Protecting Independent Local Contemporary Fashion: An exploration of policies that shaped the South African fashion industry and approaches to protect local independent South African contemporary fashion as cultural heritage Kendall Lee Atkinson March 2024 2632033 Supervised by Marcus Desando This research report has been submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Cultural Policy and Management. 1 2 Acknowledgement I extend my deep gratitude for Marcus Desando for continually supporting and understanding my vision for this research. Your knowledge, expertise, guidance, and support fundamentally shaped what this research was able to become. Thank you for believing in this work. To my family, friends, and loved ones, I express my sincere gratitude for all of your love, support, and encouragement through this research process. Without you, this research would not be what it is. Thank you. 3 Declaration PLAGIARISM DECLARATION University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg School of Arts SENATE PLAGIARISM POLICY Declaration by Students I , Kendall Lee Atkinson, (Student number: 2632033) hereby declare the following: ● I am aware that plagiarism (the use of someone else’s work without their permission and/or without acknowledging the original source) is wrong. ● I confirm that ALL the work submitted for assessment for the above course is my own unaided work except where I have explicitly indicated otherwise. ● I have followed the required conventions in referencing the thoughts and ideas of others. ● I understand that the University of the Witwatersrand may take disciplinary action against me if there is a belief that this is not my own unaided work or that I have failed to acknowledge the source of the ideas or words in my writing. Signature: Date: 02 August 2024 4 Abstract Local independent South African contemporary fashion designers face a challenging market when entering the South African fashion industry to sell their products. Local independent contemporary designers are forced to compete with the overwhelmingly popular international fast fashion brands that populate malls nationwide with little to no support. This has created challenging and convoluted entry points for local independent contemporary designers and continuous challenges to stay in the market. Independent local contemporary fashion designers offer something different than chain stores: a specific creative and cultural design perspective. People are naturally influenced by their environments and identity; therefore, local independent contemporary fashion designers instinctively design from their cultural perspective. We are losing aspects of cultural identity and history by not supporting or protecting local independent contemporary fashion designers’ businesses. This paper investigates the challenges both the designers and consumers face in the industry and different methods of protecting local independent South African contemporary fashion designers to preserve their art and support the local fashion sector. The research methodology used was hermeneutical phenomenology, and my experience as a consumer of the South African fashion industry was not omitted due to the study method. Five interviews were conducted, three individuals participated in photovoice, and 84 participants were surveyed. The results show evidence of the innate interconnection of culture and cultural heritage with South African contemporary designers and the challenges that the designers face due to policy decisions by the South African government. In order to protect local contemporary fashion designers to allow them the opportunity for success, fashion should be declared as a cultural heritage by the South African government. Keywords: South Africa, Local Fashion, Cultural Industries, Cultural Policy, Heritage Protection, Fashion Designers, Independent Designers, Cultural Protection 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgement...................................................................................................................................................1 Declaration.............................................................................................................................................................. 2 Abstract................................................................................................................................................................... 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS....................................................................................................................................... 4 List of Figures......................................................................................................................................................... 5 1. Introduction........................................................................................................................................................ 7 1.1 Background................................................................................................................................................. 9 1.2 Problem Statement.................................................................................................................................... 11 1.3 Research Questions................................................................................................................................... 12 1.4 Aims and Objective...................................................................................................................................13 1.5 Research Rationale....................................................................................................................................14 2. Research Methodology.....................................................................................................................................16 2.1 Design and Data Collection.......................................................................................................................17 2.2 Data Analysis............................................................................................................................................ 19 2.3 Ethical consideration................................................................................................................................. 21 2.3.1 Beneficence.....................................................................................................................................21 2.3.2 Confidentiality................................................................................................................................ 22 2.3.3 Informed Consent............................................................................................................................22 3. Conceptual Framework................................................................................................................................... 23 3.1 Post-Apartheid Economic and Trade Policies...........................................................................................24 3.2 South Africa’s Fashion Industry Flooded by Foreign Imports..................................................................25 3.3 An Underdeveloped Local Fashion Industry............................................................................................ 25 3.4 Towards a Thriving Local Fashion Industry............................................................................................. 26 4. Literature review.............................................................................................................................................. 26 4.1 History of the South African Fashion Industry: Transition into Democracy to Today............................. 26 4.2 The Second-hand Market.......................................................................................................................... 30 4.3 Value of the Cultural and Creative Industries in South Africa..................................................................32 4.4 South African Culture, Arts, and Heritage Policies and Lack Thereof.....................................................35 4.5 Protection Policies by Foreign Governments............................................................................................37 4.6 Fashion as Cultural Heritage..................................................................................................................... 38 5. Findings............................................................................................................................................................. 47 5.1 South African Designers’ Experiences in the Industry and Cultural Perspective.....................................47 5.1.1 Participant 1.................................................................................................................................... 48 5.1.2 Participant 2.................................................................................................................................... 51 5.1.3 Participant 3.................................................................................................................................... 54 5.1.4 Participant 4.................................................................................................................................... 57 5.1.5 Participant 5.................................................................................................................................... 59 5.2 Fashion as a Cultural Heritage.................................................................................................................. 61 5.3 Consumers’ Relationship to the South African Fashion Industry.............................................................63 6. Discussion.......................................................................................................................................................... 68 6.1 Fashion as Cultural Heritage..................................................................................................................... 69 6.2 The Impact of Foreign Imports on Independent Brand Owners, Consumers, and Their Relationship.....72 6.3 Lack of Resources..................................................................................................................................... 73 6.4 Designers’ Call for Support.......................................................................................................................75 7. Recommendations.............................................................................................................................................76 8. Conclusion......................................................................................................................................................... 77 6 9. Limitations........................................................................................................................................................ 79 References............................................................................................................................................................. 80 Appendices............................................................................................................................................................ 89 7 List of Figures Figure 1: Conceptual Framework………………………………………………………………….…23 Figure 2: Chart showing the USD to ZAR rates from 1975 - 2003 according to Bank of England………………………………………………………………………………………………..28 Figure 3: Individual cultural sector’s Gross Value Added towards SA GDP…………………………31 Figure 4: The Herd’s Handmade………………………………………………………………………38 Figure 5: The Herd’s An Ode to Zulu Love Letters collection………………………………………..39 Figure 6: Thebe Magugu model wearing Home Economics Kitchentable Parka in Kimberly……….41 Figure 7: Thebe Magugu’s “Domestic Venus” AW20………………………………………………...43 Figure 8: “Big Hole” in Ipopeng, South Africa……………………………………………………….43 Figure 9: Yarn tuft samples……………………………………………………………………………58 Figure 10: Archived roller printer……………………………………………………………………..59 Figure 11: Artificial flower craft………………………………………………………………………59 Figure 12: Natural clay polka dot cup…………………………………………………………………60 Figure 13: Pie chart survey results where participants primarily shop………………………………..60 Figure 14: Pie chart survey results how participants look for new clothes……………………………61 Figure 15: Pie chart survey results how often participants shop for new clothes……………………..61 Figure 16: Pie chart survey results if participants have shopped from a South African designer…….62 Figure 17: Pie chart survey results how often participants shop from a South African designer……..62 Figure 18: Pie chart survey results how participants find local South African designers/brands…..…63 Figure 19: Pie chart survey results if not, why participants don’t shop from local South African designers/brands……………………………………………………………………………………….64 Figure 20: Pie chart survey results showing participants age…………………………………………65 8 1. Introduction The South African fashion industry1 boasts powerful economic strength and significant artistic and cultural value. Despite this, it has been left vulnerable to trade policies and a depreciating rand that has decimated the industry. Over the past two and a half decades, the fashion industry in South Africa has been increasingly defined by foreign imports and brands. Currently, 33% - 82% of the South African fashion market share comprises foreign brands (Statista, 2023). Visiting any shopping mall in South Africa, one will likely be inundated with foreign brands and hard-pressed to find local independent contemporary designers2 or brands. From Sandton Mall to rural communities and fast fashion3 to luxury fashion4, one will find that foreign fashion brands from designer to high street and fast fashion—such as H&M (Sweden), Jet (Zimbabwe), Cotton On (Australia), Zara (Spain), Gucci (Italy)—are the predominant resource for shopping in South Africa. While luxury fashion has maintained its European dominance for decades (Statista, 2023), fast fashion has had a meteoric rise in the past ten years, with chain stores from Western brands taking over the global fashion industry and imposing its styles as the social norm due to its ease of access and popularity (Ledezma, 2017). There has been an exponential increase in fast fashion’s powerful hold on global fashion and culture with the rise of social media and solidifying a more global society. In a South African context, the nation’s increase in these foreign brands has been coupled with the early 2000’s increase in foreign imports and the decreased value of the rand (Vlok, 2006). In my own experience, I have seen quite a breadth of the South African fashion industry. During my time spent in Jozini, KwaZulu-Natal, a rural community, the fashion was limited to inexpensive fast fashion brands that took residency on the main road in town. These shops 4 Luxury fashion is defined as a tier of fashion retailers that produce expensive items that hold prestige and exclusivity and of high quality. 3 Fast fashion is defined in this study as relatively inexpensive clothing produced by mass-market retailers. Fast fashion promptly responds to the latest trend by mass producing said trendy clothing expeditiously, typically with low quality materials and methods. 2 A local independent contemporary fashion designer is defined as: being based in South Africa (local) and not working under an already established brand (independent), i.e. the designer produces and sells their own work under their own brand and are therefore also brand owners, and does not work only in traditional designs, but may be inspired by them (contemporary). 1 For the purpose of this study, the South African fashion industry will be defined as consisting of any and all parties involved in the ideation, development, construction, and selling of apparel in South Africa. When referring to the local South African fashion industry, this will be composed of the aforementioned list of parties, but have the constraints that the parties must be South African and work within the borders of South Africa. 9 were Pep, Studio 88, and J-Zee Fashion. The clothing in these shops was of deficient quality, made of petroleum-based materials, such as polyester, with it not uncommon to find hems coming undone. In the mall down the road, quality and price slightly increased with Truworths, Mr. Price, and Exact. However, these clothes are still predominantly made of synthetic petroleum-based materials, which are commonly of lesser quality, meaning the clothes will not last as long as natural fibre textiles. With the exclusion of J-Zee Fashion, an independently run drop-shipping fashion company, all these brands are South African-based. However, they still represent a threat to local South African fashion as they are modelled after Western fast fashion brands that clog the economy and environment with low-quality products. However, the biggest fashion presence in the area was the multitudes of older women sitting on the side of the roads with mountains of used clothing next to them. This is not used clothing from the community but predominantly shipped from North America or Europe. A shocking image depicting the infiltration of this foreign second-hand clothing was a man in the community wearing a shirt from a sorority from an American university. The issue of foreign second-hand clothing is an entire industry, which will be further explained in the Background section. While my experience in Johannesburg was different, many challenges remained the same. Visiting most malls in the city, you will most likely see predominantly foreign-based fast fashion brands. Few stores are reserved for local independent contemporary designers and brands, namely Young Designer’s Emporium, which carries smaller local independent contemporary fashion designers focused on easy ready to wear, and Africa Rise, which carries more luxury local independent contemporary designers, both located in the Sandton Mall. Shopping for local fashion is something important to me, so beyond these two stores in a very popular shopping area, it comes down to personal effort. A foundational knowledge of the industry is required to find local independent contemporary fashion designers. Searching is done virtually through Google searches and Instagram; therefore, you need to know what to search for and what publications to find designers on, especially for specific styles. Once you are in and understand the network, it is easier to navigate and find more designers, stores, and fashion shows of your interest. Nearly all of this shopping is done online. 10 Local independent contemporary fashion designers and brands have thus decreased their market share. This has put a strain on the fashion industry in South Africa and has led to a less locally diverse market and many textile factories and brands closing their doors (Vlok, 2006). By legally protecting these creatives and this industry, South Africa could have a successful fashion industry that would provide for a more robust economy, more jobs, and a more sustainable environment by not relying on foreign imports. From a philosophical point of view, stemming from the likes of John Locke and Jean Jacques-Rousseau, we are products of our environment. Therefore, in the context of determining what South African fashion is, we can argue that it is any fashion created by a South African or someone raised in South Africa. Whether a local designer is explicitly designing from a cultural perspective, by nature we are influenced by our environments and therefore, a local South African designer will always be designing from a South African perspective. Traditional designs are explicitly designed from a South African cultural point of view which adds a depth of history, relationships, and cultural perspective. While this research is not focused on traditional designs but rather on contemporary fashion, their value is important and adds greater value to contemporary fashion. Contemporary South African fashion sits at the nexus of traditional designs, Western fashion, and modern updates. It adds immense value to the greater fashion industry and society by allowing both designers and consumers to explore the depths of this intersection along with the South African cultural landscape and the personal self. 1.1 Background In the mid-nineties, South Africa went through many transformations due to the end of apartheid. The country’s systems and industries were put to the test. Prior to democratisation in 1994, the local South African fashion industry was exceptionally protected. For the purpose of this research, this paper will employ the 2005 UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions definitions of “protection,” “means the adoption of measures aimed at the preservation, safeguarding and enhancement of the diversity of cultural expressions,” and “protect,” “means to adopt such measures.” In large part due to sanctions held against South Africa for its apartheid government. While the 11 industry was focused and performing well in the domestic market, issues and challenges were not properly addressed–such as export capacity and large production volumes–leading to a failure to launch internationally post-apartheid (Vlok, 2006). An already struggling fashion industry was further weakened by South Africa joining the World Trade Organisation in 1994. This provided many economic incentives for international trade with South Africa. Unfortunately, the effects of a depreciating rand, various incentives, and preferential access to the US and European markets shocked the local South African fashion industry by flooding it with imports. This created a crisis in the fashion industry, leading to the closing of factories and brands and the loss of many jobs. Between 1995 and 2005, South Africa lost nearly 100,000 jobs in the fashion industry, while fashion imports from China increased from under $100 million to over $600 million in the same period (Vlok, 2006). There have been studies done showing Western fashion’s impact on non-Western countries' fashion for consumers and consumer culture (Lee and Son, 2017) and on local independent contemporary designers economically (Sarpong, Howard, and Osei-Ntiri, 2011). These scholars agree that there is a direct causation between the increase in fast fashion presence in their respective countries and a decrease in local fashion’s availability and economic power. Both of these issues are visible in South Africa’s fashion industry today. The current climate is saturated with foreign imports, diluting South Africans' access to local brands. In my own experience, in order to find local brands to purchase from, there is a significant effort required of the potential customer to research to find these brands. This is not a sustainable model for industry growth. How can the South African government legally protect the local South African fashion industry practitioners? Without such protections, it is hard to imagine local brands having a fighting chance to be seen in the market. This requires the potential consumer to have prior knowledge of how social media and local brands operate to be able to aptly search for new brands on the various platforms–predominantly Instagram. Needing consumers to go out of their way to find your product online versus going to a shopping mall to be presented with options disenfranchises the former by nature of consumer effort and ease. Many of these readily available brands in shopping malls are headquartered outside of South Africa and predominantly produced in foreign countries. By not legally protecting local 12 independent contemporary designers, the practitioners are losing income that could benefit the local population, community, economy, and an entire business sector–the fashion industry. Fashion as a creative industry has yet to be formally acknowledged by the South African government. In the 1996 White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage, there is no mention of fashion. There is a brief mention of clothing design when listing what the word “design” consists of; however, does not address it any further nor does the paper mention any design under the Heritage sections (Department of Arts, Culture, Science And Technology, 1996). This oversight has only been partially amended by the latest Revised White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage Fourth Draft in 2017 with its recognition of fashion by being classified as a sector “where creative input is a secondary but crucial means of enhancing the value of other products whose marketability and effectiveness would otherwise be lessened, were also classified under cultural industries” (Revision of the Department of Arts and Culture 1996 White Paper Fourth Draft, 2017:43). This wording does not recognise the artistic and cultural importance that fashion holds, and rather puts fashion’s utilitarian and economic value first. The foreign imports by South Africa create an environmental onus for the country, with increasing fossil fuels needed to transport the clothes. Additionally, many of the big box stores dump a lot of their product, which further strains the waste problem of South Africa. This industry is regulated under multiple facets, such as trade, labour, environment, production, creative, and culture. The commission to establish the local contemporary fashion industry under protections as a cultural heritage and creative industry proves to be a complicated one with the intersections of many other industries. 1.2 Problem Statement Currently, fashion is neither protected nor defined as either a cultural heritage or art in South African policy and was only recently officially validated as a cultural industry in the 2017 Revised White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage Fourth Draft. Despite being recognised as a cultural industry, it is only done so in relation to fashion’s aspects of creativity and not culture. This leaves the fashion creatives vulnerable to the impacts of South Africa’s export policies. This vulnerability creates a market that is increasingly challenging to compete in, with cheap, well-recognised fashion brands saturating the fashion market in South Africa. 13 Protecting contemporary fashion as a cultural heritage and creative industry is difficult, as fashion reaches beyond the artistic and cultural sectors into the creative economy. The industry's intersectional nature requires a multidisciplinary approach, possibly with multiple governing bodies involved. 1.3 Research Questions The fashion industry in South Africa has been left vulnerable by the government to foreign threats since trade was opened and encouraged by foreign policies in the democratic transition years (Traub-Merz, 2005; Vlok, 2006; Morris and Einhorn, 2008). Many foreign-based mass retail brands saw this as an opportunity to enter a new market. Combined with the trade incentives and the depreciating rand, the local South African fashion market suffered. The local South African fashion industry continued to decline, causing practitioners (designers, garment workers, etc.) to lose income, work, and jobs for many. The second-hand market has also negatively affected the local South African fashion industry. With extensive dumping from Western countries and illegal second-hand trade being imported, this further undermines the local South African fashion industry. Could government intervention have prevented this drastic decline or mitigated it? This postulation is what leads this research to seek whether or not protection methods would benefit South African fashion practitioners in today’s market. How can exploring different methods of protecting fashion as a creative and cultural industry boost the local independent South African contemporary fashion practitioners and sector? This research will additionally address the following sub-questions: 1. How has the lack of policy interventions affected local independent contemporary fashion designers thus far? 2. What, if any, interventions would support and benefit the fashion industry and local independent contemporary designers in South Africa? 3. What, if any, cultural and artistic value does fashion have? 14 4. What role does the South African fashion industry play in the country’s economy? What role has it played in the past? And vice versa? 1.4 Aims and Objective This research aims to show the creative and cultural value of fashion while exploring different methods of protecting local fashion. This research explores to what degree fashion has value as an art in culture globally and within the South African context. This research will explore the different proposed and enacted methods of protecting the local fashion industry and local independent contemporary designers from a cultural heritage and creative industries perspective from both South Africa and other countries. Additionally, this research will outline the role of the fashion industry within South Africa’s economy and explore how that would positively affect the local economy, the South African fashion industry, and sustainable development. With the above, this study will seek to uncover why and how the fashion industry in South Africa should be protected. The further objectives will be: 1. Define what it would mean to establish policies to protect local independent contemporary designers through cultural heritage and the creative industry. 2. Explore South Africa’s cultural benefits of establishing policies to protect local independent contemporary designers through cultural heritage and creative industry. 3. Demonstrate the artistic and cultural value of fashion. 4. Define what protection of local fashion would constitute. 5. Explore South Africa’s economic benefits of establishing local independent contemporary designers as a protected cultural heritage and creative industry. The above research aims and objectives function as the guide to what this research is meant to accomplish. They will act as the guardrails of this research’s scope to not go beyond. By narrowing the scope to these degrees, the appointed research methods and the conclusions can be more easily evaluated. It also tells how this research will expand the existing body of knowledge within this field. This specific scope of research was chosen as current literature on this topic within South Africa does not exist, and while looking at the current and past influences the South African fashion industry has/had on local and national economics and 15 the demographics of the industry, this research has the potential to aid in boosting and supporting the aforementioned. 1.5 Research Rationale Fashion is an art that is deeply intertwined with society and daily life. For everything we do, there are clothes for that activity: sleeping (pyjamas), working out (gym clothes), school (uniforms), going to lunch (casual wear). Fashion has a deep impact on our lives. Simultaneously, it speaks to the culture of the area and time. From trends to societal change, fashion is embedded into our culture and vice versa. Fashion historians spend their careers analysing the fashion of the past to tell us more about the people of that time period’s habits, values, and culture. An art form–and its practitioners–of such societal and cultural importance needs to be protected and have its own policies. Fashion being left to a sub-category of design with no specific policy mentions for it leaves South Africa to lose significant amounts of art and cultural heritage. In the 1996 White Paper on Arts, Culture, and Heritage, the South African government recognised (White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage | Department of Sport, Arts and Culture) fashion as a design sub-category but specified it as clothing design. There was no further discussion about the creative category in the white paper. Since the 1996 white paper, there have been few iterations. The current versions of the White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage that the Department of Sports, Arts, and Culture hosts on their website are: ● The original 04 June 1996 White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage ● The 17 March 2015 Draft: Revised White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage ● The 14 November 2016 Second Draft: Revised White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage ● The 01 June 2017 3rd Draft: Executive Summary for the Revised White Paper AC&H ● And the latest, 27 October 2017 Revised White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage Fourth Draft. 16 In the meeting notes from the 03 December 2021 meeting regarding “Update on White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage & Sports and Recreation Amendment Bill; with Minister” of the Sports, Arts, and Culture Department, the General Director, Vusumuzi Mkhize, stated that the committee has approved the 2017 Revised White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage Fourth Draft (pmg.org.za., 2021). The meeting notes reflect that “Cabinet approved the White Paper in October 2018 and Parliament approved it in November 2019, so there were no more consultation processes, it was being implemented now” (pmg.org.za., 2021). However, this is not reflected on the department’s website, and no final draft has been found. Therefore, it is uncertain where the policy implementation and creatives stand concerning this creative and cultural policy. In the updated fourth draft, fashion was classified as a cultural industry (Revision of the Department of Arts and Culture 1996 White Paper Fourth Draft). This was derived from the 1998 report on Creative South Africa: A strategy for realising the potential of Cultural Industries by The Cultural Strategy Group. In this study, the potential of fashion was not researched. This will be further addressed in the literature review. In the fourth draft, fashion was not further explored, and any further discussion on cultural industries was general and vague. As an industry with immense economic potential and cultural and creative significance, it deserves to have further research and legislation to protect its practitioners. While there has been research on the economics of the South African fashion industry (Morris and Einhorn, 2008; Vlok, 2006), from both government and academic perspectives, there is a significant gap in knowledge about South African fashion and fashion designers. Addressing this gap in an attempt to close it will provide the needed support to seek protections for local independent contemporary fashion designers and thus enrich the local and national economies as well as preserve and stimulate culture and creativity. As someone who has involved myself in the local fashion scene5 over the past three years, my perspective adds insight to the research via the hermeneutical ethnographic methodology. 5 The local fashion scene is defined here as being knowledgeable of and involved in local independent contemporary fashion designers, events, pop-ups, where fashion and any happenings regarding local fashion and local independent contemporary fashion designers. Examples would be special pop-ups and secret sale events, launch parties for brands and collaborations such as Adidas x Thebe Magugu or MAXHOSA’s sustainability event hosted at Nirox Sculpture Park. 17 2. Research Methodology This research will use a qualitative design and be approached using phenomenology. As van Manen presents, this research will follow hermeneutical phenomenological approaches such that “the..hermeneutic phenomenological method does not offer a procedural system; rather, its method requires an ability to be reflective, insightful, sensitive to language, and constantly open to experience” (van Manen, 2015, xi). John Creswell further synthesises van Manen’s definitions of phenomenology “ as a dynamic interplay among six research activities” (Creswell, 2007:59). Researchers first turn to a phenomenon, an "abiding concern" (p. 31), which seriously interests them (e.g., reading, running, driving, mothering). In the process, they reflect on essential themes, what constitutes the nature of this lived experience. They write a description of the phenomenon, maintaining a strong relation to the topic of inquiry and balancing the parts of the writing to the whole. Phenomenology is not only a description, but it is also seen as an interpretive process in which the researcher makes an interpretation (i.e., the researcher "mediates" between different meanings; van Manen, 1990, p. 26) of the meaning of the lived experiences. (Creswell, 2007:59) These principles guide the research. To understand the problems and realities (phenomenons) of the fashion industry, it must be viewed through the lens of those operating within its sphere. Fashion is something everyone participates in every day of their lives. It is inescapable and permeates and structures every facet and moment of our lives. Due to its significant and constant interaction within individual lives and society at large, this research requires phenomenology in its approach. The shared phenomenon amongst all participants is their lived experience (hermeneutic) of a lack of relationship with local independent contemporary fashion and the local South African fashion industry (van Manen, 2015). This is dissected into two groups: consumers and designers. The research will explore the lived experiences of local independent contemporary designers navigating their business (brand) in a community (South Africa) that lacks support and connection to its value and work. From a consumer perspective, the research will seek to uncover their relationship with the South African fashion industry. 18 2.1 Design and Data Collection It is important to establish a structured data collection design to properly reveal the depths of information and connection within a studied phenomenon (Creswell, 2007; Ramsook, 2018). First, I employed a qualitative online survey via Google Forms to collect data on South African consumer attitudes and relationships with the South African fashion industry and local independent contemporary designers (Braun, Clarke and Gray, 2017). This method was chosen as it is the most accessible to the most people with the ability to garner a geographically diverse audience not constrained to the limits of where I was present, making the survey more inclusive in nature (Braun, Clarke and Gray, 2017; Braun et al., 2021). This audience sample was, however, still limited to those with access to either a computer or mobile phone with internet, thus innately excluding a part of the South African community without access to either (Braun et al., 2021). This is not a major concern to the research as a majority of South Africans, 72 per cent, do have access to the internet and, therefore, have the potential to reach the survey (data.worldbank.org, 2021). Additionally, those with access to the internet (either by computer or mobile smartphone) would be more likely to have or could establish a relationship with local independent contemporary South African designers due to the overlapping economic demographic of both described demographics. The survey was designed with 11 multiple-choice questions, two of which were open-ended for further elaboration on the answer choices of “other.” Two questions were demographic in nature to establish that the participants live in South Africa and their age. The following seven questions were to establish the nature of the participant’s relationship to the South African fashion industry. Qualitative surveys tend to be brief (four to ten questions on average), as the longer the survey, the more likely participants will reach fatigue (Braun et al., 2021). The question design utilised the “mixed (qualitative dominated) survey” method of Braun, Clarke and Gray (2017). In the mixed survey method, “the primary focus is on the collection (and analysis) of qualitative data” (Braun, Clarke and Gray, 2017:18). So, while the survey was designed more similarly to a quantitative questionnaire with restricted answers (e.g. multiple choice), the goal was to extract and thematically analyse the qualitative data out of the survey answers. The survey was distributed via various accounts’ Instagram stories and email. This survey was anonymous and no identifying information was recorded or provided. 19 Additionally, attitudinal observations and interviews with independent South African contemporary fashion designers were collected. The interviews are used to support the objective of exploring the artistic and cultural value of the fashion industry and how protecting fashion as a creative industry and art and cultural heritage would potentially affect those in the industry as well as South Africa’s collective culture and economy. It is important to note that my own personal experiences and education will be embedded within these interviews as the questions will be coming from my perspective of the issue at hand and what is important to address. The interviews were conducted in a semi-structured manner, meaning that I prepared questions but left the flexibility to ask additional questions or not all the questions depending on participants’ answers and the trajectory of said answers. Sankar and Jones state how semi-structured interviews provide a “richness of the data” as they allow for open-ended answers by the participants and can lead to further information outside of the pre-established questions (Sankar and Jones, 2008:118). As location is a factor for the participants, the interviews will be conducted via Zoom, an online meeting platform. Creswell explains how “a telephone interview provides the best source of information when the researcher does not have direct access to individuals. The drawbacks of this approach are that the researcher cannot see the informal communication” (Creswell, 2007:132-133). Participants and I did not live in the same areas and, therefore, were unable to meet in person physically. To mitigate the drawbacks mentioned by Creswell, interviews were done by Zoom, which uses both video and audio. One participant was unable to have their camera on due to loadshedding in their area, causing signal distress, and another was unable to have it on during the majority of the interview due to damaged mechanics on their laptop. From these interviews, I collected and triangulated the data to unearth what trends appear and further report on said trends. Moreover, I utilised my personal experiences within the South African fashion industry as a consumer. Adding this perspective to my research will help shape the narrative of the experiences consumers in South Africa face when interacting with the fashion industry. This is used as an example of the availability of certain fashion products, brands, and designers to consumers and the effort needed to participate in the local South African fashion industry. It also provides further insight and reasoning as to why and how protecting local fashion could benefit consumers and potentially how they could then interact with the local fashion industry. Proceeding with great attention while expressing my phenomenological experience throughout this research will be of high importance. There are a few shortcomings to be wary 20 of when introducing hermeneutical phenomenology. The primary concern would be that this is only one perspective and an experience by someone of a certain economic status that is not indicative of the average in South Africa and did not grow up in the country. The aforementioned concern of the singular perspective will be addressed by conducting an anonymous survey via a Google Form to obtain a variety of perspectives, including but not limited to location, economic status, involvement in the local fashion industry, and attitudes towards fashion. This information is still limited to those who have access to the internet which does not address those of lower economic status. The fact that I was not born in South Africa or have grown up in any community around the nation will be a benefit. Someone who has grown up in South Africa will have a different connection and understanding of the local fashion scene and, therefore, may have a network that connects them to the industry better than a new arrival. Providing my perspective on how I have navigated and entered the local fashion industry as a consumer can call attention to barriers that someone who has grown up in South Africa may not be aware of due to familiarity. Furthermore, to convey the creative and cultural practices of fashion, I employed photovoice as an additional methodology. Photovoice is participant-action research whereby the participants take and analyse photos to be further analysed in the research (Wang and Burris, 1997; Tsang, 2020). Its purpose is to show first-person perspectives on the lived experiences of the participants and their interpretations of such (Wang and Burris, 1997; Tsang, 2020). In this research, photovoice directly depicts how South Africa—in place and culture—-inspires local independent contemporary fashion designers. I designated three of these designers to undertake the project. The purpose of this methodology is to portray not only the creativity that goes into fashion design but also the significant cultural aspects as well. By showcasing the creative and cultural aspects of fashion design from a first-party perspective and their visual experiences of inspiration, I support the paper’s objective of determining if—and if so, what—fashion has a value that should be protected from a creative and cultural point of view and not only from an economic standpoint (Tsang, 2020). 2.2 Data Analysis The analysis of the survey findings was to reveal the consumer attitudes towards the South African fashion industry and their relationship to it. Answers were looked at using thematic 21 analysis drawn across all questions rather than taking each question individually (Braun, Clarke and Gray, 2017; Braun et al., 2021). The survey questions serve to present a singular narrative explaining consumer relationships and the possible reasons behind said relationships and draw patterns. As explained by Jansen (2010), the phenomenological survey aims “at conceptualising the common essence in these experiences”, which is seen through pattern analysis. Conducting and analysing the one-on-one semi-structured interviews “are of paramount importance to unearth participants' experiences and semi-structured interviews are included for focus and direction” (Ramsook, 2018). The analysis of the interviews was to support the designers’ perspective and corroborate the historical economic data regarding the industry in the literature review with the personal and emotional. The interview transcripts were reviewed multiple times to interpret and classify the appropriate themes and key highlights in each individual interview. The notable points and prevailing themes were then grouped with the notes of the other interviews to draw themes and patterns across all interviews (Creswell, 2007). The purpose of analysing the findings from photovoice from a hermeneutical phenomenological perspective is “to elicit the meanings participants give to their photographs” (Tsang, 2020:139). Through analysing the meanings behind the photographs, I drew connections and conclusions to how the meanings of each photograph relate each participant to their craft, artistically and creatively, and South African culture. Additionally, I drew the connecting threads of those narratives to local independent South African contemporary fashion designers as a collective based on the research analysis. Maintaining a balance between my interpretations and that of the participants of their photographs was carefully considered to respect the participants’ data and the “voice” aspect of their photovoice (Tsang, 2020). Across photovoice, I have employed thematic analysis. Thematic analysis allows for patterns and meaning in the research to be drawn to describe the collective phenomenon (specifically in the case of this research, the collective of local independent South African contemporary fashion designers) of culture naturally influencing fashion design (Glaw et al., 2017). The analytical model used in the analysis was influenced by Collier and Collier’s (1986), Glaw et al. (2017), and Tsang’s (2020) approaches. Step one was translating the photograph 22 into written communication. Then, the participants' photograph analysis was studied, followed by my interpretation and a cross-comparison of the two. After these steps were completed, the photographs were coded into specific themes, with some photographs representing multiple themes depending on the angle of analysis. Lastly the photographs and following analysis were grouped thematically. 2.3 Ethical consideration The ethical considerations of my research will be beneficence, confidentiality, anonymity, and consent. In Cassell’s (1980) Ethical Principles for Conducting Fieldwork, she underlines the foundation for ethical research with human participants, “the principles of respect for the human autonomy—regarding people primarily as ends rather than means—may sound soft and indefinite when compared with utilitarian calculations” (Cassell, 1980:37). This principle has guided the choice in ethical considerations of beneficence (having the wellbeing of the participant as a primary goal), confidentiality (respecting participants identity and shared information through trusted anonymity), and informed consent (providing participants with all information and risks for them to make an informed choice regarding their involvement). 2.3.1 Beneficence Beneficence will be a principal aspect of this research. Denzin and Lincoln (2005) discuss the possible problematics of beneficence in such that “[b]eneficence, including risks and benefits, cannot be quantified, nor can a dear meaning be given to acceptable risk or to benefits that dearly serve a larger cause” (Denzin and Lincoln 2005:37). The underlying purpose of this research is to lay a foundation for how South Africa can support its fashion industry and those working in it to create a better, more prosperous industry, therefore a larger cause. Since the purpose of this research is to benefit the research subjects, a key aspect of this research is maintaining a high awareness of the participants’ comfort and rights and not exceeding any of the aforementioned for the sake of the research, i.e. larger cause. This research will be moulded by the participants' opinions, reactions, and experiences. 23 2.3.2 Confidentiality For interview participants, confidentiality will be considered in all three steps: pre-interview, during the interview, and post-interview (Heggen, Guillemin and Kaiser 2012). In the pre-interview stage, potential participants were contacted individually and directly via private email and once accepted, the meeting was scheduled directly with the participant on a private online, password-protected calendar. The interviews conducted were one-on-one in a private online room through Zoom. Post-interview, all data (consent forms, transcripts, and recorded interview) were kept in files on a password-protected computer (Heggen, Guillemin and Kaiser 2012). While there will be the utmost care in trying to maintain the participants’ anonymity and confidentiality via one-on-one interviews and keeping the data on a securely locked computer, a few of the participants are notable individuals, which will make it difficult to maintain full anonymity. When referring to the designer participants in the research, gender-neutral pronouns they/them/their will be used to add another layer of identity protection. The designers who participated in the photovoice research provided archived photographs they took as inspiration for their collections. Therefore, for those familiar with the designers, it may be possible to discern who the designers are by the photographs. Photographs were collected via email and were also kept in files on a password-protected computer. Consent to participate in the research–whether it be interviews or photovoice–was required with provided explanations of what participation constitutes and the scope and purpose of the research. In the analysis of the interview and photovoice participants, all identifiers were removed, bar what someone familiar with a specific designer may be able to astutely observe from a photograph in the photovoice, and participants were either addressed by a number or as a group (Heggen, Guillemin and Kaiser 2012). For survey participants, data was collected anonymously, with the only identifying marker for their responses being the time and date they responded. Without further information, it is impossible to determine who any of the participants were. Therefore, confidentiality is automatically applied. 2.3.3 Informed Consent All potential participants will be provided with detailed information on the scope of the study and how their information will be used. Through letters and consent forms, potential participants will be required to understand the what and why of this research as a primary factor. As Denzin and Lincoln state, “[s]urely there is more to respect 24 than informed consent–more, that is, than getting people to agree to be participants in a study. Respect involves caring for others, honouring them, and treating them with dignity. An informed consent form does not do this, and it does not confer respect on another person” (Denzin and Lincoln, 2005:37). This is why all participants will also be required to understand the scope of their participation fully. This includes how they will participate and for how long, how the information provided will be used, who may be reading this study, and how their confidentiality and anonymity will be kept but may not be guaranteed in certain circumstances. 3. Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework of this research encapsulates the concepts and themes of (1) the historical and current trade and economic policies immediately post-apartheid that affect(ed) the South African fashion industry and economy, (2) the experiences of local independent South African contemporary fashion designers, how this has created a feedback loop, (3) and the concepts and policies that need to be adopted to break out of the cycle and create a more sustainable industry for local independent South African contemporary designers and maintain and support the cultural integrity of South Africa. The below is a visual representation of the conceptual framework. 25 Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 3.1 Post-Apartheid Economic and Trade Policies The trade and economic policies South Africa has established since the mid-1990s sit as the context and foundation for this research and the catalyst to the problem local independent South African contemporary designers face today. As a cultural industry, fashion works within the framework of economics and, therefore, is directly impacted by its policies (Cultural Strategy Group, 1998; Revision of the Department of Arts and Culture 1996 White Paper Fourth Draft, 2017). Many of these policies were directly related to the fashion industry and its health, originating from the South African government’s lack of preparation and protection of their own fashion and manufacturing industry at the turn of the nation’s 26 democratisation (Vlok, 2006). South Africa’s democratisation was followed by trade incentives for foreign nations that led to the over-saturation of cheap fashion, thus pricing out the South African-designed and produced fashion (Vlok, 2006). These trade policies coupled with, and compounded, the decreasing value of the rand. This exacerbated the consumers’ struggle to afford local fashion. 3.2 South Africa’s Fashion Industry Flooded by Foreign Imports At the turn of democracy with the end of apartheid, global trading was opened to South Africa again. At the same time, the country saw a decrease in the valuation of the rand. South African manufacturers took the opportunity to increase their revenue by focusing their efforts on exports. Fashion brands and stores in South Africa needed stock and with local manufacturers setting their sights aboard, the brands/stores looked to China to cheaply fulfil their orders (Morris and Einhorn, 2008). Once the rand’s value increased again, South African manufacturers found they could not maintain the same exporting rates and tried to re-enter the local market. By then, the market was already entrenched with Chinese manufacturers and products. With many cheap foreign imports (stores selling new items and second-hand imports), the local market was flooded and led to the closing of South African-based manufacturers, producers, and brands (Vlok, 2006). 3.3 An Underdeveloped Local Fashion Industry In the present day, the lack of manufacturers and producers of textiles and clothing has proved a barrier for local independent South African contemporary designers, or even larger brands, to establish themselves in the country. Without access to substantial local resources, designers face challenges such as lack of funding, access, skills, and materials creating significant barriers to entry. This has created a feedback loop of designers not being able to fully establish themselves successfully as they cannot compete through prices with the cheaper foreign imports and lack of customer or government support that then leads consumers to the cheaper foreign imports and away from local designers, who then are unable to receive proper support and the cycle feeds itself creating an underdeveloped local fashion industry. 27 3.4 Towards a Thriving Local Fashion Industry The debate about fashion being art is contentious and ongoing. The opposing view of fashion not being art stems from the idea that it is a product first with an alternative value: to clothe one's body. The Revision of the Department of Arts and Culture 1996 White Paper Fourth Draft acknowledges that utilitarianism does not negate the value of art within a product, specifically mentioning “contemporary decorative and utilitarian objects” within the category of craft and “architecture, spatial design and planning, engineering, textiles, jewellery, clothing, furniture, typography,...packaging and a host of other household, consumer and utilitarian goods” under design, that has been designated as an art by the White Paper, all which serve utilitarian purposes and maintain their artistic value. This ideology of utilitarianism and art not cohabitating has barred fashion from obtaining the rich cultural and artistic value it is owed. The perspectives of art and culture are intrinsically tied. In the four previous drafts of the Department of Arts and Culture White Papers, the only accepted cultural products were those of dance, visual art, theatre, and music, those that did not hold any other purpose other than that of its art while being items of cultural value and history. This was the accepted mindset of the South African government until the 2017 white paper that acknowledged fashion as a cultural industry. The delay in perceiving fashion as a cultural industry has not only contributed to the state of the local South African fashion industry but has allowed it to become so. If the proper understanding of fashion as a cultural industry and product were embodied by the South African government in the original 1996 White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage, the fashion industry would likely have had significant policies in place to protect the local fashion industry of manufacturing, production, design, and entrepreneurship. To remedy this error, various policies to protect the local South African fashion industry must go into effect. 4. Literature review 4.1 History of the South African Fashion Industry: Transition into Democracy to Today While there has been research on the degradation of the fashion industry in South Africa and its economic evaluation, there has yet to be any on its effects on local designers, the cultural value of South African contemporary fashion, or on methods to protect the industry from further collapse. 28 Etienne Vlok (2006) discusses the impacts of policy and economic decisions made during the democratisation transition years that created the incredible shrinkage, he further details the South African fashion industry. Pre-democratisation, the local South African clothing industry was very protected–predominantly due to trade embargoes placed against South Africa due to apartheid. This forced the country to focus on the domestic market. However, this focus led the country and industry to be unprepared for entrance into the international markets and caused a failure to launch competitively. In 1994, South Africa joined the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Additionally, there was a reduced tariff fee for South Africa and newly opened borders for international trade. Initially, these actions led to an increase in exports and a moderately competitive Textile and Clothing industry in South Africa (Vlok, 2006; Traub-Merz, 2005). The increase in international economic activity led to a slight appreciation in the rand’s valuation. This negatively impacted the fashion industry. With open trade borders and a strong local currency, international competition from countries with cheaper products–namely China and other Asian countries–overtook the local South African fashion market. The increase in cheap imports drowned the industry and market, killing the export market South Africa created, causing a decline in the rand’s strength and many designers and clothing and textile companies in disarray. The rapid increase in imports and depreciated rand caused a 37% decrease in the South African Textile and Clothing industry’s employment from 1996 to 2005 (Vlok, 2006). Globally, and in the case of South Africa, the fashion industry is predominantly composed of women employees, especially within the garment factories. Due to various factors such as economic, cultural, and historical, women–globally and within South Africa–are a vulnerable population. In the South African Textile and Clothing industries, women constitute 70% of the workforce (Fibre Processing & Manufacturing Sector Education and Training Authority, 2017). Further supporting the industry and its practitioners could not only boost a vulnerable class but raise the community and national economic levels by economically empowering women (IMF, 2018). While the South African Clothing and Textile Workers Union attempted to mitigate the loss with multiple interventions, would actions by the larger South African government have helped more? At first, while South Africa did not make specific policies surrounding limiting imports, trade agreements were already in place. The Multi-Fiber Agreement (MFA) was a previously 29 created policy that governed the clothing and textile industry from 1974, designed to help protect developed countries from cheap imports from Asia, primarily China. Its purpose was to limit import quantities into countries whose clothing and textile industries were under strain due to heavy importation. However, this policy did not mitigate or slow down Asia’s rapid increase in global exports (Traub-Merz, 2005) (World Trade Organization, 2019). The MFA was actually in conflict with The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1947 (GATT). While GATT focused on fair relationships between all trade partners and customs tariffs, MFA’s policies violated such terms of the international trade agreement. Due to the quota limitations, when certain countries’ quotas were up, they would find other countries to import from; this led to the creation and development of textile and clothing production in Sub-Saharan African countries so that textile and clothing companies from China, Malaysia, and other prominent producers in Asia could invest in the new markets with unused quotas (Traub-Merz, 2005). In 1995, the WTO created the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing to take over for the MFA and to phase the industry into GATT which it did by 2005 (World Trade Organization, 2019). The end of the MFA did not assist in creating fairer global trade, and the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) of 2002 was established. This act provided Sub-Saharan African countries with duty-free access to the US market, with stipulations, and did not require said countries to use textiles produced in either the US or in their region for clothing production–something that was required by Europe’s Everything But Arms initiative for duty-free trade (Traub-Merz, 2005) (Morris and Einhorn, 2008). South Africa was not exempt from the production rule and was still required to use only textiles produced in its own country to qualify for the duty-free trade agreement under AGOA with the United States due to its robust textile industry that was supported under the apartheid government (Morris and Einhorn, 2008). Chinese clothing entered the South African market around the turn of the century when the rand’s value decreased by nearly 50% between 1999 and 2002. Due to the rand’s devaluation, South African manufacturers looked towards exporting their goods to make a profit. Unable to keep up with the increased domestic demand due to the developing black middle class and their exports, Chinese clothing imports became an advantageous substitute for local South African retailers that needed stock (Morris and Einhorn, 2008). By 2004, the rand’s valuation increased again to pre-1999 levels. This caused a great shift in South Africa’s domestic manufacturers’ ability to export as the South African government then showed disfavour in extending the Duty Credit Certificate Scheme, which aided in subsidising clothing exports 30 depending on your qualifications. South African manufacturers could then no longer fulfil their export obligations. Unfortunately, by this time, the local market was already saturated and dependent on the Chinese clothing market. In addition to the increased purchasing power of the South African market, local manufacturers found it increasingly difficult to be welcomed back home. By 2005, Chinese and Hong Kong imported clothing accounted for 78.8 per cent of all clothing imports into South Africa (Morris and Einhorn, 2008). Pressured by unions in the fashion industry, South Africa eventually entered a two-year quota restraint on Chinese imports in 2007 (Morris and Einhorn, 2008). This was not renewed and quota-free trading with China reopened in 2009. The current economic status of the South African fashion industry rests in the international import market. Not only are a majority of shopping options in South Africa from internationally based brands, but even local brands are exporting their production. Consumers who look to purchase locally cannot guarantee a brand’s claims of local production are true as many still import their products. An interviewee in the footwear business from the Fibre Processing & Manufacturing Sector Education and Training Authority (FPM SETA) Sector Skills Plan stated that around half of all claims of local production for shoes in South Africa are false. From a sample of 16 local independent designers, the Department of Trade, Industry, and Competition and the South African Cotton Cluster found that only 7% of the designers were using locally produced textiles. Furthermore, 67% of the textiles were imported from Asian countries. Across the research on this topic, researchers such as Vlok, Kem Remdass, and David Kruger (who will be further discussed later in this review), and Traub-Merz and Jauch all found the Asia textile and clothing industry to be a major threat undercutting the local South African fashion industry due to their low prices being incredibly hard to compete against. Additionally, the lack of present skills in the manufacturing industry in South Africa has significantly decreased South Africa’s manufacturing competitiveness. Practitioners, the Department of Trade, Industry, and Competition, and the South African Cotton Cluster have specifically mentioned cheap imports from Pakistan and China being the biggest international threats. There is a need to further study what skills are needed in the South African textile and clothing industry and how to best develop them. Despite its substantial decline since the mid- to late-1990s, the South African textile and clothing industry still contributes 3% to the South African GDP (Gross Domestic Product), the same as the agricultural sector (South African Cotton Cluster and Department of Trade, 31 Industry and Competition, 2020). However, the health of the rand has been wavering and in decline since 1988. This has inversely correlated with consumer willingness to spend money on clothing. Figure 2: Chart showing the USD to ZAR rates from 1975 - 2003 according to Bank of England Source: PoundSterlingLive 4.2 The Second-hand Market In addition to imported fashion brands, a major threat to local fashion practitioners is the second-hand market. While consumers may not want to spend much on clothing, the cheap imported new clothing and second-hand clothing provide options at lower price ranges that locally designed and produced clothing cannot by being at a higher price point. Sarpong, Howard, and Osei-Ntiri (2011) discovered through their research into local independent designers in Ghana that 85% of their respondents were concerned over competition over cheap imported clothing–being both new imports and second-hand products. Their research lacks deeper reasoning and analysis on how this negatively affects the designers beyond the designers reporting that it does negatively affect their business. 32 The cheap imports (both new clothing6 and second-hand) coupled with resourced brands7 and their brand recognition create a power vacuum within the South African fashion industry that causes undo challenges for local independent contemporary designers and practitioners to succeed (Rogerson, 2006). A lack of data on the used clothing market (specifically, regarding illegal second-hand imports) makes it challenging to prove a direct economic correlation between a decline in the sale of local South African fashion and the second-hand market increasing, being that the second-hand market is much bigger and more prevalent than what is being reported. However, this issue is still an important aspect of the phenomenology of the South African local fashion economy8. Brooks and Simon (2012) found that other sub-Saharan countries, namely Mozambique, act as middlemen for South African second-hand clothing imports. Mass shipments of second-hand clothing from predominantly Western countries will be sent to Mozambique for second-hand traders from South Africa to gather some clothing in their luggage to bring back to sell in South Africa while evading regulations. The issues of second-hand trade are supported by Western countries’ (the United States and Europe mainly) over consumption habits. Unwanted clothing is donated to various charity organisations that ship the donations off to countries with lower economic statuses–typically in the Global South–when they are overburdened with donations. This practice is called ‘dumping’. Dumping is not only a second-hand problem but companies such as H&M have been known to dump their stock overflow. Thebe Magugu’s Spring/Summer 23 short film depicting his creation and design process, titled Discarded Theory, highlights the issues of dumping and how inundated the fashion scene in South Africa is by this practice. The designer comments on the interconnectivity of dumping into South African fashion: “I've been rummaging through a lot of discarded clothing at Dunusa - an area in downtown Johannesburg where America & Europe dump piles of second-hand, often 8 This paper defines the local fashion economy as the collective actions of designers and creating and selling their products as well as the way consumers interact with fashion. Interactions include purchasing, styling, wearing, shopping habits, and consumer relationships to brands/designers. 7 Resourced brands being established and well-funded with ample resources (financial, networks, et cetera) to enter new markets with a high chance of success. 6 As previously, due to the influx of predominantly Chinese-produced clothing, new clothing has become increasingly cheaper in the South African clothing market. This has created a psychological barrier for local independent South African contemporary designers to overcome as consumers have been primed and now accustomed to clothing costing very little. Local independent contemporary designers are unable to compete with these low prices due to factory and production costs for smaller brands and those within South Africa. 33 soiled garments. It got me thinking about globalisation’s effect on national stylistic identity - it’s not rare to see a local woman wearing a traditional shweshwe-fabric waxed wrap skirt, often reserved for special ceremonies, paired with a promotional VODAFONE or Manchester United polyester tee. This hybridity - an unintentional dialogue between ‘The West & The Rest’ - was the start point of this collection” (Magugu, Discarded Theory, 2022). The fashion industry in South Africa holds economic importance to the country and communities. By protecting local fashion practitioners from cheap competitive imports, South Africa has an opportunity to bolster its people’s and its nation’s economies. After the early 2000s fall of the South African clothing and textile manufacturing industry, the national government focused primarily on the loss of formal employment, ignoring the effects that imports had on the manufacturers’ competitive ability (Morris and Einhorn, 2008). Beyond the clear economic incentive, South Africa is losing the opportunity for artistic and cultural growth, let alone current artistic and cultural understandings through fashion. Magugu’s comments in his aforementioned documentary highlight the loss of South African fashion due to foreign influence–specifically the second-hand market. Without the “promotional VODAFONE or Manchester United polyester tee”, would this example woman wear a tee by a South African designer? By closing off opportunities to local independent contemporary designers by flooding the market with cheap imports, there is a stunting of artistic and cultural growth for both designers and the community at large as they have fewer interactions with culturally-based South African designs. Would protections for local independent contemporary designers, perhaps via limiting imports, increase their output and consumers purchasing and interacting with culturally South African designs and designers? 4.3 Value of the Cultural and Creative Industries in South Africa South Africa, aptly nicknamed the Rainbow Nation, is immensely rich in diverse cultural heritage and art. The Economic Mapping of the Cultural and Creative Industries in South Africa 2022 (CCI Mapping Study 2022) reported that the cultural industries contributed to 3% of the nation’s GDP. As shown in the figure below, the design and creative services comprise the majority of the CCIs9 financial value at 32%, which was R51 billion in 2020. 9 The accepted South African definition for the CCIs has been fluid over the years. According to the latest Arts and Cultural White Paper, the 2017 Revised White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage 34 The design and creative services are defined as fashion design, graphic design, interior design, landscape design, architectural services, and advertising services (South African Cultural Observatory, 2022). Figure 3: Individual cultural sector’s Gross Value Added towards SA GDP Source: South African Cultural Observatory, 2022 Despite lacking government support, fashion has still maintained its significant economic contributions. The South African Cultural Observatory calculated the GDP contributions through each sector’s production values (South African Cultural Observatory, 2022). This is a primary measure of economic value, but it does not consider each sector's secondary measure of economic power through employment. According to the Southern African Clothing and Textile Workers’ Union (SACTWU) which has 85 per cent union density at 99,967 members, the textile and clothing manufacturing industry employs 117,608 people in South Africa. Employment must be considered to holistically calculate the per cent of the GDP a sector contributes. Therefore, the individual contributions of the 117,608 people in the clothing and textile manufacturing business, plus those in creative occupations, sales, and administration in the local fashion industry, must be accounted for, too and would present a larger contribution. Fourth Draft, the CCIs include: Music, visual arts, publishing, audio-visual, performing arts, multi-media, craft, cultural heritage, events technical and production, design, industrial design and fashion, and graphic arts. 35 Beyond their commercial value, which is measured economically, cultural goods and services have an immeasurable value of culture (Chilese and Paolo Russo, 2008). Understanding the value the cultural industries does and can have in South Africa was introduced in the Cultural Strategy Group’s 1998 report, Creative South Africa: A strategy for realising the potential of the Cultural Industries, for the Department of the Ministry of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology. In this report, the Cultural Strategy Group argues that CCIs significance lies in economics, identity building and supporting, distinctiveness, image, innovation and creativity, tourism, and social impact. While cultural value is difficult to measure and has yet to be properly done, the visible representation of culture within fashion is measurable. This is seen through the relative ratio and imbalance of imported fashion to locally produced and designed fashion consumed within South Africa (Vlok, 2006; Traub-Merz, 2005). A local market, such as South Africa, overwhelmed with foreign imported fashion, imports other cultural values while watering down their own without regulation. South Africa is dressed in foreign clothes and products that neither hold nor represent the same cultures of its nation and people (identity building and supporting, distinctiveness, image, social impact, and innovation and creativity). The value in this aspect of cultural heritage has not received the academic attention it requires. Through the analysis of South Africa’s economic impact from fashion, it is clear there is a market and opportunity for a robust cultural fashion market and economic incentives to do so as it would further increase GDP health. Most local independent South African contemporary designers have brands based in one of South Africa’s biggest cities: Cape Town and Johannesburg. As Scott (2000) and Chilese and Paolo Russo (2008) argue, cities are centres of economic and cultural identity as these factors shape the city itself. There becomes an interdependence on culture, place, and economy in the city as they are all influenced by one another. There is an innate connection to creativity that is then developed in these environments, which leads to many designers originating their brands in these locales. This brings a new business into the city (economics, image, social impact, tourism) and a creative spirit (tourism, innovation and creativity, image, distinctiveness, social impact) that, if properly protected and nurtured, would continually grow and add value to the city and nation. 36 4.4 South African Culture, Arts, and Heritage Policies and Lack Thereof The 1996 White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage mentioned fashion design once as a subset of design, with no specific actions, information, or policies (White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage | Department of Sport, Arts and Culture). In 2019, the Revision of the White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage Fourth Draft was approved by both the Cabinet and Parliament. However, this latest white paper did not add much more in regard to fashion (Revision of the Department of Arts and Culture 1996 White Paper Fourth Draft, 2017). The current white paper maintains fashion as a design subsect while not elaborating on specific design policies or actions. The white paper goes further by acknowledging fashion as a cultural industry. Unfortunately, that is where any mentions of fashion end. The 1998 report for the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology by The Cultural Strategy Group, Creative South Africa: A strategy for realising the potential of the Cultural Industries, was the first legislative document that referenced fashion as a cultural industry. The paper mentions seven important facets of the cultural industries: economic significance, identity, distinctiveness, image, innovation and creativity, tourism, and social impact. Fashion exemplifies each of these. The fashion industry in South Africa contributes 3% of the nation’s GDP (Department of Trade, Industry, and Competition and the South African Cotton Cluster, 2020). An important characteristic of fashion is creating and communicating identity (individual and collective/cultural), distinctiveness, and image while being based on innovation and creativity. Paris, Milan, New York City, and London spur countless tourists during their respective fashion weeks as fashion capitals; however, fashion tourism is not limited to these weeks alone. “The link between tourism and shopping frequently makes the headlines in trade and general press accounts of the economic life” in New York City (World Tourism Organization, 2014). Tourists contributed $8 billion in New York City alone in 2012. With the distinctiveness and identity of independent South African contemporary fashion designers, South Africa stands to gain incredibly from fashion tourism. Historically and now, fashion creates social impact through culture, job creation, economic health, creativity, and burgeoning conversations. While fashion aptly displays the characteristics that The Cultural Strategy Group determined for cultural industries, only music, film and television, and publishing and craft sectors were researched for the study. This highlights the continued lack of proper awareness, research, and support fashion has and does receive as a cultural industry or art in South Africa. 37 Multiple reports and legislative documents have spawned from the White Paper on Art, Culture and Heritage 1996 and the 2017 fourth draft, as well as the Creative South Africa: A strategy for realising the potential of the Cultural Industries. The most recent is the National Theatre and Dance Policy, 2022, which is charged as “an essential guideline to effectively and efficiently mobilise resources, coordinate and regulate the theatre and dance sector in South Africa” (National Theatre and Dance Policy). The South African government has recognised the need for such a policy to reinvigorate the sector across the nation. The policy is written in support of the Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want, which is the report created by the African Union as a blueprint for transforming the continent into a global power. The policy mentions explicitly and quotes the fifth aspiration of Agenda 2063 in relation to the policy: “an Africa with a strong cultural identity, common heritage, values and ethics” (African Union, 2015). In order to achieve this fifth aspiration as a well-rounded cultural nation, fashion must be considered. While the country as a whole has not put forth specific policies to support the local South African fashion industry and its practitioners, KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) attempted to put in place support systems for its designers. In 2009, as a response to the declining resources for local independent designers, KZN established the KZN Fashion Council (KZNFC). The KZNFC created various programs and incentives for designers to increase their skills and business development. One such initiative to support local independent designers was to provide easy access to other needed parts of the fashion value chain, such as beadwork, suppliers, textiles, et cetera (Pather, 2015). Another program, which eventually led to KZNFC’s downfall, was putting on fashion shows for local independent designers. In an attempt to make Durban a fashion hub for South Africa and the world, KZNFC began to host fashion shows, attracting key players from across the globe. However, the frequency of these shows diluted their worth, and participation dwindled. Additionally, the lack of organisation between all the programs and the designers caused confusion and disarray, and the value of the programs declined (Pather, 2015). 38 4.5 Protection Policies by Foreign Governments Currently, protective policies around the fashion sector are far and few between. Mauritius was an early adopter of this forward-thinking mentality of needing to protect their designers and producers. In the 1980’s the Mauritius government strongly focused on supporting their exports by supplying investors with duty and tax-free stimulus. Additionally, Mauritius orientated their textile and clothing manufacturing sector to become a vertically integrated market from sourcing to weaving and spinning to (Ministry of Industrial Development, SMEs and Cooperatives (Industrial Development Division) and UNCTAD, 2020; (UNESCO, 2023). Osei-Tutu (2021) explores the possibilities of using geographical indicators (GI) as a form of protection for “culturally identifiable fashion,” referencing the wine industry, which is known for its geographical-based classifications–i.e. GIs such as Champagne can only be called Champagne if it comes from the Champagne region of France–, as an example of doing so. GIs are protected and recognised under both the World Trade Organisation and international law, possibly paving an easier way to protect cultural fashion. She elaborates that fashion could be under the umbrella of intangible cultural heritage, described as intergenerational culture, as it is duly noted as important to protect for cultural diversity’s sake by the United Nations (Osei-Tutu, 2021). However, Osei-Tutu dives into examples of traditional clothing and accessories, leaving the question of whether this would work for contemporary fashion. Other researchers like Naidoo (2019), Ruff (2017), and Yao Xiao (2010) all postulate using intellectual property (IP) laws to protect fashion and fashion designers. This is an action Mexico undertook in an amendment to its copyright law in 2020 that extended its jurisdiction to cultural heritage products and designs (Caponigri, 2021). American-based brand, Carolina Herrera, encountered challenges from this law against its Resort 2020 collection, which was stated to be inspired by Mexico and "takes on the playful and colourful mood of a Latin holiday," according to her website at the time (Mexican government accuses Carolina Herrera of cultural appropriation, 2019). Under the revised copyright law, third parties must credit and receive written permission from the communities that maintain cultural ownership of the artisanal practices, products, et cetera or Mexico’s Secretary of Culture if said community cannot be found (Caponigri, 2021). Herrera did not comply, leading to the Secretary of Culture, Alejandra Frausto, sending a letter of complaint to Herrera and the Creative Director of the fashion house at the time, Wes Gordon, noting specific garments and their origins. 39 Emphasising the significance of these cultural arts, Frausto explains that "[i]n these embroideries is the history of the community itself, and each element has a personal, family and community meaning" (Mexican government accuses Carolina Herrera of cultural appropriation, 2019). Frausto specifically mentions the collection’s use of embroidery from the Tenango de Doria community in Hidalgo, Isthmus in Tehuantepec, and a garment based on a sarape10 from Saltillo (Mexican government accuses Carolina Herrera of cultural appropriation, 2019). However, this is too narrow of scope for this research. While using an IP would benefit the protection of specific products or traditional fashion with certain parameters, contemporary fashion does not have such limitations and, therefore, would make it difficult to protect under IP. Additionally, this type of protection is less about designers' success and market opportunities and more about their designs being used for other brands and designers–typically larger brands. Amanda Smith and Angela Finn (2015) discuss the overreliance on British-influenced fashion in New Zealand and how the New Zealand fashion industry could become internationally competitive. They suggest the industry should lean into more traditional and more technologically advanced manufacturing methods while designers should emphasise traditional designs. While this presents a unique position for local independent contemporary designers, as each culture has its distinctions relative to its location, there would need to be some interventions to help move the social needle toward local independent contemporary designers and away from the British-influenced fashion in the country. There has yet to be research on policy interventions that would protect and support local independent contemporary fashion designers in an age of global fashion, specifically in non-western post-colonial countries that remain inundated with colonial and Western influences. This is the crux of where this research will sit. 4.6 Fashion as Cultural Heritage There is an apparent intrinsic link between fashion and culture when looking at traditional garments. In many cases of traditional dress, the norms have ebbed with political and historical changes that would inherently affect what is being worn (Motubatse and Yende, 2023). This is explored in Jean Baudrillard’s neo-Marxist theories on fashion and how it acts “on our relation to objects as a discursive system” and “presupposes dualism in which 10 A traditional blanket or shawl. 40 appearances reflect reality, and clothes index social hierarchy” (Rocamora and Smelik, 2019:21). Reality is relative to one's location and cultural surroundings, of which these cultural surroundings and happenings are based on. Location and culture are deeply connected as they relate and reflect one another, creating and sustaining different cultural identities in different locales (Scott, 1997). The clothing that reflects reality would, and does, have measurable differences between regions. This highlights the cultural significance of clothing as it echoes the reality of the people in a certain period of history in distinct locations. Fashion is simultaneously built on culture and creativity as a creative product. “Creativity, like culture, is profoundly rooted both in time and in space. The culture of creativity, or its inherited capital, is inextricably linked to a place,...a community and its history” (Santagata, 2002:1). Many cultures’ traditional dress has been shaped and adjusted by political, economic—including resources and production innovations—, and historical happenings of their time and place. This theory is most apparent in South Africa’s case when analysing traditional dress. Specifically looking at the Zulu culture of South Africa, according to early accounts, traditional dress of the 19th century and earlier consisted of animal skins/furs, bird feathers, grasses, and vegetable fibres. Glass beads were then introduced as a staple of traditional dress for women as they became more accessible with the rise of European settlers that brought them. However, glass beads were already an important facet of Zulu culture and dress before settlers' arrival. The beads represented more than a pretty ornament, as does most fashion; they were a mode of communication. Each bead colour represents its individual meaning, which is constructed together to form messages for others (Nkumane, 2001). The bead colours meanings are as follows: White beads (obumhlophe): Proclaims that a girl is a virgin. Pink (obumpofu): Even though you are poor, I still love you. Vaseline yellow (obuphuzi): She loves the boy like she loves sugar. Turquoise blue (obulwandle): This describes the intensity and purity of her love for him. The love is like the sea sand which is pure and clean. Green (Obuluhlaza okotshani): I am a young child but old enough to be courted. Black (obumnyama): She is ready to dress in her isidwaba (a woman’s leather kilt) but he must first pay lobolo. 41 Red (obubomvu): This represents the isicholo (coiffure), a married woman’s headdress, and along with the black beads which represent the leather kilt are a sign that she is ready to marry. Royal blue (obuluhlaza okwesibhakabhaka): This blue represents a dove. She cries because she is not like the dove that can fly to his home to see him and peck crumbs from his doorway. (Nkumane, 2001:106) Beyond beads, specific garments would reflect information about the wearer, such as the women's age, marital status, and motherhood status. As a reflection of the cultural times, Zulu traditional wear began adding more European garments during the era of colonialism and decreased daily wear as Western wear increasingly took over, as seen today (Motubatse and Yende, 2023). Today, there are local independent South African designers who create traditional wear for the modern, Western dresser. The jewellery brand, The Herd, uses traditional Nguni (Zulu, Xhosa, Ndebele) beading techniques for their products. They state that “the core of our journey is a steadfast commitment to exploring and revitalising traditional techniques…which has been obscured over the years” (The Herd, n.d.). Figure 4: The Herd’s Handmade Source: https://theherddesigns.com/ 42 Figure 5: The Herd’s An Ode to Zulu Love Letters collection Source: https://theherddesigns.com/ For one of their products, wooden ear plugs, they pay respect to the traditional coming-of-age Zulu ceremony of ukuqhumbuza11. Footwear brand iFele is another designer focused on Zulu traditional dress. iFele reimagines the imbadada, a traditional vinyl-based shoe worn for ceremonies, to be worn for the every day using modern production methods and blending them with traditional Zulu, Xhosa, Swazi, and Ndebele designs (Monte, 2022). These are direct examples of taking what was once traditional and bringing it into the modern foyer. Another way in which independent South African contemporary designers call upon traditional fashion and culture is via inspiration that moves the designer to create modern wear that comments on the depth of South African culture. Designer Laduma Ngxokolo’s brand MAXHOSA AFRICA calls upon his Xhosa culture for his designs. Originally, the brand was conceived “to explore knitwear design solutions suitable for amakrwala (Xhosa initiates)”, according to the brand’s website. MAXHOSA AFRICA was firmly established as Ngxokolo’s vision expanded “to develop premium knitwear in celebration of traditional Xhosa aesthetics” that drew its designs from traditional beadwork, symbols, patterns, and colours used in the Xhosa culture (MAXHOSA AFRICA, n.d.). 11 Ukuqhumbuza is a traditional ear piercing coming of age ceremony for Zulu children who “by piercing the ears, it was believed that the child’s ears had now been opened and that he or she would be able to hear well and therefore be able to understand things better. With this came greater responsibilities and more onerous duties” as The Herd wrote in a now deleted instagram post that was reported on by twyg (Monte, 2022). 43 Arguably, South Africa’s most notable and internationally acclaimed designer, Thebe Magugu, has built his namesake brand on the foundation of South African culture and his and his family’s life experiences in the country. His most obvious nod to South African culture was his limited-edition Heritage Dress from winter of 2022. This capsule collection presented eight crepe Bohemia-style dresses with bishop sleeves and a foulard neckline, each individually representing and depicting the notable tribes of South Africa by prominently featuring paintings created by South African artist, Phathu Nembwili, of women from each tribe (Allaire, 2022; Thebe Magugu, 2022). These dresses are direct representations of South African people and culture. For the collection, Magugu collaborated with South African photographer Aart Verrips, stylist Chloe Andrea Welgemoed, and writer Vuyolwethu Reoagile to communicate the artistic and cultural significance of the collection (Allaire, 2022). Magugu states in the Vogue article covering this capsule collection that he is “ always focusing on stories that are quite niche, but run the risk of being forgotten.” This highlights the deep understanding, connection, and desire designers have for their surrounding cultures and the need for protective policies to help support and maintain the cultures historically. This ideology underpins Magugu’s design perspective for all of his work. His debut collection, Spring/Summer 2017 (SS17), entitled “GEOLOGY”, takes inspiration from the colours of the Karoo. As Magugu progressed in his design work, his collections became more introspective and interactive with South African culture. His following Autumn/Winter 2018 (AW18) collection was “a reactionary comment on the expectations placed on women in current day South Africa,” titled “HOME ECONOMICS”. In this collection, he reflected on how women within the South African cultural context are perceived and treated. One of the pieces in his collection that highlighted the expectations of South African women was the Kitchentable Parka. Magugu took the print of what he says “[e]very kitchen in the township - without fail - had what I felt was the trashiest PVC table-cloth money could buy” and crafted a waterproof parka (Magugu, n.d.). Lifting the qualities of the tablecloth (print and waterproof) to bring South African women’s experience and expectations of working and maintaining the house in the kitchen to the outside world showcased an often overlooked aspect of culture, the seemingly mundane. 44 Figure 6: Thebe Magugu model wearing Home Economics Kitchentable Parka in Kimberly Source: Thebe Magugu site Faculty https://www.