution and people's attitudes towards homosexual 

people (Sutherland, Roberts, Gabriel, Struwig, and Gordon, 2016). 

Mundangepfupfu (2019) identifies the lifestyle portrayed by media such as music, fashion, the 

ability of people to move freely and exercise their sexuality as a driving force for Zimbabweans 

to migrate to South Africa. South Africa is seen as a place of independence, socially, sexually 

and economically compared to Zimbabwe and other African countries (Mundangepfupfu, 

2019; Crush 2012). Batisai (2016) argues that one's freedom and movement in South Africa is 

determined by the positions they occupy. These positions are facilitated by race, socio-

economic status, gender status and, most importantly, the status of their documentation. 

Many people are therefore attracted to Johannesburg with the expectation of freely expressing 

their identity (Reid, Graeme and Dirsuweit, 2002). Johannesburg is host to Africans from 

various cities in Africa such as Kampala, Gaborone, Windhoek, Dar es Salaam, Harare and 

beyond (Mundangepfupfu, 2019). He adds on to say that the reason why most of them are 

drawn to live in Johannesburg is because society seems to be more accepting and it seems to 

be a promising safe haven for queer individuals. 

Tabak and Levitan (2014) observe that a variety of push and pull factors can have a huge impact 

on LGBTI decisions to leave their homes. They add on to say that one of the reasons that 

influence one’s decision to relocate to another country is closely linked to one’s sexual identity. 

The push and pull factors include the great desire for better economic conditions and prospects, 

political and religious freedom and independence etcetera (Tabak and Levitan, 2014). They 

add on to say that there is a likelihood that individuals who migrate because of their sexuality 

might have suffered in their home countries. Said suffering might have been in the form of 

having their human right violated, through discrimination, sexual assault, and other forms of 

abuses linked to one’s gender identity (Tabak and Levitan, 2014). In some instances, the 

decision to leave was urgent, a question of life or death. Common types of persecutions that 

are experienced by sexual minorities worldwide were identified in an article written by 

Goldberg (1993).These persecutions included “police harassment and assault, involuntary 

institutionalization and electroshock and drug 'treatments,' punishment under laws that impose 

extreme penalties including death for consensual lesbian or gay sexual relations, murder by 

paramilitary death squads, and government inaction in response to criminal assaults against 

lesbians and gay men.” (Goldberg, 1993, p. 2-3). 



11 
 

Today sexual minorities around the world are still discriminated and persecuted by the state 

and the civil society (Tabak and Levitan, 2014). There is also systematic criminalization of 

same-sex relationships. Human Right Watch (2011) report says that some countries like South 

Africa for example have progressive laws that protect the rights of LGBTI people, but still 

individuals are not spared from social stigma and strongly held prejudice, violence and murder. 

Tabak and Levitan (2014) then highlights that such everyday experiences of oppression, 

prejudice, arrests and stigmatization can be critical factors in assessing the options made by 

sexual minorities and the attitudes they display when other states detain them after fleeing their 

home countries. 

Moreover, push factors such as discrimination, torture, and persecution in home countries may 

propel individuals to relocate to places that they deem safe and where they can freely express 

their sexual identity (Tabak and Levitan, 2014). Tabak and Levitan (2014) claim that recent 

foreign media exposure to LGBTI rights, freedom to express their sexual identity can act as a 

pull factor to people staying in communities or countries where same-sex relationships are 

heavily criminalized. Brooks and Smith (2012) add that because of this coverage on LGBTI 

families and those who openly and ardently speak out for LGBTI rights, future migrants willbe 

increasingly aware that there may be greater protection for LGBTI rights outside their home 

country. Tabak and Levitan (2014, p.10) indicate that the “magnet theory may explain LGBTI 

migration to countries that are known to be more hospitable for LGBTI individuals, regardless 

of why they choose to leave. It is clear today that many LGBTI individuals become global 

migrants”. Martin (2012) points out that the individual's decision to migrate appears to be 

linked to a global increase in irregular migration and the detention of such migrants by hosting 

countries.  Koko, Monro and Smith (2018) claim that the number of LGBTI migrants in 

detention has also increased as a result.  

There also seems to be a connection between migration, travelling and the development of 

sexual identity (Jennings, 2010). Jennings (2010) argues that it has become usual to notice that 

migration has become a norm and a step in the coming out process. The latest research in 

postcolonial and ethnicity studies has influenced those interested in queer studies to look deeper 

into the concept of gay and lesbian migration through the diaspora and hybridity lens. (Fortier, 

2002). Cant presents his edited collection of lesbian and gay narratives on migration by 

asserting that:  

People flee their families and their communities of origin because there is no place for 

them there. If migration is experienced as freedom, the family and its values are 



12 
 

perceived as a prison. The need to escape the shame which you believe your 

homosexuality will bring to you and your family becomes overwhelming. The 

unquestioned status of heterosexuality leaves no room for negotiation or the 

development of alternatives (Cant, 1997, p. 6-7). 

Cant asserts that the home of origin may be depressing because it is viewed and considered to 

be a monolithic place where one is confined, and forced to be ashamed of their identity.  He 

adds that this rigidity and lack of discussion about issues regarding gender and sexual identity 

in heterosexual families can force lesbians and gay men to migrate to a new place where they 

have freedom to express their gender identity. 

Historians and feminist theorists explain that being away from family and friends seems to play 

a critical role in women’s migration. It helps them to transform their sexuality without being 

monitored, and being pressurized by familial and cultural expectations (Jennings, 2010). The 

transformation is important in the cycle of migration, as it allows women to change their sexual 

and gender roles (Espin, 1999). Espin notes that: 

For both heterosexual and lesbian women, the crossing of borders through migration 

provides the space and ‘permission’ to cross boundaries and transform their sexuality 

and sex roles women who migrate from ‘modern’ societies may find that alternatives 

open up for them in the new country because of the distance from the familiar 

environment and, in some cases, from their families (1999, p. 5). 

Cant (1997) claims that migration is a liberating experience for gays and lesbians. This is 

because being away from home enables them to develop their new identities, to be true to 

themselves, to find voices and to create their own journeys and histories. However, lesbians’ 

narratives seem to suggest that they remained emotional and physical attached with their 

families and communities where they were coming from, despite the fact that they were away 

from home (Martin, 2012). Traditional conceptions of femininity indicated that women were 

deeply rooted in social networks of family responsibility, economic dependency and residential 

relations (Jennings, 2010). As a result of these femininity conceptions, lesbians are forced to 

perform certain roles and duties within their families. These include caring for the elderly, sick 

parents or relatives, and contributing to the family income. These circumstances determine the 

right of the lesbian to communicate and negotiate and behave in accordance with the same sex 

desires (Jennings, 2010).  



13 
 

The study will benefit from drawing parallels from these studies and the research that has been 

done with lesbian immigrants in other places. For instance, Acosta’s (2008) analysis of the 

experiences of Latina lesbians living in the United States is interesting in how it demonstrates 

that sexual autonomy is achieved by these women at the expense of racial, class and national 

freedom. It shows that sexual, racial, and class identities are continually shifting as migration 

recasts them in new social systems characterized by racial inequality. Dealing with issues of a 

similar nature in the South African context will certainly yield interesting results. Espin (1999) 

dwells on the experiences of black lesbian immigrants in Europe. The study looks at the 

transformations of gender roles and sexuality experienced by women because of migration and 

demonstrates that crossing boundaries can be both empowering and disabling. This is what 

makes identity negotiation a key aspect of the experiences of black lesbian immigrants entering 

new spaces. 

Attitudes towards LGBTQ immigrants 
 

Literature on LGBTQ immigrants also focuses on societal attitudes. Mundangepfupfu (2019) 

states that certain people are continually faced with traumatic events and extreme brutality. 

Flockemann, Ngara, Roberts and Castle (2010) echoes Derrida by saying: “The foreigner is a 

destabilizing presence in our midst. By [her] mere presence amongst us [she] is posing 

questions- questions not only of who [she] is and what [her] presence signifies, but ultimately 

of who ‘we’ are and what we signify in relation to [her]” (In Mundangepfupfu, 2019, p. 42). 

Mungdangepfupfu (2019) honors Flockemann’s comment by pointing out that it demonstrates 

that the immigrant 's presence forces people in many ways to reinforce their confidence in the 

country, the "we" that ties them together. The immigrant is destabilizing this national identity 

as it makes the "we" doubt their own existence and position, something they would not have 

done otherwise if not for her. Thus, in many ways, the immigrant awakens the citizen, and that 

can often not be a good thing, because the citizen may now become aware of all the flaws of 

the nation, and instead of defending the nation, targets the immigrant.  

Mundangepfupfu (2019) refers to Mpe’s novel Welcome to Hillbrow to illuminate the existence 

of homophobia and xenophobia in South Africa, and the intersection of these two forms of 

violence, especially in the case of double pariahs. Mundangepfupfu uses “double pariah” to 

explain that those caught between homophobia and xenophobia are disqualified by the State 

on the grounds of their nationality and sexual orientation. Such two overlapping identities have 

put them in a difficult position with other fellow immigrants as they face homophobic attacks. 



14 
 

Thus, Mundangepfupfu (2019) calls them the double pariah because they are marginalized 

because of their sexual identity and their nationality. In Mpe 's text, the double pariah is 

portrayed as a "contagion and fugitive" that the nation does not welcome (Mundangepfupfu, 

2019, p. 46). The book also points to very interesting debates about who the guest is and who 

the host is (Mpe, 2001). Mpe (2001) gives a striking reflection of what was happening during 

Apartheid, how black people were seen as invaders, and aliens.  

The survey conducted by Sutherland et al, (2016) with South Africans shows that the majority 

of South Africans feel that immigrants will never be completely respected, embraced and 

accepted. Gqola (2008), 

concurs that foreign nationals are often defined as nameless people, victims of 

violence, immigrants from the African continent; and when these marginalizing 

grammars and vocabularies are institutionalized and become the norm, they produce 

foreign bodies that are not only different but are safe to be exploited and confined in 

status and opportunities (p. 211).  

Intersecting positions such as one's socio-economic status, one's residential location, one's 

educational background is said to have a tremendous impact on understanding how in South 

Africa, those who do not belong negotiate difference and xenophobia. It is obvious then that 

these binaries are not set, that they can change depending on one's class and how they are 

positioned in society.  

A study conducted by Sutherland et al., (2016) is one of the studies in South Africa and Africa, 

in general that attempted to provide the demographics of LGBTQ people. It states that there 

were 530 000 women and men from both urban and rural population groups of all age groups 

classified as gender non-conforming, bisexual, lesbians, homosexual   consistent with similar 

population ratios in many different parts of the world. Following are the graphical findings of 

the survey conducted. They show the South African’s attitude towards the LGBTQ people. 

FIGURE 1: WHAT SOUTH AFRICANS THINK AND FEEL ABOUT SAME SEX 

RELATIONSHIPS (SUTHERLAND ET AL., 2016). 

 



15 
 

 

 

FIGURE 2: VIOLENCE TOWARDS NON-GENDER CONFORMING PERSONS (SUTHERLAND ET AL., 

2016). 

 

 

 

 

 

FIGURE 3: POPULAR EXPLANATIONS ABOUT SAME SEX ORIENTATION (SUTHERLAND ET AL., 

2016).  

 

Accept gay
family

member

Have
homosexual

family
member

Homosexual
s deserve

equal rights

Homosexuali
ty is morally

wrong

 NUMBER OF PEOPLE 55% 27% 51% 72%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%
N

U
M

B
ER

 O
F 

P
EO

P
LE

ATTITUDE

450 000

240 000

700 000

0 100 000200 000300 000400 000500 000600 000700 000800 000

 NUMBER OF PEOPLE

ATTITUDE

verbally abused a non gender conforming person

Harmed a man who behaved like a women

Harmed a women who dressed and behaved like man



16 
 

 

 

FIGURE 4: VIOLENT ATTITUDE TOWARDS IMMIGRANTS (SUTHERLAND ET AL., 2016) 

 

 

 

The graphs show that it is important to look at other factors that influence the people’s attitude 

towards the LGBTQ people in South Africa. These include gender, race, class, educational 

level, age, religion.  Results from the survey show that in all the questions that were asked men 

are more likely than women to be intolerant of anyone who is gender non-conforming. Those 

who are above the age of 45 were said to be worse. Black people and coloureds were said to 

be more intolerant compared to white people, including those who regarded themselves to be 

highly religious. Moreover, those who had formal education and those who were staying in 

34,00%
12,00%

5,10%

3,80%
3,70%

Lifestyle choice Illness A sin Upbringing Ancestral spirits



17 
 

urban areas were said to have a better understanding of sexual identity and gender expression. 

The participants were asked about their attitudes towards immigrants and a majority of them 

claimed that they might be violent towards immigrants (Sutherland et al, 2016). 

A number of explanations are provided as to why some members of society tend to be 

homophobic. Fransis (2017) points out that there is limited literature available on LGBTQ 

experiences in schools. He argues that beyond policy, curriculum and pedagogy, there is a need 

to understand how gender and sexuality are perceived in contemporary schools. The challenges 

faced by LGBTQ students include harassment, rejection, avoidance, isolation from other 

students and teachers. Some students may even commit suicide because of that. In some cases, 

they may be threatened with expulsion based on their sexual identity (Butler, Alpaslan, Allen, 

and Astbury). Kowen and Davis (2006), too, stress the pervasive presence of lesbian 

heterosexism in schools and the neighborhoods that lesbians live in. They claim that “in the 

South African context, coming out means confronting a range of punitive social controls, 

including, among others, abandonment, rape, physical violence, censorship, and accusations of 

witchcraft” (p. 82–83) 

Some teachers have been said to teach students that homosexuality is contagious. Thus, they 

had to be careful who they associated with in case they got infected (Msibi, 2012). Bhana's 

(2012a) study shows that in some schools it was not allowed to come out and it was 

unacceptable and considered inappropriate. Bhana (2012b) adds that the reason why 

homosexuals are not encouraged in schools is because the teachers do not want to be 

responsible for the outcome. All measures were put in place to deny the existence of different 

sexualities at school. Bhana (2012b), DePalma and Francis (2014) argue that the reason why 

we have such a problem in schools is because teachers are not equipped with the right 

knowledge and measures to deal with sexual diversity in schools. Thus, if they encounter such 

cases, they fail to respond constructively. 

OUT LGBT Wellbeing (2016) conducted a quantitative study which included 638 school 

participants. The findings showed that 55% of the participants had endured verbal attacks; 11% 

had been raped or sexually assaulted. 18% stated that they have been physically abused, be it 

being beaten, kicked, or attacked. Those who were threatened with physical abuse constituted 

35% of the total; 21% had objects thrown at them; 20% had damaged or lost personal 

belongings. Bhana’s (2012b) study reveals that some of the teachers made it clear that the 

subject of homosexuality made them uncomfortable, the reason being that they do not have 

much knowledge about the subject.  



18 
 

In addition, religions also socialize individuals against those considered sexually deviant. 

Whipple (2012) notes that there are conflicting ideologies between homosexuality and majority 

of the religious institutions. Islam and Christianity are the most popular religious beliefs in 

South Africa and Africa at large. Both Christianity and Islam view homosexuality in a similar 

way in its simplest of ways. Both the Qur'an and The Bible reject homosexual activity, at least 

left to the widely accepted interpretations. However, in their application of this principle there 

does seem to be some distinction between the two sects (Whipple, 2012). 

The revisionists suggested that the Church should revisit and think more clearly about the 

discourses of homosexuality, claims Lockard (2008). They suggest that scientific evidence 

suggests that homosexuality is a permanent state because it is genetically inherited. Thus, the 

Church needs to begin to be more appreciative of God's creation of different sexualities. 

(Austriaco, 2003). Lockard (2008) claims that many members of the church seem to have a 

dilemma as to what constitutes Christian teaching. She goes on to say that those who seem to 

be liberal have the idea that the Church is missing some point. They argue that the Church 

needs to make progress and move with the times. They believe that the Church needs to 

modernize and appoint leaders who are flexible and not stuck in traditional ways of doing 

things. On the other hand, the conservative and traditional members of the church still find 

homosexuality problematic and unacceptable within Christian values. 

Moreover, Lockard (2008) says that homosexuals feel unrecognized in church premises most 

of the time. They are not seen and respected as human beings. The assumptions held by the 

members of the church are that no aliens should be present in the house of God. The 

fundamental issue facing today's church leaders is whether they should endorse and fight for 

LGBTQ civil rights. Though, one thing that appears to preclude this from occurring is the fact 

that Christians are reluctant to take this approach because it is opposed by the Bible and 

believed to be morally wrong. Instead, Davis (1993) suggests that what is wrong is to contribute 

to the marginalization, abuse and harming of homosexuals by Christians. 

Religion plays a huge role in marginalizing those who engage in the same sex relationship. For 

example, Islam and Christianity have questioned the morality of same-sex practices. Both 

religions have served to deny and question the morality and existence of same-sex 

relationships. Bible verses, laws, are often used as justification to silence those who are 

LGBTQ especially among Christians (Msibi, 2011). This seemingly inconsistent recognition 

and use of Christianity obviously raises a problem when it comes to discussing the sodomite-

free Africa debate.  



19 
 

Tradition also plays a role in fermenting homophobic attitudes. Kerrigan (2014, p.35) argues 

that “family and marriage align with the concept of Ubuntu, where the self is perceived to be 

socially formed and maintained rather than merely through individual consciousness or 

characteristics”. Instead of becoming elements of individual identity, gender and sexuality are 

also often subordinated to marriage, procreation and family life. Under this context, it can seem 

alien and immoral to follow a non-related sexual orientation or gender identity. As Epprecht 

(2015) points out, sexuality was thus not perceived to be an individual preference or sexuality 

but, in a way, belonged to the broader society. 

Epprecht (2015) adds on to say that:  

This sense is extended beyond the present by reverence towards ancestors, so that the 

social domain merges with the spiritual. Even beyond the grave, social obligations to 

marry and have children were extended. In order to maintain their memory and power 

as benevolent spirits through the generations, ancestors needed abundant offspring  

(p. 36). 

 She adds on to say that therefore, social and religious discourses may overlap with each other. 

The Catholic Church recognizes that some people have very deep-seated homosexual feelings, 

but teaches that these feelings should be repressed rather than acted upon. 

Physical Violence against lesbians in South Africa 
 

Literature on lesbianism in South Africa cannot avoid the challenges that these women face, 

including violence. In the context of an epidemic of gender-based violence in South Africa, 

discrimination against lesbians, gays, transgender people and gender nonconforming 

individuals exists (Human Right Watch, 2011). The normalization of such attitudes and forms 

of gender expression for women as acceptable or normal exposes them to violence (Human 

Rights Watch, 2011). 

 Moffett (2006) claims that South Africa is said to be one of the countries with a high rate of 

reported sexual assault on women. This is quite disturbing, especially given that it is not a 

country at war. It is estimated that out of three women in South Africa, one can expect to be 

raped at least once in her lifetime. Again, there is a possibility that out of four women, one will 

be physically abused by their partner. Boonzaier (2017) adds the lack of success in combating 

gender-based abuse produces an atmosphere of injustice and limits the willingness of women 

to seek justice. 



20 
 

The work of Foucault (1980) points out that there is a link between the exercise of power and 

sexuality and sexual activities. He stresses that the fact that humans are molded in such a way 

that they will have to express their sexuality in what society deems normal is a form of control.  

His claims are supported by Nel who stresses that in our society the politicization and control 

of sexuality is “still maintained because sexuality is a highly value-laden terrain” (Nel, 2009, 

p. 36). Tamale shares similar views by pointing out that any deviation from heteronormativity 

in sexual activity and sexual partners is considered “pathological,” “deviant,” “unnatural,” and 

condemned in the strongest possible terms (2007, p.19).  

Literature on black lesbians in South Africa illuminates the problem of violence which they 

frequently face. In a society where gender-based violence is prevalent, and women constitute 

the majority of victims, there are difficulties regarding how best to characterize this violence. 

When discussing the issue of violence against lesbians, two factors have been identified as 

problematic. Jody Kollapen, former chairperson of the South African Commission on Human 

Rights in 2010, said that the first factor had to do with the institutionalized prejudice that 

resulted from the historical social division of people into different categories, resulting in 

different values (Human rights Watch 2011). He adds on to say that there is proof that violence 

against lesbians, transgender people and nonconforming individuals exists in “a wider context 

of abuse, including sexual and gender-based abuse, misogynistic social attitudes and patriarchal 

cultural norms” (p. 23). Academics and the activists claim that the legacy of Apartheid and 

colonialism that centered on violence has been attributed as the main historical explanations of 

the current violence in South Africa (CSVR, 2008). 

Morrissey (2013, p.9) aptly asks: “is it gender violence, sexual violence or racialized 

violence?”. In response to the question, she observes that “what is needed is an account of how 

the interlocking systems of patriarchy, heterosexism, racism and classism create different 

layers of vulnerability to violence for different categories of women”. To demonstrate this, 

Morrissey (2013) explains how rape is particularly positioned as a weapon against black 

lesbians in South Africa and that black lesbians are discriminated against not only because of 

their sexual orientation but also because of their black subject position. There is therefore a 

recognition that being black and being a lesbian intersect to create unique experiences.  

Mkhize, Bennett, Reddy and Moletsane (2010) tackle the subject of violence by observing how 

activist discourses on the violence against women take a heteronormative approach at the 

expense of the violence against lesbians in South Africa. They call for nuanced approaches to 

gender-based violence, which recognize that the experiences of lesbians are different from that 



21 
 

of heterosexual women. This is a stance Naidu and Mkhize (2005) take earlier in a study of 

gender-based violence. A Human Rights Watch Report (2011), for instance, reveals the extent 

of violence perpetrated towards the transgender men and black lesbians in South Africa.  

Moreau (2015) sees the continuation of violence against lesbians in South Africa as a failure 

of the South African justice system based around the Nonkonyane trial which involved the case 

of a black lesbian who was stoned to death in Khayelitsha Township, Cape Town. The article 

points out the failures of the legal system to protect the rights of LGBTQ people. It cites 

examples of extreme homophobic violence in townships and the nature of violence confronting 

lesbians and how they are projected as outsiders in the communities. The accounts on violence 

against black lesbians in South Africa are important in raising awareness to what appears to be 

a prevalent problem. Yet, there is barely information on the degree of violence targeting 

immigrant lesbians. 

In South Africa, homophobia has gendered undertones, with women being "correctively" raped 

in order to make them "real" and "proper" women. (Msibi, 2009; Nel and Judge, 2008). 

Research conducted but not published by the Forum for the Empowerment of Women reported 

that a total of 46 lesbians from the Johannesburg townships participated in the study. Results 

from the findings showed that 41% of the participants had been raped before and 9% had 

survived rape. 17% of the participants narrated that they had been verbally abused by the 

member of the public and 37% cited that they had been assaulted (Nel and Judge 2008).  Meises 

(2009) adds on to say that evidence shows that there are at least 31 lesbian women in South 

Africa who have been murdered since the period of 1998. 

The above figures are extremely high and disturbing. They show the extent of gender-based 

homophobic violence in South Africa among sexual minorities, where “gays and lesbians 

continue to be denied cultural recognition and are subject to shaming, harassment, 

discrimination and violence. Violence against women is increasing and there is a particularly 

vicious edge to some lesbian attacks” (Cock, 2003, p.41).  Gender issues are said to be the main 

driving force behind violence in society, and men feel that they must assert their power over 

women and other men as well. Gendered homophobic violence perpetrators justify their actions 

by stating that through violence, sexual assault and rape, women who try to behave and act like 

men need to be punished, disciplined and corrected (Nel and Judge 2008; Reid and Dirsuweit 

2002).  



22 
 

Msibi (2011) argues that the former South African Minister of Arts and Culture Lulu Xingwana 

left people in shock after leaving an art exhibition in anger. One of the pictures depicted was 

an affectionate lesbian woman. When asked about her behavior, her response was that “the 

exhibition was immoral and went against nation building and social cohesion” (p. 11). On the 

same note, Jon Qwelane who is open about his homophobic sentiments, wrote an article on his 

column on Daily Sun in 2008 where he compared homosexuality to bestiality. His justification 

was based on the fact that he was doing what is good for the society because homosexuality is 

morally and culturally wrong. What raised eyebrows is the fact that he was not held accountable 

for his actions but instead, he went on to be appointed Ambassador of South Africa in Uganda 

by the Zuma administration. Uganda is one of the countries in Africa that has strict policies 

and laws towards the LGBTQ community. 

Matebeni (2011) claims that there would be no justice at all if the discourses of feminism and 

race were left out when dealing with black lesbian sexuality and gender problems in 

Johannesburg. She adds that it will compromise the problems that we aim to tackle. Through 

her study, she provides an account of the problems posed to her by the black lesbian participants 

from Uganda, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Namibia. Matebeni (2011) states that being a lesbian 

in Africa is a constant struggle to negotiate one’s identity and to be conscious of the danger 

associated with it, such as detention or violation of human rights.  

Being recognized as a lesbian seems to be complicated and liberating in a sense, as lesbians 

can easily approach one another, accept one another and create a sense of belonging as they 

share the same identity. However, one is exposed to victimization and violence because of their 

sexuality. Pride is one of the types of activism that has gained prominence over the years in 

Johannesburg. The townships, such as Soweto and the nearby areas of KwaThema, have also 

gained prominence. Matebeni (2011) says that, more often than not, gays and lesbians have to 

be mindful of their dress code, their conduct, their mannerisms, and how they portray 

themselves for fear of being judged and discriminated against. 

Experiences of rape and other forms of sexual torture directed at lesbians due to their sexual 

identity have been identified by many participants, especially from the townships (Matebeni, 

2011). Research findings from Matebeni’s (2011) paper highlights some of these abuses. In her 

article, for example, she says that, 19-year-old student Lerato narrated her ordeal by saying that 

a gang in her community abducted her and her girlfriend when she was 15 years old. They were 

abducted for five days when they were going to school. During those five days they were both 

gang raped, and they were told that they are being taught a lesson for being lesbians and 



23 
 

rejecting men. Four years after that incident Lerato was able to share her story while her partner 

was still suffering from psychological trauma. No arrests were made even though the 

perpetrators were known in the community. Lerato therefore remains in constant fear that they 

will be a repeat of the traumatic ordeal. Matebeni (2011) notes that the painful thing is that if a 

member of the family presents as a lesbian, the entire family is at risk of being assaulted. 35-

year-old mother of four Hlobo says that her children were abducted and gang raped because of 

her sexuality. The perpetrators were community members and they claimed that they were 

curing them because they did not want them to be lesbian. 

Steyn and van Zyl (2009) assert that women’s bodies are located at the center of the violence 

act. This position argues that “it is the meanings attached to non-hegemonic bodies and their 

desires that othering is perpetuated, and upon whom different forms of exclusion, oppression 

and violence are perpetrated. The body becomes the site of discursive power and struggle” 

(Steyn and van Zyl, 2009, p.4). This power struggle is made visible by bodies seen to carry and 

transmit disease, lesbian bodies and bodies that are independent of the sexuality of the men. 

There are two frameworks that can be utilized to understand the forms of violence that are 

happening in this context. Salo and Gqola (2006, p.4) describe these as “men’s desire to control 

women’s sexuality.” Examples of the South African rape crisis, where one out of every four 

men admits rape (Smith, 2009), indicate this. That can be seen in how violence toward lesbians 

is geared against their sexual identity, alleging that the sexuality of women is seen as property 

of men. The second framework is the concept of “corrective” rape. A number of organizations 

working with the lesbian community report that they receive numerous cases of lesbians being 

raped because of their identity. Curative corrective rape has been identified as a trend, that is 

being done with the intention of sexual torture and harming lesbian women who do not conform 

to heterosexual expectations (Mkhize, Bennett, Reddy and Moletsane, 2010; Bucher, 2009; 

Muholi, 2004). 

Apart from the rape cases that have been reported, a number of lesbians are said to have been 

murdered because of their sexual orientation. Matebeni (2011) says that cases of murder are 

difficult to contextualize compared to cases of rape. This is because it is often unclear if the 

murder of the victim was linked to their sexual orientation or not. In both cases, the arrest of 

the suspects seems to be a challenge. This is because, at times, there is no police investigation, 

there is a lack of evidence and other unspecific delays. Currently violent acts committed out of 

prejudice are treated in South Africa the same way other violent acts are treated. This means 

that hate crimes are not classified as different forms of crimes. 



24 
 

There is no legislation per se that categorizes hate crimes. This makes the recording, 

documentation and prosecution of these crimes difficult or impossible (Matebeni, 2011). 

Report from Human Rights Watch (2011) alleges that the South African Police Service 

reported all the violent crimes in one registry. This means that any crimes committed as a result 

of prejudice or hatred towards another person, homophobic crimes, were registered as forms 

of assault under one category. The challenge of having all violent crimes recorded under one 

category is that violence or hatred directed to some people remain invisible or hidden in police 

records. Gontek (2009) and Muholi (2004) point out that efforts are being made, mostly by 

activist groups, to ensure that hate crimes are included in the legislation as a separate category 

of violence. They attest to the need for legislative clarity. This means that the prosecution or 

sentencing of such crimes is clear and justice is served. Unfortunately, these are still not 

advanced (Matebeni, 2011). However, the government has recently attempted to develop 

policies and legislation to combat these types of intersecting marginalities. One of the steps 

taken by the government is the creation of a National Action Plan to combat racial 

discrimination, xenophobia, and related intolerance (National Action Plan, 2019). 

Kohn (2001) points out that the problem lies within the justice system. He says that “generally 

the society is premised on a hierarchy of social classes- based on race, sex, sexual orientation, 

gender identity, age, wealth, education level and so on. This social hierarchy transfers to the 

legal realm. Those accused of offending someone above them in social status are likely to be 

handled more severely than those offending someone below them” (p. 259). Instead of fighting 

to include legislation on hate crimes, Kohn (2001) argues that the criminal justice system is the 

key to ensuring a fair and secure community. He maintains that it is based on these social 

hierarchies and that this needs to be challenged. He concludes by saying that the means of 

invalidating, erasing and silencing lesbian sexuality work in ways that show unfairness, 

injustices, human rights violation in our democratic society (Kohn, 2001). 

A number of reports on violence against women are available. However, it is unfortunate that 

many of them do not include the lesbian experience. Matebeni (2011) says that even in studies 

that look at violence against women, lesbians are often forgotten. She says this is very 

problematic in the sense that anti-lesbian violence cannot be separated from other forms of 

violence directed at women. Violence against lesbians is experienced in many ways: as women, 

as black women, and as lesbians. 

There are some people in South Africa who believe that sexuality can be changed by sexually 

attacking those who are gender non-conforming (Booysen, n.d). This can be demonstrated by 



25 
 

the number of cases of corrective rape in the country (Booysen, n.d; Matebeni, 2011). 

Corrective rape happens when non-gender conforming people are sexually abused with the 

intent and expectation that they will be healed or that their sexuality will alter (Boeshart, 2014; 

Koraan and Geduld, 2015). Lake (2014) attests to the fact that it is the hetero-patriarchal that 

enforces these attitudes. 

Booysen (n.d) echoes Crenshaw's (1991) definition of intersectionality as she discusses the 

intersectional history of black lesbians in South Africa. She shares that their discrimination is 

related to their sexual orientation, gender identity and race. Brown (2012) continues to say that 

the problems of homophobia, gender inequality and racism have been put to bear by the 

apartheid era and colonialism. Lewis (2011) point out that the African body and sexuality have 

been depicted as hypersexual, barbarous, grotesque in contrast to white bodies and their 

sexuality. White bodies were depicted as pure, civil and the reflection of beauty.  

Evidence shows that South Africa is one of the top countries in the world with the highest 

number of violence against women (Boeshart, 2014). The whole nation is said to have joined 

hands in the fight against the abuse of children and women. However, the issues of 

marginalization and violence against black lesbians in particular are often ignored, not only by 

the public, but also by health workers, police officers as well. Additionally, there has been a 

significant amount of work on sexual assault, rape and violence against women, but not 

specifically on black lesbian women. Black lesbian women are especially at risk of continuous 

discrimination in sexual violence media coverage, which frequently create the issue as a person 

or minority problem rather than a societal problem (Booysen, n.d). Those who have tried to 

report their cases to the police station confess that they have found the police to be homophobic 

and xenophobic, they also get ridiculed without their cases being heard (Human Rights Watch, 

2011). Booysens (n.d) says it is rare for us to hear about the violence of black lesbians in the 

media or in the papers. Cases of violence against black lesbians are rarely reported or 

publicized.  

Lesbians are also not spared from intimate partner violence. Campo and Tayton (2015) are of 

the idea that intimate partner violence has not received much recognition in policy and practice. 

They add on to say that the society has not yet recognized its existence, yet research shows that 

LGBTIQ experiences intimate partner violence in the same way as heterosexuals. However, as 

of late, such cases seem to be recognized by countries like Canada and Australia (Ball and 

Hayes, 2009). Factors such as transphobia, heterosexism, homophobia have a major impact on 



26 
 

how intimate partner violence is perceived within the LGBTIQ community (Campo and Taylor, 

2015). 

Calton, Cattaneo and Gebhard (2015) claim that much has not been done in relation to this type 

of violence. Assumptions that intimate partner violence occurs only within the heterosexual 

framework whereby males are perpetrators and females are victims have overshadowed 

government efforts, policy-making, the justice system, research and other practical responses 

to address the issue of intimate violence within the LGBTIQ community (Ball and Hayes, 

2009). 

In addition, the other reasons why intimate partner violence is not given much attention is 

because of the failure to recognize that abuse can exist outside the dominant gender power 

dynamics (Irwin, 2006; Ristock, 2011). Domestic and family violence, intimate partner 

violence, have all been viewed and understood through the lens of heterosexuality. Calton et 

al., (2015) observe that there is no specific theory per se that can help us understand intimate 

partner violence within the LGBTIQ community. Intimate partner violence within the LGBTIQ 

community can be understood as a result of existing gender inequalities, traditional gender 

attitudes and roles, as well as patriarchal structures (Bell and Naugle, 2008; Woodin and 

O'Leary (2009). This is compounded by negative attitudes such as stigmatization, 

discrimination that is often associated with people who engage in same-sex relationships. These 

kinds of attitudes act as a barrier to collecting data and recording partner violence in LGBTIQ 

communities as many cases go unreported (Lorenzetti, Wells, Callaghan and Logie, 2015). 

Campo and Tayton (2015) argue that research has shown that homo / bi / transphobia and 

heterosexism are measures that violent partners use to exercise their power within LGBTIQ 

relationships. Some of the forms of abuse also include threats to disclose the partner’s HIV 

status or their partner’s sexuality. These kinds of threats can result in one losing their job, their 

family, their children or their relationships (Ball and Hayes, 2009; Calton et al., 2015).  

An abused partner may be manipulated to believe that no one will believe their story if they 

have to report it because of the negative attitudes that have been fostered around the LGBTIQ 

community (Campo and Tayton, 2015). The fear of loneliness and isolation may also force the 

abused partner to stay in the relationship (Parry and O'Neal, 2015). Kay and Jefferies (2010) 

add that understanding violence as something that occurs within the heteronormative lens is 

also a contributing factor to the understanding and perception of intimate violence by the 



27 
 

abused partner. They believe that it only happens between a male and a female, whereby the 

male is the perpetrator and the female is the victim (Campo and Tayton, 2015).  

Campo and Tayton (2015) explain that people often tend to assume that women do not exercise 

physical power over women, and therefore issues of intimate violence among lesbians are often 

ignored. She adds that the results of research with LGBTIQ survivors of intimacy violence 

show that some abusers tend to lie or play victim in queer communities, shelters or support 

groups. Therefore, it is significant for service providers to listen carefully to the story that is 

being told in order to intervene accordingly (Peterman and Dixon, 2003). According to the 

report from AIDS Council New South Wales [ACON] (2011) there is a lack of understanding 

between service providers, such as social counsellors and those in the health sector, of possible 

remedies that may be required by abused LGBTIQ persons. The matter may be sensitive as 

well as some may intentionally or unintentionally discriminate. The situation is also aggravated 

by the fact that the police are judgmental when it comes to the LGBTIQ matters.  

Research has also addressed how violence against lesbians is framed. Zway and Boonzaier 

(2015a; 2015b) say that there is a tendency to make lesbian victims of discrimination and 

assault instead of seeing them as survivors. Morrissey (2013) points out that society needs to 

change its mentality and the language that it uses when it engages with survivors of assault and 

discrimination. Positive interaction and mindfulness of the language they use can empower 

them help them acknowledge their agency. Morrissey (2013) adds that the media portray black 

lesbians as unnatural and unAfrican, which encourages a culture of violent rape. She adds that 

even the language used in films, reports, documentaries, newspaper articles should not be 

underestimated in reinforcing hierarchical discriminatory views on women's sexuality. 

Macnamara (2005) concludes by saying that the media has so much power to influence public 

opinion on specific issues, as well as how information is provided and received by the public. 

Boeshart (2014) analyzed how the 2009-2013 newspaper reports portrayed survivors of sexual 

assault. She argued that media reporting has shown indifference in favor of political and social 

unity to the living conditions of homosexual women in South Africa. The study shows that 

cases of lesbian sexual assault are not reported fairly to the public. Reports often suggest that 

violence against lesbians occurs only in townships. These kinds of media narratives silence the 

experiences of other lesbians who do not stay in townships. In addition, those staying in 

townships are stigmatized and viewed as victims of sexual assault even if they are not. 



28 
 

In addition, Booysen (n.d) postulates that the media tend to paint the black township of South 

Africa as dangerous. The media also portray black men as the primary perpetrators of violence, 

and the victims as women of some class (Boeshart, 2014). Van der Schyff (2015) also studied 

how newspaper articles covered sexual harassment and rape cases among lesbians. Therefore, 

the salience of media accounts of sexual harassment against lesbians is diminished when 

contrasted with rape coverage. 

The UNAIDS report (2015) emphasizes the importance of language in shaping our beliefs and 

shaping our attitudes. The report is against the use of the term "corrective rape." They argue 

that the term corrective rape implies that something is wrong and needs to be corrected. Instead, 

they suggest using the term "homophobic rape" (UNAIDS, 2015). Hames (2011) says that the 

repeated use of “corrective rape” has created an image of lesbianism as unnatural and 

pathological. This reinforces the notions of division, labeling and othering, which make it 

appear as if violence against black lesbians and their sexuality is justifiable. 

Socio-economic challenges faced by LGBTQ immigrants 

 

The literature on the challenge’s LGBTQ immigrants face mainly focuses on the broader 

community and less on the distinct communities which comprise the LGBTQ community. 

Matebeni (2011) notes that the social and economic position of lesbian people plays a major 

role in their experiences. She adds that those of the middle class have different experiences of 

discrimination and prejudice compared to those who are economically and socially vulnerable. 

Similar findings are noted by Marnell, Oliveira and Khan (2021). For example, they claim that 

“it is not just their identities that put them at risk, but also their economic position” and “those 

who are poor are made more vulnerable by their inability to access social support” (p. 15). 

Reports indicate that lack of transportation and secure housing exposes LGBTQ people to 

violence and vulnerability (Human Rights Watch, 2011). The report was conducted with 121 

people. The authors claim that most of the interviewees stressed that the rigid cultural and 

social norms of the desired masculine and feminine behavior led them to live in fear and anxiety 

(Human Rights Watch, 2011). They had to be aware of their sexuality all the time. This affected 

their school relationship. Some ended up falling out, they experienced challenges in getting 

and keeping a job, and they were often mistreated and ridiculed in their homes and public 

spaces.  



29 
 

It is noted that only a few people report cases that have been committed against them. It’s the 

same case with sexual abuse that happens to the larger population (Sutherland et al, 2016). The 

few people who report are often treated badly and discriminated against by the police and other 

service providers who are supposed to help them (Human Right Watch, 2011). Geographical 

location appears to have a huge impact on the experiences of LGBTQ people. Organizations 

working with LGBTQ people note that black lesbians and transgender men living in informal 

settlements, peri-urban areas, townships, rural areas have been the most vulnerable among the 

LGBTQ population in South Africa. The report further states that this is due to the history of 

South Africa, which has led to inequalities and other forms of social ills in society. 

Black lesbians struggle with finding safe spaces in South Africa. Canham (2017, p. 1) observes 

that “occupation of physical space is deeply informed by the intersecting confluence of race, 

class, age, sexuality, and place”. The study uses the occupation of the city’s social spaces to 

measure the extent to which lesbians in South Africa can exercise their rights. The argument 

conveyed is that geographical location has a bearing on the individual’s status in society. For 

instance, there are sharp distinctions in terms of the spaces white lesbians and black lesbians 

occupy. Most black lesbians find themselves in spaces where they are perpetually at risk. Salo, 

Ribas, Lopes and Zamboni (2010) observe that in the black townships of South Africa, the 

claim of subtle lesbian and gay identities arises from the racial and socioeconomic divisions 

that have marked the urban landscape since apartheid. As a result, sexual minorities are still 

occupying marginalized places in townships where their lives remain precarious. 

While much attention has been paid to the experiences of lesbians in South Africa, especially 

around matters of health and violence, there is little on black lesbian immigrants. Work by 

Martin (2012), for instance, focuses on the notion of safe spaces for LGBTQ refugees. The 

study cites cases of corrective rape against lesbians and the constant threat of violence gay and 

lesbian refugees face especially in the townships. The study is nevertheless about broader 

LGBTQ experiences in Cape Town. For much of the discussion, gay and lesbian appear 

together. The sections on lesbian refugees are limited to the question of violence which is just 

one of the many challenges black lesbian immigrants are likely to face based on the multiple 

positionalities. While this study provides many insights on lesbian migrant experiences, 

especially around questions of security, the approach does not dwell much on how identities 

coalesce to create a unique experience for black lesbian immigrants.  

Husakouskaya (2017) looks at black transgender internal migrants in Gauteng and the 

challenges they face in negotiating spaces of belonging in South Africa. The research is useful 



30 
 

in demonstrating the complexities of transition from one space to the other as a sexual minority. 

Similarly, Camminga (2019) looks at the circumstances surrounding the migration of 

transgender-identified individuals, from other African countries, to South Africa. 

Mundangepfupfu (2019) says that the availability of refugee camps for asylum seekers and 

refugees in most countries upon arrival is a blessing for many refugees. Nevertheless, asylum-

seekers and refugees in South Africa do not have such access due to the unavailability of 

refugee camps. They are forced to adjust within the community upon arrival (PASSOP, 2012). 

Although housing is a critical issue for most immigrants arriving in South Africa. The case is 

aggravated if someone identifies as LGBTQ immigrant in a community that is xenophobic and 

homophobic. 

The PASSOP (2012) report, which was conducted with 25 refugees and asylum seekers 

highlights the challenges of seeking accommodation. Discrimination and violence were some 

of the challenges faced by LGBTQ immigrants in the communities they lived. Many who 

described themselves as queer suggested that their sexual identity was an obstacle to 

accommodation access. They were discriminated against by their tenants, neighbors and even 

the society at large. In some cases, they were also evicted from where they were living if the 

landlord found that they were queer. 

Besides housing, immigrants were also struggling to get a job and those who were working 

emphasized that xenophobia and homophobia were the order of the day (PASSOP, 2012). The 

Commission for Conciliation Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) is said to be incompetent to 

respond to conflicts brought forth by queer immigrants (Mundangepfupfu, 2019). These 

individuals are rejected on the basis of their national and sexual identities. The PASSOP report 

however states that it is not always the case that the CCMA is incompetent, but that the process 

and specifications required to resolve the cases are always tedious and almost impossible. 

Mundangepfupfu (2019, p.bb) says that we should not hesitate to differentiate “between a body 

that just experiences xenophobia and a body that exists at the intersection of xenophobia and 

homophobia”. 

There is a considerable focus on South African black lesbians’ failure to access adequate 

healthcare and the physical and psychological problems they face as a result of discrimination 

and the challenges of coming out. The literature generally looks at access to health, occurrence 

of sexually transmitted illnesses, responses to illnesses, treatment experience and 

discrimination. Daly, Spicer and Willan (2016) highlight the discrepancy between policies on 



31 
 

sexual rights and health efforts around the risks faced by women who have sex with other 

women. Müller and Hughes (2016) take a broader approach by looking at the general state of 

health among sexual minority women in Southern Africa.  

What is clear from the literature is that black lesbians face a lot of discrimination in their 

attempts to access health care in South Africa. This also arises from myths around lesbianism 

and sexually transmitted illnesses (Wikramanayake, Paschen Wolf, Matebeni, Reddy, Southey 

Swartz and Sandfort, 2020). Health practitioners lack knowledge or deny the fact that women 

who have sex with other women are also vulnerable to sexually transmitted illnesses. 

Interestingly, forced sex among women in general has contributed to some of the challenges 

that lesbians face in Southern Africa. These experiences of forced sex are common among 

lesbian and bisexual women in Southern Africa (Sandfort, Frazer, Somjeni, Matebeni, Reddy 

and Southey-Swartz, 2015). As a result, sexual minority women end up battling HIV/ STI, 

Drug abuse and mental problems because programs and interventions around HIV and AIDS 

have ignored lesbians (Matebeni, Reddy, Sandfort and Southey-Swartz, 2013). Sandfort et al. 

(2015) point out that the policy makers and those working within the health sector must address 

the health challenges that are faced by lesbian and bisexual women.  They add on to say that 

the negative attitudes towards the lesbians and laws which criminalizes same-sex relationships 

should not be used as a tool to deny the lesbian access to health care facilities.  

Mundangepfupfu (2019) recalls the events that occurred in South Africa in the 2000s during 

the HIV pandemic when immigrants were denied access to health care facilities as they were 

considered to be carriers of the virus.  He further challenges the South African Constitution as 

to whether it lives up to its word. He continues by stating that it is surprising that most detainees 

have been violated and access to medical care services has been limited. Mundangepfupfu 

(2019) gives an experience of neglect at the Lindela Repatriation Center. He provides a 

description of the death of Danai, a Zimbabwean queer immigrant, whose death was not 

explicit but points to the lack of access to his medicine. The report provided summarizes the 

Lindela repatriation center as “an unsanitary environment, littered with abuse, neglect and 

failure to respect the rule of law” (Mundangepfupfu, 2019, p. 89).  The detainees at Lindela 

claimed that, for example, they were not exposed to any form of medical check-up or screening 

prior to being taken to detention centers, which means that those in need of medical attention 

are left to suffer and die very slowly (Washinyira, 2017). 

 



32 
 

Theoretical Framework 
 

What the literature review has shown is that literature on the intersectional experiences of black 

lesbian immigrants is scant. There is therefore need for research to tap into this area and provide 

information on how black lesbian migrants as people variously located in minority spaces 

negotiate their intersectional experience. In order to achieve this, intersectionality will be used 

as the theoretical frame of the study. This is in recognition of the fact that black lesbian 

immigrants deal with multiple oppressive systems which coalesce to shape their experiences 

in South Africa.  

Intersectionality “is a term which was coined by Crenshaw to describe overlapping or 

intersecting social identities and related systems of oppression, domination, or discrimination” 

(1989, p.149).  Crenshaw argues that the key aspect on intersectionality lies in its recognition 

that multiple oppressions are not to be treated independently, but should be looked at as one 

experience. Identities interact in constructing experiences and oppression which cannot be fully 

captured by simply adding subjectivities associated with these identities (1989). The notion of 

a single identity politics fails to consider differences within groups. Intersectionality looks at 

patriarchy, racism, class, gender, age and other categories as divisions that create inequality 

among different groups of people (Crenshaw, 1989). Intersectionality, therefore, provides a 

nuanced understanding of how race interlocks with sexuality and nationality. So far there 

appears to be a recognition of how race and sexuality intersect. Yet, it is difficult to ignore the 

other layer of oppression, being a foreign national, which black lesbian immigrants have to 

deal with.  

Taylor, Hines and Casey (2011) assert that identities interact in constructing experiences and 

oppression which cannot be fully captured by simply adding subjectivities associated with 

these identities. The notion of “a single identity politics” fails to consider differences within 

groups. To speak of black lesbians in South Africa is to homogenize experiences which are 

varied along the lines of class, geography and nationality, among other iterations. Differences 

within sexual minorities should be disaggregated in order to specify those differences and have 

a more nuanced understanding. Intersectionality will therefore be utilized in this research 

because it allows for the exploration of the experiences of black lesbian immigrants at the 

intersections of social identities rather than as single entities. 

Conclusion 
 



33 
 

This chapter has highlighted the literature related to this study. The literature included 

definitions of key terms used in research, LGBTQ immigration to South Africa, South 

African’s perceptions of same-sex relationships, physical violence against lesbians in South 

Africa, socio-economic challenges faced by LGBTQ immigrants.  The intersectionality 

framework was also discussed and how it forms the basis of the study. 

  



34 
 

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY 

 

Introduction 

 

This chapter presents the research methodology that was used in this study. It includes the 

research design, and data collection methods, a description of the study sites and participants 

as well as the data analysis. The chapter concludes with a reflection on ethical considerations 

and reflexivity. 

Research Design 

This study adopted a qualitative approach. A qualitative approach is “a systematic method used 

to study meanings, experiences, understandings, views and the behaviors of individuals. It is 

based on an interpretive perspective, which explains that reality is defined by the participant’s 

interpretation from their own views” (Silverman, 2016, p.32).  This approach was suitable for 

the study because it sought to collect experiences, interactions, stories and narratives of black 

lesbian immigrants who came from different parts of Africa. Key to the research included their 

narratives of selves and the host communities where they find themselves, their awareness of 

marginality and how they were variously located, and the strategies they adopted in order to 

deal with the challenges which they faced. 

A qualitative approach was chosen due to the following advantages: it created openness 

allowing the researcher and the participants to engage deeply on the topic that was being 

discussed. It used a fluid operational structure instead of rigid guidelines. It was also subjective 

(Taylor, Bogdan and Devault, 2015). Silverman (2016) says that the research questions ask the 

what (i.e., describes what is going on) and the how (i.e., how opinions are fashioned), as 

compared to the why questions, which seeks to find a comparison, like in quantitative studies. 

Therefore, the qualitative approach enabled the research to gather participants’ perceptions, 

meanings, behaviors, views, experiences which cannot be quantified.  

The qualitative approach was exploratory. An exploratory design is conducted for a problem 

or theme that is under-researched or has not been clearly defined (Creswell, 2013). Taylor, 

Bogdan and Devault (2015) explain that an exploratory research design aims to gain insights 

into problems, phenomena or individuals when it seems less, or no research, was done. The 

study was exploratory because its intention was to “discover new thoughts, meanings and 

gather new understandings” (Cresswell, 2013, p.135) and increase knowledge of post migration 

identities and the intersectional experiences of black lesbian immigrant in South Africa. 



35 
 

An exploratory qualitative approach was significant for this research as it addressed the 

research questions, aims and objectives. The choice of this approach was motivated by the fact 

that there is limited literature, within or outside the context of South Africa, which explores the 

intersectional experiences of black lesbian immigrants. Creswell (2013) proposes that the 

qualitative approach is especially useful for an exploratory study where there is limited 

knowledge on the topic that is being researched on. Another reason of considering using 

qualitative approach in this study was the fact that it enabled the participants to tell their lived 

experiences through their personal stories.  

Study setting 
 

The research was carried out in the City of Johannesburg.The selection of Johannesburg as a 

research site rested on two important reasons. First