The economic and geopolitical implications of China’s BRI in Nigeria and 

Ethiopia: A comparative analysis 

 

Submitted by: 

Tshenolo Mojela 

1965802 

 

Supervisor:  

Mr Gordon Freer 

 

Dissertation Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of 

Master of Arts (MA) in International Relations at the University of the 

Witwatersrand School of Social Sciences and Faculty of Humanities 

Johannesburg, South Africa 

 

 

28 June 2024 



  

DECLARATION 

 

I hereby declare that the work presented in this dissertation is my own, except where an 

explicit acknowledgement of sources and references is made. The statements and 

opinions of interview respondents are also duly recognised in this study. I, Tshenolo 

Mojela, affirm that my academic research complies with the University of the 

Witwatersrand's plagiarism policy. 

 

 

Signed:  

Name: Tshenolo Mojela 

Date: 28 June 2024 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



  

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 

 

I want to express my deepest gratitude to God, without whom none of this would have 

been possible. His guidance and provision have been instrumental in leading me to 

complete this dissertation. All glory to Him.  

 

I also extend my heartfelt thanks to my incredible mother, whose unwavering support has 

been my rock throughout this journey. I am profoundly grateful to the experts who 

participated in my research, as their invaluable time, resources, and insights have made 

an undeniable difference in this study.  

 

My sincere thanks to Prof. Garth Shelton, my previous supervisor, for his support and 

participation in my research interviews.  

I also want to express my gratitude to my colleagues, friends and family, who have always 

championed my educational journey.  

 

Lastly, I extend my deepest appreciation to Mr. Gordon Freer, my dedicated supervisor, 

for his unwavering guidance, dedication, and invaluable feedback. At the start of this 

journey, Mr. Freer's weekly meetings were instrumental, and his availability to answer my 

questions has been truly invaluable.  

 

And I would like to thank myself for my perseverance and determination to finish this 

journey intact. Though arduous, pressing on has indeed been worth it. 



  

ABSTRACT 

The BRI, launched by China in 2013, has significantly reshaped global economic and 

geopolitical landscapes through extensive infrastructure projects to enhance global 

connectivity. This dissertation examines the economic and geopolitical implications of the 

BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia, two pivotal African partners of the initiative. Despite a global 

decline in FDI to developing countries, Africa's FDI remained stable, with notable 

increases in BRI-related engagements. Nigeria and Ethiopia have received substantial 

investments, boosting their infrastructure and economic capacities while raising concerns 

about increased debt dependency and potential geopolitical shifts favouring China. 

Employing dependency theory, this research explores how the BRI influences Nigeria and 

Ethiopia's agency, economic dependencies, and sovereignty. This dissertation 

contributes to the broader understanding of the BRI's role in shaping Africa's geopolitical 

landscape and offers insights into the responses of African nations to this transformative 

global initiative. The findings are valuable for policymakers, scholars, and stakeholders 

interested in China's engagement strategy in Africa, informing the development of policies 

that leverage the benefits of the BRI while mitigating potential risks to ensure sustainable 

and equitable growth for African nations. 

 

 

 

 

 

 



  

TABLE OF CONTENTS 

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 

1.1 Background and context of the BRI  ................................................................. 2 

1.2 Problem Statement  ............................................................................................ 8 

1.3 Theoretical lens of the study  ............................................................................ 8 

1.4 Significance and Scope of the Study .............................................................. 12 

1.5 Research question and sub-questions  .......................................................... 14 

1.6 Methodology  .................................................................................................... 15 

1.7 Structure of the paper  ....................................................................................  19 

CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY  

Introduction  ...............................................................................................................  21 

2.1 Theoretical framework: Dependency theory  .....................................................  22 

2.1.1 Dependency theory’s criticism  ..................................................................... 28 

2.2 Neocolonialism concept and soft power concept  .............................................. 32 

2.2.1 Neocolonialism  ............................................................................................ 32 

2.2.2 Soft Power  ..................................................................................................  35 

2.3 Application to the Research  ...............................................................................  37 

2.3.1 Neocolonialism and soft power concepts as lenses for the study  ............... 39 

2.4 Conclusion  ............................................................................................................ 41 

2.5 Research Methodology  ........................................................................................ 42 

2.6 Selection of Case Studies  ...................................................................................  45 

2.6.1 Rationale  ..................................................................................................... 45 

2.6.2 Sampling Criteria  ........................................................................................  46 



  

2.6.3 Data Collection Methods  ............................................................................. 47 

2.7 Document Analysis  ............................................................................................... 47 

2.7.1 Case Studies  ............................................................................................... 47 

2.7.2 Interviews  .................................................................................................... 48 

2.8 Ethical Considerations  ......................................................................................... 48 

2.8.1 Anonymity and Confidentiality  ..................................................................... 49 

2.8.2 Reflexivity  .................................................................................................... 49 

2.9 Conclusion  ............................................................................................................ 50 

CHAPTER 3: LITERATURE REVIEW 

Introduction  ................................................................................................................ 51 

3.1 Africa’s Infrastructure Crisis ................................................................................ 53 

3.1.1 Deficit and Impact  .......................................................................................... 54 

3.1.2 Challenges  .................................................................................................... 54 

3.1.3 Efforts and Initiatives  ..................................................................................... 55 

3.2 The BRI: A Geopolitical and Economic Endeavor  ............................................. 56 

3.3 The BRI in Africa  ................................................................................................... 59 

3.3.1 Historical Evolution of China-Africa Relations in the 21st Century  ................ 60 

3.4 African countries’ scepticism towards the BRI  .................................................. 61 

3.4.1 Assessing BRI Projects in Nigeria  ................................................................. 63 

3.4.2 Assessing the BRI in Ethiopia  ....................................................................... 65 

3.4.3 China's Growing Influence in Nigeria and Ethiopia  ........................................ 67 

3.5 Competition with Other Foreign Powers  ............................................................ 69 

3.5.1 Counterbalancing China’s BRI  ...................................................................... 71 



  

3.5.2 The EU’s Global Gateway  ............................................................................. 73 

3.5.3 The U.S Response  ........................................................................................ 75 

3.5.4 India and Japan’s AAGC  ............................................................................... 76 

3.5.5 Multifaceted competition: BRI, PGII and AAGC  ............................................. 78 

3.6 African Agency and Its Role in China-Africa Relations  ..................................... 82 

3.6.1 Nigerian and Ethiopian Agency  ....................................................................  83 

3.6.2 Implications for Sovereignty and Development  ............................................. 86 

3.7 Chinese Debt Trap  ................................................................................................ 88 

3.8 Conclusion  ............................................................................................................ 92 

CHAPTER 4: ETHIOPIA CASE STUDY 

Introduction  ................................................................................................................ 95 

4.1 Shaping the Geopolitical Landscape of Ethiopia ………………………………… 96 

4.1.1 The Italian Occupation of 1935-1941  ...........................................................  96 

4.1.2 Post-WWII Period and Decolonisation  ........................................................ 100 

4.1.3 Cold War Dynamics  ..................................................................................... 102 

4.1.4 Eritrean War of Independence (1961-1991)  ................................................ 109 

4.1.5 Border Conflicts and Regional Dynamics  .................................................... 113 

4.1.6 Ongoing Challenges  .................................................................................... 116 

4.2 The Evolution of China-Ethiopia Relations: A Historical Tapestry  .............. 117 

4.2.1 Ethiopia’s Geopolitics with the BRI  .............................................................. 122 

4.3 Economic Implications  .................................................................................... 125 

4.3.1 Infrastructure Development  ......................................................................... 126 

4.3.2 Hawassa Industrial Park  .............................................................................. 128 



  

4.3.3 Impact of the BRI on Industries and key sectors  ......................................... 130 

4.3.4 Debt Sustainability Concerns  ...................................................................... 132 

4.3.5 Foreign Powers  ........................................................................................... 134 

4.4 Conclusion  ........................................................................................................ 138 

CHAPTER 5: NIGERIA CASE STUDY 

Introduction  .............................................................................................................. 142 

5.1 Shaping the Geopolitical Landscape of Nigeria  ............................................... 144 

5.1.1 British Colonial Era  ...................................................................................... 144 

5.1.2 1960: Nigeria’s Independence  ..................................................................... 148 

5.1.3 Civil War (1967-1970)  ................................................................................. 151 

5.1.4 Military Rule ................................................................................................. 153 

5.1.5 Return to democracy  ................................................................................... 154 

5.1.6 Post 2000s  .................................................................................................. 156 

5.2 The evolution of China-Nigeria Relations: A Historical Tapestry  ................... 159 

5.3 Economic Implications  ....................................................................................... 167 

5.3.1 Kano-Maradi railway project  ........................................................................ 167 

5.3.2 Zungeru hydroelectric power project  ........................................................... 169 

5.3.3 Lagos-Ibadan expressway project  ............................................................... 171 

5.4 Nigeria’s Geopolitics with the BRI  ..................................................................... 175 

5.5 Conclusion  .......................................................................................................... 178 

CHAPTER 6: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS 

Introduction  .............................................................................................................. 183 

6.1 Restating the Research Questions and Objectives  ......................................... 184 



  

6.2 Description of Comparative Framework  ........................................................... 185 

6.3 Case Studies Presentation and Analysis  .......................................................... 185 

6.3.1 Ethiopia's Engagement with the BRI  ........................................................... 186 

6.3.2 Nigeria's Engagement with the BRI  ............................................................. 187 

6.3.3 Comparative analysis of the case studies  ................................................... 189 

6.3.3.1 Integrating the theoretical framework  ................................................... 192 

6.4 Discussion of Cross-Case Themes  ................................................................... 199 

6.4.1 Infrastructure Development ...................................................................... 199 

6.4.1.1 Electricity, Water, Sanitation and Transport Infrastructure  ................... 200 

6.4.1.2 Long-Term Implications and Strategic Considerations  ......................... 201 

6.4.2 China’s Geopolitical Strategy in Africa  ................................................... 202 

6.4.2.1 Responses of Nigeria and Ethiopia to the BRI  ..................................... 204 

6.4.2.2 Geopolitical Dynamics and Competition  .............................................. 205 

6.4.3 Competition with Other Foreign Powers  ................................................. 206 

6.4.3.1 Counterbalancing China’s BRI  ............................................................. 206 

6.4.3.2 The U.S. Response  .............................................................................. 208 

6.4.3.3 India and Japan’s AAGC  ...................................................................... 209 

6.4.3.4 Multifaceted Competition: BRI, PGII, and AAGC  ................................. 209 

6.4.4 African Agency and Its Role in China-African Relations  ....................... 210 

6.4.4.1 Historical Context and Sovereignty  ...................................................... 211 

6.4.4.2 Structural and Institutional Factors  ...................................................... 211 

6.4.4.3 Economic Dependency and Negotiation Dynamics  ............................. 212 

6.4.4.4 Learning from Successful and Unsuccessful Projects  ......................... 213 



  

6.4.4.5 Socio-Cultural and Political Considerations  ......................................... 214 

6.4.4.6 Security and Geopolitical Implications  ................................................. 214 

6.4.5 Challenges and Criticisms  ....................................................................... 215 

6.4.6 Dependency Theory and Economic Interdependencies  ........................ 219 

6.4.7 Future Developments and Trends in China-Africa Relations  ................ 224 

6.4.7.1 Strategic Adaptation and Multilateral Engagement  .............................. 224 

6.4.7.2 Economic Diversification and Soft Power Initiatives ............................. 225 

6.4.7.3 Financial Constraints and Strategic Planning  ...................................... 226 

6.5 Conclusion  .......................................................................................................... 227 

CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS  ......................................... 32 

CHAPTER 8: REFERENCES  ..................................................................................... 238 

APPENDICES  ............................................................................................................ 261 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



  

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 

AAGC - Asia-Africa Growth Corridor 

AfDB - African Development Bank 

AIIB - Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank 

ASEAN - Association of Southeast Asian Nations 

AU - African Union 

B3W - Build Back Better World 

BRI - Belt and Road Initiative 

CDB - Commercial Bank of China 

CCP - Chinese Communist Party 

CCCC - China Communications Construction Company 

CCECC - China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation 

CPEC - China-Pakistan Economic Corridor 

CRCC - China Railway Construction Corporation 

DFC - Development Finance Corporation 

DRC - Democratic Republic of the Congo 

EAC - East African Community 

ECLAC - United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean 

ECOWAS - Economic Community of West African States 

EEA - Ethiopian Economic Association 

EIC - Ethiopian Investment Commission 

EIZ - Eastern Industrial Zone 

ELF - Eritrean Liberation Front 



  

EPLF - Eritrean People's Liberation Front 

EPDM - Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement 

EPRDF - Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front 

Exim Bank - Export-Import Bank 

FDI - Foreign Direct Investments 

FOCAC - Forum on China-Africa Cooperation 

G7 - Group of 7 

GCC - Gulf Cooperation Council 

GDP - Gross Domestic Product 

GERD - Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam 

HDI - Human Development Index 

ICBC - Industrial and Commercial Bank of China 

ICT - Information Communication Technology 

IGAD - Intergovernmental Authority on Development 

IMEC - India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor 

IMF - International Monetary Fund 

ITAN - Infrastructure Transaction and Assistance Network 

JICA - Japan International Cooperation Agency 

KMT - Nationalist Government Kuomintang 

MEND - Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta 

MoU - Memorandum of Understanding 

NCNC - National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons 

NNDP - Nigerian National Democratic Party 



  

NPC - Northern People’s Congress 

OAU - Organisation of African Unity 

PGII - Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment 

PIDA - Programme for Infrastructure Development in Africa 

PRC - People’s Republic of China 

RAF - Royal Air Force 

REC - Regional Economic Communities 

ROC - Republic of China 

SADC - Southern African Development Community 

SDGs - Sustainable Development Goals 

TAF - Transaction Advisory Fund 

TPLF - Tigray People's Liberation Front 

UAE - United Arab Emirates 

USA - United States of America 

USD - United States Dollar 

USSR - Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 

ZLD - Zero-Liquid Discharge 

 

 

 

 

 

 



 1 

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 

 

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has emerged as a transformative force in the global 

economic landscape since its launch in 2013. Spearheaded by China, the BRI aims to 

enhance global connectivity through extensive infrastructure projects, fostering economic 

growth and integration across continents. While global foreign direct investments (FDI) to 

developing countries fell from USD 923.08 billion to USD 841 billion in 2023—a 9% 

decline—FDI in Africa remained more stable at an estimated USD 48 billion, highlighting 

the continent’s growing strategic importance (Wang, 2024). In fact, in 2023, Africa 

emerged as the largest recipient of BRI engagement, with a 47% increase in construction 

contracts and a 114% rise in investments, resulting in USD 21.7 billion in BRI 

engagements, surpassing the Middle East’s USD 15.8 billion, which had been the largest 

recipient the previous year (Wang, 2024). In line with these developments, Nigeria and 

Ethiopia have become central to China’s BRI strategy in Africa, receiving substantial 

investments to boost their infrastructure and economic capacities.  

 

The BRI has generated substantial interest and debate among scholars, policymakers, 

and the international community. Proponents argue that the initiative offers significant 

benefits for participating countries, including improved infrastructure, economic growth, 

and increased access to global markets (Chhibber, 2017). Critics, however, raise 

concerns about the potential drawbacks, such as increased debt dependency on China, 

the potential for neocolonial exploitation, and the geopolitical shifts resulting from 

enhanced Chinese influence (Du, 2016). This current research explores the economic 



 2 

and geopolitical implications of the BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia, examining how the 

initiative influences their national sovereignty, economic dependencies, and regional 

power dynamics. 

 

1.8 Background and context of the BRI  

The BRI is a global infrastructure development strategy initiated by China in 2013 (Chang, 

2019). The BRI aims to promote economic cooperation and connectivity between China 

and the rest of the world, particularly countries in Asia, Europe, and Africa (Cai, 2017). 

The BRI includes two main components: the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st 

Century Maritime Silk Road, forming a network of land and sea routes connecting China 

with other countries in Asia, Europe, and Africa (Chhibber, 2017).  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

    (Retrieved from Mercator Institute for China Studies, 2020)  



 3 

The BRI echoes the ancient Silk Road’s legacy by promoting global economic 

connectivity. The ancient Silk Road had no national boundaries. For more than 15 

centuries, merchants travelled freely along an extensive network of roads and sea routes, 

trading goods and enabling the transfer of knowledge between Asia, Europe, and the 

Middle East. In the process, trade and travel along the Silk Road changed the nature of 

manufacturing activity and services in much of the then-developed world, improved city-

states’ administration, and enabled the spread of business ideas (Djankov & Miner, 2016). 

Both initiatives facilitate cross-regional trade, cultural exchange, and economic 

cooperation on a significant scale, transcending historical and modern geopolitical 

boundaries.  

 

Since its launch in 2013, the BRI has grown significantly to include over 3,000 projects in 

152 countries and regions, including Nigeria and Ethiopia (Cai, 2017), including 

constructing roads, railways, ports, and other facilities (Chhibber, 2017). However, there 

have been debates about the impact of these projects on the national economies and the 

potential risks of debt distress for participating countries (Du, 2016). On the contrary, 

Xinhua (2023) argues that the BRI is transforming the economic competitiveness of its 

partner countries. A study done at the World Bank reported that the BRI is expected to 

add real income gains of between 1.2 and 3.4 per cent for participating nations. 

Furthermore, BRI transport projects could reduce travel times along economic corridors 

by 12 per cent, increase trade between 2.7 per cent and 9.7 per cent, and lift 7.6 million 

people from extreme poverty (Xinhua, 2023). 



 4 

Djankov and Miner (2016) argue that the BRI consolidates China’s economic priorities 

abroad, building on the success of the 1999 “Going Out” policy, which significantly 

increased China’s trade with resource-rich countries in Southeast Asia, Latin America, 

and Africa. Additionally, they state that China has several reasons for promoting the BRI. 

Primarily, as the world’s largest trading nation, China aims to reduce the costs of 

transporting goods, benefiting global trade by improving infrastructure and reducing travel 

times and costs. 

 

Additionally, the BRI aims to diversify China’s economic growth by decreasing its reliance 

on domestic infrastructure investment.  

 

This shift allows Chinese construction companies and equipment manufacturers to find 

new markets overseas. The initiative also seeks to elevate the renminbi’s status as a 

global reserve currency by financing projects using Chinese currency. Energy security is 

another motivation, with the BRI helping to secure China’s energy supply through new 

pipelines and ports. Finally, the initiative aims to stimulate economic growth in 

participating countries, increasing demand for Chinese goods and services. President Xi 

Jinping has projected that annual trade with BRI countries will surpass $2.5 trillion by 

2025. 

 

Abrahamsen and Williams (2018) also support the claims made by Djankov and Miner 

and add that the BRI is being used as a process to gain raw materials from participating 

countries. They argue that China’s BRI has led to a growing interest in Africa’s mineral 



 5 

resources, which African countries have viewed with suspicion. Moreover, Zafar and Ullah 

(2020) suggest that BRI projects in Pakistan have primarily focused on developing the 

country’s infrastructure to facilitate China’s access to its domestic natural resources. 

These examples indicate that while economic cooperation and connectivity are essential 

components of the BRI, they may also serve as a means for China to access strategic 

resources and materials. 

 

Globally, thus far, the BRI has facilitated substantial infrastructure development, 

enhancing trade by reducing logistical costs and opening new investment opportunities 

(Hillman, 2018; World Bank, 2019). Politically, the BRI expands China’s geopolitical 

influence, strengthens its soft power, and prompts strategic competition from other major 

powers, such as the U.S. and the E.U. (Chatzky & McBride, 2020; Kliman & Grace, 2018). 

The strategic expansion of Chinese influence through infrastructure and investment 

projects is perceived as challenging Western hegemony. This has led to initiatives like 

the U.S.’s “Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment” (PGII), India and Japan’s 

“Asia-Africa Growth Corridor” (AAGC) and the E.U.’s Global Gateway, designed to offer 

alternatives to the BRI and counterbalance China’s growing influence (Chatzky & 

McBride, 2020).  

 

However, Tonchev (2018) states that the BRI exacerbates regional tensions in contested 

areas. The BRI aims to boost economic growth in Africa by improving trade logistics and 

industrial capacity through Chinese investments. Critical projects like the Mombasa-

Nairobi Railway in Kenya illustrate this commitment (Brautigam, 2020; Sun, 2017). The 



 6 

local impact varies, with criticisms about environmental damage and insufficient 

community benefits (Gadzala, 2015). In Asia, despite a 12% FDI decline in 2023 from the 

previous year, as reported by Wang (2024), the region remains attractive for greenfield 

projects. ASEAN economies also faced a 16% decrease in FDI, despite a 37% increase 

in greenfield investments (Wang, 2024).  

 

Conversely, the Middle East saw a rise in FDI, particularly in the UAE, with a 28% 

increase in greenfield announcements (Wang, 2024). This underscores the growing 

economic ties and strategic investments between China and Middle Eastern countries, 

particularly within the BRI’s scope. Notably, Saudi Arabia’s collaboration with China to 

build oil refineries exemplifies this deepening economic relationship (China Briefing, 

2024). In Latin America, FDI flows remained stable, although some countries like Brazil 

saw a significant decline in FDI by 22%, particularly in project finance (Wang, 2024). 

China’s investments in ports and infrastructure projects in Brazil and Peru aim to enhance 

connectivity and trade, aligning with the BRI’s objectives.  

 

North America has limited direct engagement with the BRI, but strategic investments, 

particularly in Canada and Mexico, aim to enhance trade and economic cooperation. 

Geopolitical tensions have reduced direct U.S. investments in China; however, China 

Briefing (2024) states that some American investors might use financial hubs like the UAE 

to channel investments discreetly. Oceania, including Australia, New Zealand, and Pacific 

Island nations, see BRI-related investments in infrastructure and natural resources. 



 7 

These projects aim to improve connectivity and integrate these economies more closely 

with China (Ekman, 2018). 

 

The BRI’s influence on international trade is profound, offering the potential to diversify 

supply chains and reduce reliance on traditional trade routes (World Bank, 2019). 

However, it could lead to increased trade imbalances, with participating countries 

becoming more economically dependent on China (Jones & Zeng, 2019). In terms of 

political relations, the BRI heightens the strategic competition between China and the 

West while fostering new alliances such as increased investment from Gulf Cooperation 

Council (GCC) countries, namely Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the 

United Arab Emirates (Borrell, 2020). These shifts affect the geopolitical landscape, 

influencing regional organisations and their dynamics (Ekman, 2018).  

 

As one can imagine, the BRI has gained significant attention from scholars, policymakers, 

and the media due to its potential economic and geopolitical implications (Chang, 2019). 

On the one hand, the BRI offers opportunities for participating countries to improve their 

infrastructure, boost their economies, and increase their access to global markets 

(Chhibber, 2017). On the other hand, there are concerns about the BRI’s potential to 

deepen China’s influence and leverage over participating countries, mainly through its 

financing and investment mechanisms (Du, 2016). Given the extensive scope of the BRI, 

focusing on specific cases provides more profound insights. This research aims to 

uncover the specific economic and geopolitical impacts of the BRI on Nigeria and 

Ethiopia, including how the initiative influences their national sovereignty, economic 



 8 

dependencies, and regional power dynamics. By examining these impacts, the study 

seeks to contribute to a broader understanding of the BRI’s role in shaping the geopolitical 

landscape of Africa and the responses of African nations to this significant global initiative. 

 

1.9 Problem Statement 

China's BRI represents a significant shift in the global economic and geopolitical 

landscape, particularly in Africa, where Nigeria and Ethiopia have emerged as critical 

partners. However, there is a need for an in-depth understanding of the economic and 

geopolitical implications of China's implementation of the BRI in these two African 

countries. Despite the potential benefits of infrastructure development and increased 

connectivity, concerns have been raised regarding the extent to which the BRI influences 

the agency and sovereignty of Nigeria and Ethiopia in shaping their paths of development 

and international engagement. There is a gap in the literature regarding the specific 

impacts of the BRI on the power dynamics and decision-making processes within these 

countries, particularly concerning the involvement of other foreign powers and the 

potential erosion of national sovereignty. This research aims to address this gap by 

exploring the economic and geopolitical implications of China's BRI in Nigeria and 

Ethiopia, analysing the extent to which it shapes their agency in international affairs and 

potentially impacts their sovereignty. 

 

1.10 Theoretical lens of the study 

This study will utilise dependency theory as its theoretical framework. Dependency 

theory, which explores the power imbalances and economic dependencies between 



 9 

developed and developing nations, provides a valuable lens for analysing the dynamics 

between China and its African partners (Frank, 1967). By examining the relationships 

between China and Nigeria and China and Ethiopia, this research will investigate how the 

BRI has influenced these countries' power dynamics and agency. Dependency theory 

explores how economic dependencies can shape political and economic outcomes, 

offering insights into the broader implications of the BRI. 

 

Dependency theory posits that economic relationships between countries are 

characterised by a core-periphery structure, where the developed "core" countries exploit 

the less developed "periphery" countries. This exploitation perpetuates a cycle of 

dependency and underdevelopment in the periphery while enriching the core. In the 

context of the BRI, China's extensive investments and loans to African countries can be 

seen through this lens, raising concerns that these countries might fall into more profound 

economic dependence on China. The significant debts accrued by countries like Kenya, 

Zambia, and Ethiopia due to BRI projects exemplify these dynamics. These debts could 

limit these countries' economic sovereignty and compel them to align their economic 

policies with Chinese interests, potentially exacerbating their dependency (Brautigam, 

2020). 

 

The concept of dependency extends beyond simple economic transactions; it also 

encompasses political and social dimensions. Countries heavily indebted to China may 

find their domestic and foreign policies increasingly influenced by Beijing. This could 

manifest in various ways, such as support for Chinese positions in international forums, 



 10 

adoption of Chinese technology and standards, or even granting China strategic 

concessions, such as military bases or control over critical infrastructure (Hurley et al., 

2018). This scenario is reminiscent of earlier patterns of dependency where former 

colonial powers exerted considerable influence over their colonies' political and economic 

decisions. 

 

Nigeria and Ethiopia, often considered semi-periphery states within the global economic 

system, provide intriguing case studies for examining the nuances of dependency theory. 

As semi-periphery states, they possess significant regional influence and more diversified 

economies compared to their peripheral counterparts (Wallerstein, 1976). Nevertheless, 

their relationship with China under the BRI framework raises questions about whether 

they are leveraging their regional power to exploit their regions or if they are caught in a 

new form of dependency. 

 

With its ambitious infrastructure projects funded by China, such as the Addis Ababa-

Djibouti Railway, Ethiopia exemplifies the dual nature of dependency. On one hand, these 

projects have the potential to transform Ethiopia into a regional hub, enhancing its 

economic stature and influence in the Horn of Africa. On the other hand, the substantial 

debt incurred to finance these projects may limit Ethiopia's economic independence and 

policy flexibility. If Ethiopia defaults on its loans, it might be forced to make strategic 

concessions to China, perpetuating a cycle of dependency (Sun, 2017). 

 



 11 

Nigeria, as Africa's largest economy, plays a crucial role in West Africa's economic 

landscape. Its engagement with the BRI, including projects like the Lagos-Kano railway 

modernisation, positions Nigeria as a pivotal player in regional connectivity and 

development. However, the reliance on Chinese financing and construction expertise 

raises concerns about long-term economic sovereignty. Nigeria's significant oil revenues 

provide some buffer against dependency. Yet, fluctuations in global oil prices and the 

substantial debts associated with BRI projects could still render Nigeria vulnerable to 

external pressures (Gadzala, 2015). 

 

The role of semi-periphery countries like Nigeria and Ethiopia in the context of the BRI 

also brings to light another aspect of dependency theory: the exploitation within regions. 

As these countries strengthen their infrastructure and economic capabilities through 

Chinese investments, they may exert more significant influence over neighbouring 

countries, potentially creating new forms of regional dependency. This dynamic mirrors 

the traditional core-periphery model on a regional scale, where semi-periphery states, 

bolstered by external support, may exploit their peripheral neighbours (Frank, 1967; 

Wallerstein, 1976). 

 

In the case of Ethiopia, its enhanced connectivity and infrastructure might allow it to 

dominate trade routes and economic exchanges within the Horn of Africa. Similarly, 

Nigeria's strengthened position could increase economic dominance in West Africa. While 

beneficial to the semi-periphery states, this regional influence could exacerbate regional 



 12 

inequalities and dependencies, mirroring the global core-periphery dynamics on a smaller 

scale (Kratz et al., 2019). 

 

1.11 Significance and Scope of the Study 

The significance of this study lies in its contribution to the existing body of knowledge on 

China's BRI and its impact on African countries, specifically Nigeria and Ethiopia. Since 

the launch of the BRI, cumulative Chinese engagement under the initiative has surpassed 

the USD 1 trillion mark, with about USD 634 billion in construction contracts and USD 419 

billion in non-financial investments (Wang, 2024). Africa has emerged as the largest 

recipient of BRI engagement, with a 47% increase in Chinese construction contracts and 

a 114% increase in investments, amounting to USD 21.7 billion in 2023 alone (Wang, 

2024). Figures can be found in the appendix of this paper. 

 

This study aims to fill a critical gap in the literature on the BRI's economic and geopolitical 

implications for Nigeria and Ethiopia. Previous research has often focused on the BRI's 

impact on individual African countries or regions rather than offering a comparative 

analysis. By examining Nigeria and Ethiopia, we can gain valuable insights into the 

similarities and differences in their responses to China's BRI and how these responses 

have influenced their economic and geopolitical relations with China and other global 

powers. This comparative approach will provide a nuanced understanding of the BRI's 

broader implications across Africa. 

 



 13 

Nigeria and Ethiopia were chosen as case studies due to their substantial economic and 

geopolitical importance within Africa. Nigeria, with a GDP of approximately USD 252 

billion (Agbetiloye, 2024), is the fourth largest economy in Africa and boasts a population 

of over 200 million, making it a key player in regional and continental affairs (World 

Economics, 2023; World Bank, 2022). Ethiopia, following in fifth with a GDP of 

approximately USD 205 billion (Agbetiloye, 2024) and a GDP growth rate averaging 9% 

over the past decade, is the second-most populous country in Africa with over 110 million 

people and is rapidly emerging as an economic hub in the Horn of Africa (World Bank, 

2022). These characteristics make them ideal case studies for understanding the diverse 

impacts of the BRI. 

 

China has invested heavily in both countries under the BRI framework. In Nigeria, 

investments include the construction of railways, such as the USD 1.5 billion Lagos-

Ibadan railway, and power plants like the Zungeru Hydroelectric Power Project. In 

Ethiopia, notable projects include the USD 4 billion Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway and the 

development of industrial parks. These projects are expected to enhance connectivity, 

reduce transportation costs, and boost economic growth. 

 

The findings of this study will be valuable for policymakers, scholars, and stakeholders 

interested in understanding China's engagement strategy in Africa. By analysing the BRI's 

impact on Nigeria and Ethiopia, this research will offer insights into how infrastructure 

investments can drive economic development, shape geopolitical dynamics, and 

influence national sovereignty. Additionally, the study will explore how these countries' 



 14 

responses to the BRI can inform broader trends applicable to other African nations 

involved in the initiative. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for developing effective 

policies and strategies that leverage the benefits of the BRI while mitigating potential risks 

and ensuring sustainable and equitable growth for African nations. 

 

1.12 Research question and sub-questions 

Hypothesis: 

This study predicts that China's implementation of the BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia will 

result in increased economic growth and development. Consequently, this will lead to a 

heightened level of interdependency on China as these countries rely on Chinese 

investments, infrastructure, and trade opportunities. The research aims to examine and 

substantiate this prediction through empirical analysis and case study investigations. 

 

Research Question:  

This research examines the economic and geopolitical implications of China's 

implementation of the BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia. This study's primary research question 

is: "What are the economic and geopolitical implications of China's implementation of the 

Belt and Road Initiative in Nigeria and Ethiopia?" This broad question will be explored 

through several sub-questions, including: 

 

Sub-questions:  

1. How has China's BRI affected the geopolitical landscape of Africa, particularly in 

relation to the involvement of other foreign powers? 



 15 

2. What are Nigeria's and Ethiopia's distinct responses to China's BRI, and how do 

they compare? 

 

1.13 Methodology 

This study adopts a qualitative case study approach to specifically explore the BRI's 

complex and dynamic nature within the socio-economic and political contexts of Nigeria 

and Ethiopia (Yin, 2018). The focus is on understanding how the BRI influences economic 

development, infrastructure growth, power dynamics, and geopolitical relationships in 

these countries. 

 

Qualitative research methods are particularly suited for exploring multifaceted 

phenomena like the BRI, as they allow for collecting rich, detailed data that reflect the 

perspectives, experiences, and interactions of various stakeholders (Creswell, 2013; 

Corbin & Strauss, 2008). The primary methods include in-depth interviews, document 

analysis, and thematic analysis. These methods aim to uncover the underlying 

mechanisms and processes through which the BRI impacts Nigeria and Ethiopia, 

highlighting both positive and negative implications (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Bogdan & 

Biklen, 2006). 

 

Data Collection Methods 

The data collection involved semi-structured interviews with experts and stakeholders 

familiar with the BRI's implementation in Nigeria and Ethiopia. Participants were identified 

through professional networking platforms like LinkedIn and referrals. Out of 



 16 

approximately 15 experts contacted, only five accepted the interview invitation. These 

participants were academic researchers and experts in Sino-African relations and 

International Relations, offering specialised insights into the BRI's impacts. The relatively 

low response rate underscores the challenges of qualitative research but ensures that the 

collected data is rich and relevant. 

 

Document analysis complemented the interviews by reviewing various reports, policy 

documents, academic articles, and media articles related to the BRI in Nigeria and 

Ethiopia. This method provided additional context and background information, allowing 

for a comprehensive understanding of the BRI's effects. Thematic analysis was employed 

to identify, analyse, and report patterns within the data, enabling the researcher to 

uncover the underlying mechanisms and processes through which the BRI impacts the 

two countries. 

 

Selection of Case Studies 

Nigeria and Ethiopia were selected as case studies based on their strategic significance 

as key participants in the BRI and their distinct socio-economic and political landscapes. 

Nigeria, Africa's most populous country and one of the top five economies in the continent, 

holds significant geopolitical influence and serves as a central hub for Chinese 

investments under the BRI (Ukeje & Nwajiuba, 2017). With its rapidly growing economy 

and strategic location in the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia has attracted substantial Chinese 

investment in infrastructure development projects (Amsalu & Adele, 2020). The careful 

selection of these case studies ensures the research findings' relevance, depth, and 



 17 

applicability, contributing to a nuanced understanding of China-Africa relations within the 

BRI framework. Specific criteria guided the selection of these case study sites, including 

the level of BRI Involvement, Economic Indicators, Geopolitical Considerations, and 

Regional Dynamics. 

 

Ethical Considerations 

The study adhered to rigorous ethical standards to ensure the integrity and credibility of 

the research findings. Informed consent was obtained from all interview participants, 

ensuring they were fully aware of the research aims, procedures, and potential risks 

before agreeing to participate (Fontana & Frey, 2005). Participants were provided with 

detailed explanations of the study's purpose, procedures, expected outcomes, and their 

rights to withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. Consent forms were 

distributed electronically, outlining the terms of participation and confidentiality 

agreements. 

 

Measures were implemented to protect the anonymity and confidentiality of participants, 

where necessary. However, for this research, since the participants were academic 

experts, they were comfortable with the names mentioned in the study. All data collected, 

including interview transcripts and documents, were securely stored. Access to sensitive 

information and data information was restricted to the researcher and authorised 

personnel only, with data stored in password-protected files. 

 

 



 18 

Limitations 

The case study approach has its limitations. One major limitation is the issue of 

generalisability. Findings from the case studies of Nigeria and Ethiopia may not be easily 

extrapolated to other African countries or regions involved in the BRI. Each country has 

unique socio-political and economic contexts, and the impact of the BRI can vary 

significantly based on these factors. Therefore, while the case studies provide in-depth 

insights into Nigeria and Ethiopia, they may not fully capture the broader implications of 

the BRI across different African settings. 

 

Another limitation is the potential for researcher bias. Qualitative research, particularly 

case studies, often relies heavily on the researcher's interpretation. This can introduce 

subjective biases in the selection of data, the framing of questions, and the analysis of 

findings (Bogdan & Biklen, 2006). Although triangulation, peer debriefing, and member 

checking can help mitigate these biases, they cannot be entirely eliminated. Additionally, 

the availability and reliability of data can pose challenges, as some information might be 

sensitive or difficult to access, affecting the comprehensiveness of the research. 

 

Moreover, the time-intensive nature of qualitative case studies can limit the scope of the 

research. Conducting in-depth interviews, extensive document analysis, and thorough 

thematic analysis requires substantial time and resources. This can constrain the ability 

to include more case studies or delve deeper into certain aspects of the BRI's impact 

(Corbin & Strauss, 2008). It's important to note that the dynamic and evolving nature of 



 19 

the BRI means that findings may quickly become outdated as new developments occur, 

keeping the audience aware of the challenges in studying it. 

 

In summary, the qualitative case study approach adopted in this research is well-suited 

to comprehensively explore the economic and geopolitical implications of China's BRI in 

Nigeria and Ethiopia. Through rigorous data collection and analysis, the study aims to 

contribute valuable insights to the existing literature on the BRI and its impact on African 

countries, instilling confidence in the thoroughness of the research process. 

 

1.14 Structure of the paper 

This paper is structured to explore the BRI's comprehensive impact on Nigeria and 

Ethiopia.  

Chapter 1 introduces the research topic, its significance, and the key research questions 

guiding the study.  

 

Chapter 2 discusses the theoretical framework of dependency theory and outlines the 

research methodology, including the rationale for case study selection, data collection 

methods, and analytical approaches. These elements lay a solid foundation for the 

subsequent analysis.  

 

Chapter 3 presents a detailed literature review, covering the historical context of the BRI, 

and existing studies on the BRI's impact on Africa. It explores the evolution of China's 



 20 

foreign policy towards Africa, the significance of the BRI in China-Africa relations, and the 

challenges and criticisms associated with China's engagement. 

 

Chapters 4 and 5 provide in-depth case studies of Ethiopia and Nigeria, respectively. 

Chapter 4 investigates the economic and geopolitical implications of the BRI in Ethiopia, 

examining infrastructure developments, investment in critical sectors, and debt 

sustainability concerns.  

 

Chapter 5 analyses similar themes in Nigeria, focusing on infrastructure projects and their 

impact on economic ties and geopolitical dynamics. Chapter 6 offers a comparative 

analysis, synthesizing the data and findings from the case studies to identify broader 

trends and implications. It discusses the application of dependency theory in 

understanding the power dynamics between China and the African nations and 

addresses the core research questions. 

 

Finally, Chapter 7 concludes the dissertation by summarising the key findings, discussing 

their implications for policymakers and stakeholders, and suggesting areas for future 

research. This structured approach ensures a logical flow and thoroughly examines the 

BRI's multifaceted impacts on Nigeria and Ethiopia. By offering a detailed and 

comparative analysis, the study aims to enhance our understanding of how these African 

nations can leverage the opportunities and address the challenges presented by China's 

expanding influence, ultimately contributing to a more nuanced discourse on international 

development and geopolitical strategy. 



 21 

CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY 

 

Introduction 

This chapter lays the essential groundwork for this paper, offering an in-depth exploration 

of the theoretical framework and research methodology that will steer the analysis of 

China's BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia. The primary theoretical framework applied in this 

research is the dependency theory. The chapter outlines the core tenets of dependency 

theory and its application to assess the economic and geopolitical implications of China's 

BRI projects in Nigeria and Ethiopia. It also critically examines the criticisms and 

limitations associated with this framework. Furthermore, the study is anchored in two 

central theoretical concepts: neocolonialism and soft power, which are integral to 

comprehending contemporary international relations and the strategies of global powers. 

 

Furthermore, this chapter provides an overview of the research methodology, which is 

primarily qualitative. This qualitative approach, combined with case studies, ensures a 

comprehensive investigation of the economic and geopolitical consequences of the BRI 

in the two African nations. By integrating these theoretical concepts and a rigorous 

qualitative research methodology, this study aims to offer a thorough understanding of 

China's BRI and its implications for Nigeria and Ethiopia. 

 

 

 

 



 22 

2.1 Theoretical framework: Dependency theory  

Dependency theory, a pivotal theoretical framework in this study, offers profound insights 

into the global economic landscape. It is rooted in the critique of modernisation theory, a 

significant evolution in economic theories, and it illuminates the enduring inequalities 

between developed and underdeveloped nations. By focusing on asymmetrical power 

relations and scrutinising the historical legacies of colonialism, neocolonialism, and 

unequal trade dynamics, it provides a holistic lens to understand the complexities of 

global economic inequality and poverty. In analysing China's BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia, 

dependency theory offers indispensable tools for examining the economic and 

geopolitical ramifications of these investments within the broader framework of global 

structural dependencies. 

 

The dependency theory emerged in the late 1950s as a response to the shortcomings of 

modernisation theory in explaining the unequal relationships between developed and 

underdeveloped countries (Amin, 1976). According to the dependency theory, 

underdeveloped countries are dependent on developed countries for their economic 

growth, and their relationship is characterised by asymmetrical power relations (Rodney, 

1972). 

 

Several influential figures contributed to the development of dependency theory, including 

Raúl Prebisch, a prominent Argentine economist, and André Gunder Frank, an American 

economic historian. Prebisch's work with the United Nations Economic Commission for 

Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) in the 1950s shaped the theory. He argued 



 23 

that the terms of trade between developed and underdeveloped nations were biased 

against the latter, as the prices of primary commodities, often exported by developing 

countries, tended to decline concerning manufactured goods produced by industrialised 

nations. This deteriorating trade relationship fuelled concerns about economic inequality 

and structural dependency (Prebisch, 1950). 

 

André Gunder Frank further developed these ideas in his 1967 book, "Capitalism and 

Underdevelopment in Latin America." Frank argued that underdevelopment was not a 

result of a lack of development but rather a structural outcome of the global capitalist 

system. He contended that the wealth of the developed nations was intrinsically linked to 

the exploitation and dependency on the underdeveloped nations, forming a core-

periphery dynamic. This idea laid the foundation for core concepts within dependency 

theory (Frank, 1967). 

 

Main Argument of Dependency Theory 

Dependency theory, a critical framework within international relations and economics, 

comprehensively analyses the global economic order and the relationships between 

developed and underdeveloped nations (Cardoso & Faletto, 1979). At its core, this theory 

posits that underdeveloped countries find themselves in a dependent and subordinate 

position within the global economic system. This dependence stems from a historical 

legacy of colonialism, neocolonialism, unequal terms of trade, and the exploitation of 

resources (Prebisch, 1950). According to dependency theory, these factors perpetuate 

economic inequality and poverty in developing nations. 



 24 

 

One of the central tenets of dependency theory is the concept of the 'centre or core' and 

the 'periphery' (Frank, 1967). The 'centre' represents the developed, industrialised 

nations, and it is from this core that the unequal relationships in the global economic 

landscape emanate. The 'periphery', on the other hand, comprises the underdeveloped, 

often resource-rich nations. This core-periphery model underscores the way in which 

wealth and power are concentrated in the core, as they extract resources from the 

periphery and exercise control over economic and political structures. The asymmetry in 

global economic power, as highlighted by the role of the core in the core-periphery model, 

is a key aspect of dependency theory. 

 

Dependency theory’s key principles: 

Dependency theory, as outlined by Cardoso & Faletto (1979), is underpinned by several 

fundamental principles that together form a comprehensive framework. One of these 

principles is structural inequality, which suggests that the global economic system is 

structured to benefit developed nations at the expense of developing ones. This is 

achieved through the leverage of economic power by developed nations, which is used 

to perpetuate this inequality through trade practices, investment patterns, and 

international policies. Underdevelopment, as opposed to undevelopment, is a condition 

where resources are actively used but primarily benefit the core rather than the periphery 

(Amin, 1976). 

 



 25 

China's investments in Nigeria and Ethiopia in the context of the BRI serve as practical 

examples of the structural inequality principle of dependency theory. While these 

investments can stimulate infrastructure development and economic growth, they often 

lead to significant debt and a reliance on China. For instance, Ethiopia's large-scale 

projects, such as the Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway (Li, 2021), funded by Chinese loans, 

can enhance connectivity and burden the country with substantial debt, thereby limiting 

its economic sovereignty and reinforcing structural inequalities. The terms of these 

investments typically favour China, highlighting the entrenched structural inequality of 

dependency theory (Prebisch, 1950) and its impact on the economic sovereignty of 

developing nations. 

 

Secondly, core-periphery dynamics describe how core nations exploit peripheral nations 

through economic dominance, reinforcing the latter's underdevelopment. The core 

nations (developed countries) extract resources and economic benefits from the 

periphery (developing countries), perpetuating a cycle of dependency and inequality 

(Frank, 1967). 

 

China's role in the BRI can be viewed through this lens. As a semi-periphery country (Li, 

2021) with core-like attributes, China exerts significant economic influence over African 

countries through the BRI. The construction of infrastructure projects by Chinese 

companies, often using Chinese labour and materials, limits the local economic benefits 

and creates a dependency on Chinese expertise and technology. This dynamic reinforces 



 26 

the core-periphery relationship, with China as the dominant economic force and African 

nations as dependent recipients of Chinese investment (Li, 2021). 

 

Thirdly, dependency theory asserts that peripheral nations rely heavily on foreign 

investment, technology, and expertise for economic development. This dependence 

creates a cycle where these nations struggle to achieve autonomous and diversified 

economic growth (Ferraro, 1996). 

 

For example, the total stock of FDI from China in Nigeria was approximately 2.3 billion 

USD in 2022, a decrease from 2.7 billion USD in the previous year (Statista, 2024). 

Similarly, in Ethiopia, the total stock of Chinese FDI amounted to around 2.6 billion USD 

in 2022, down from 2.8 billion USD in 2021 (Statista, 2024). These investments are crucial 

in financing infrastructure projects and economic initiatives, contributing to economic 

growth and increasing dependency on Chinese capital and expertise. The terms and 

conditions of these investments often favour China, reinforcing economic disparities and 

perpetuating the dependency of Nigeria and Ethiopia on external financing and 

technology. 

 

Fourthly, unequal exchange refers to the trade relationships between core and periphery 

nations, where peripheral countries export raw materials and import finished goods. This 

results in unfavourable terms of trade and economic imbalances, perpetuating 

underdevelopment (Rodney, 1972). 

 



 27 

Trade data between China and Nigeria, as well as Ethiopia, illustrate an unequal 

exchange. In 2022, China exported $12.2 billion worth of goods to Nigeria, including non-

knit women's suits, rubber footwear, and broadcasting equipment. Conversely, Nigeria's 

exports to China were valued at $1.56 billion, predominantly consisting of petroleum gas, 

crude petroleum, and lead ore (OEC, 2024). Similarly, Ethiopia exported $321 million 

worth of goods to China, primarily coffee and cotton yarn, while China exported $3.59 

billion worth of goods to Ethiopia, including refined petroleum and broadcasting 

equipment (OEC, 2024). This trade pattern aligns with the principle of unequal exchange, 

reinforcing economic disparities and dependency. 

 

Lastly, external control in dependency theory involves significant influence by core 

nations over peripheral nations' economic and political decisions through investment, aid, 

and international institutions. This control limits the autonomy of peripheral countries and 

perpetuates their dependency (Sayigh, 1991). 

 

China's involvement in the BRI exemplifies this principle, as Chinese investments often 

come with strategic and political expectations. African countries may align their policies 

with Chinese interests or adopt Chinese standards and practices, reflecting significant 

external influence. Strategic concessions, such as long-term infrastructure leases to 

Chinese entities, indicate external control that aligns with dependency theory. 

 

In essence, dependency theory presents a holistic perspective on the complex issues of 

global economic inequality, poverty, and underdevelopment (Frank, 1967). It recognises 



 28 

the historical roots of these disparities. It offers a critical lens to analyse how powerful 

nations exploit and maintain their dominant positions in the global economic system. 

Furthermore, applying the principles of dependency theory to the BRI relationships 

reveals that the economic and geopolitical engagements fostered by the BRI often adhere 

to the dynamics described by dependency theory. The BRI fosters structural inequalities, 

reinforces core-periphery dynamics, creates dependency on foreign investment, 

perpetuates unequal exchange, and leads to external control over domestic affairs. 

Therefore, the BRI, in many ways, aligns with the core tenets of dependency theory, 

suggesting that these relationships may perpetuate the very inequalities and 

dependencies that the theory critiques. Thus, dependency theory applies to this research, 

providing a valuable framework for analysing the BRI's impact on Nigeria and Ethiopia. 

 

In the context of the research on the economic and geopolitical implications of China's 

BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia, dependency theory is an invaluable framework for 

understanding the dynamics at play and assessing the consequences of China's 

investments in these developing nations (Cardoso & Faletto, 1979). It allows for a 

comprehensive analysis of economic and geopolitical dimensions within the broader 

context of global structural inequalities and dependency (Prebisch, 1950). 

 

2.1.1 Dependency theory’s criticism 

While dependency theory offers valuable insights into global economic inequalities, it is 

not without its critics. This section delves into the criticisms levelled against dependency 

theory, highlighting the need for a nuanced understanding of economic relationships in 



 29 

today's globalized world. Some critiques suggest that the theory is overly simplistic and 

does not account for the agency of underdeveloped countries. Scholars have challenged 

the theory's perceived oversimplification and failure to acknowledge the agency of 

developing countries. Scholars such as Arturo Escobar (1995), James Ferguson (1990), 

and Timothy Mitchell (1988) have critically evaluated the assumptions and limitations of 

dependency theory, highlighting the significance of the agency possessed by developing 

countries in determining their trajectories of development. They advocate for a more 

nuanced comprehension of the intricate dynamics and complexities of power relations 

within the global economy (Escobar, 1995; Ferguson, 1990; Mitchell, 1988). Additionally, 

critics point to the evolving nature of global economic dynamics, particularly with the rise 

of emerging economies like China. 

 

Similarly, Robert Wade (1990), Ha-Joon Chang (2002), and Ching Kwan Lee (2007) have 

researched the agency exhibited by developing countries when engaging in negotiations 

and navigating their relationships with influential actors, such as China. Their studies 

explore how developing countries exert agency through policy decisions, bargaining 

tactics, and national development strategies (Wade, 1990; Chang, 2002; Lee, 2007; 

George, 2018). This critique can be applied to China's BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia. While 

it is true that China holds significant economic and political power over these countries, 

Nigeria and Ethiopia have the agency to decide whether to participate in the BRI and the 

terms of their participation. 

 



 30 

Krueger (1974) and Evans (1995) argue that the dependency theory is outdated and not 

applicable in today's globalized economy. Moreover, Gu (2020) and Xu and Davis (2012) 

argue that China's investments in African countries are a win-win situation, with both sides 

benefiting from increased economic ties. For example, China provides Ethiopia with 

much-needed investment and infrastructure development, while Ethiopia provides China 

with natural resources and a market for Chinese goods. 

 

A further critique of the dependency theory is that it fails to acknowledge the role of 

internal factors within underdeveloped countries that contribute to their economic 

struggles. These include factors such as corruption, poor governance, and social 

instability (Bhagwati, 1978). In the case of Nigeria and Ethiopia, both countries have 

experienced political turmoil and widespread corruption. This suggests that the 

dependency theory may not be the sole or even primary explanation for their economic 

condition; however, this does not lessen its applicability to the case studies. 

 

Another critique of the dependency theory is its limited applicability in today's global 

economic landscape. With the rise of emerging economies such as China, the economic 

relationships between countries are no longer simply defined by a binary of developed 

and underdeveloped. Instead, the global economy has multiple power centres and 

economic actors (Mohan, 2013). This suggests that while dependency theory may need 

to be adapted to account for these new dynamics, its core principles of dependency and 

structural inequality remain relevant in explaining the complexities of contemporary 

economic relationships. 



 31 

 

In China's BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia, dependency theory has also faced criticism. Xu 

and Davis (2012) argue that the BRI represents a departure from traditional patterns of 

dependency in which developed countries dominate the economic relationships of 

underdeveloped countries. They suggest that the BRI is characterised by a degree of 

mutual benefit in which both China and the recipient countries stand to gain from the 

economic relationships. For example, Chinese investment has been instrumental in 

developing infrastructure projects such as ports and railways in Nigeria. However, this 

criticism may overlook the essence of dependency theory, which posits that while both 

parties may benefit, the exchange is inherently unequal, with the developed state gaining 

more from the relationship than the developing state. In the case of the BRI, although 

Nigeria and Ethiopia gain from infrastructure development and investment, China reaps 

greater economic and strategic benefits, thus maintaining an unequal exchange and 

continuing the patterns of dependency described by the theory. 

 

However, it is also important to note that China's engagement in Nigeria and Ethiopia 

through the BRI has been subject to controversy. Some critics have argued that the BRI 

has led to further entrenching existing power structures in these countries, with Chinese 

investment primarily benefitting ruling elites and exacerbating inequality. This suggests 

that while the dependency theory may not fully account for the complexities of 

contemporary economic relationships, power dynamics are still at play in China's 

engagement with Nigeria and Ethiopia. 

 



 32 

2.2 Neocolonialism concept and soft power concept 

While dependency theory provides a framework for understanding the structural 

inequalities and economic dependencies between developed and developing nations, 

these dynamics often manifest through the mechanisms of neocolonialism and the 

exercise of soft power. This section delves into two significant concepts, neocolonialism 

and soft power, within the framework of dependency theory. Understanding these 

concepts is crucial for dissecting the complexities of global power dynamics and their 

implications for international relations and the study. Neocolonialism extends the ideas of 

dependency theory by illustrating how former colonial powers and emerging economic 

giants like China maintain control over developing nations through economic means 

rather than direct political rule. Soft power, on the other hand, refers to the ability of a 

country to influence others through cultural, ideological, and economic means, further 

entrenching dependency relationships without overt coercion. In the context of China's 

BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia, these concepts reveal how modern forms of economic and 

cultural influence continue to perpetuate the unequal exchange and dependencies 

outlined by dependency theory. 

 

2.2.1 Neocolonialism 

The term "neocolonialism" emerged as a crucial concept associated with the broader 

framework of dependency theory. This concept gained prominence in the mid-20th 

century, primarily as a response to the changing dynamics of global power and 

colonialism's transformation rather than outright abolition. Neocolonialism represents a 

complex and enduring form of economic and political dominance exercised by former 



 33 

colonial powers or powerful nations over newly independent countries. Essentially, it 

signifies a contemporary extension of colonialism, wherein control and influence are 

maintained through economic, political, and cultural means rather than direct territorial 

conquest (Rodney, 1972). 

 

The concept of neocolonialism can be traced back to scholars and leaders who were 

critical of the decolonisation processes that unfolded in the post-World War II era. 

Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah, played a significant role in popularising the 

term. In his 1965 book "Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism," Nkrumah 

offered a scathing critique of Western powers' continued influence in newly independent 

African nations. Nkrumah argued that while formal colonialism was waning, a more 

insidious form of control persisted through economic and political mechanisms. This 

included foreign investments, loans, and international trade, which granted former 

colonial powers substantial leverage over newly independent countries' economic policies 

and political decision-making. Nkrumah's work captured the essence of neocolonialism, 

emphasising the persistence of foreign domination under a different guise. 

 

While Nkrumah's critique remains influential, examining whether his observations hold 

true in contemporary contexts is essential. The economic domination described by 

neocolonialism is evident in how multinational corporations and powerful nations control 

vital industries and resources in developing countries. This control enables the extraction 

of wealth and resources, often to the detriment of local economic development (Nkrumah, 

1965). However, some argue that globalisation and the rise of new economic powers, like 



 34 

China, complicate the traditional neocolonial narrative. While significant, China's 

investments in Africa are often portrayed as mutually beneficial rather than purely 

exploitative. This raises questions about whether modern economic relationships are 

more complex than the traditional neocolonial model suggests. 

 

Neocolonialism also highlights the political dimensions of influence, whereby former 

colonial powers or superpowers shape weaker nations' domestic and foreign policies. 

This influence can manifest through diplomatic pressure, international alliances, or covert 

intervention (Emmanuel, 1972; Ake, 1996). For example, international alliances such as 

the BRI or PGII aim to expand one or more countries' influence in a region or country. 

These alliances raise critical questions about the balance of power and the sovereignty 

of participating nations. While some see these partnerships as opportunities for growth 

and development, others view them as mechanisms of control and dependency, 

reminiscent of neocolonial practices. 

 

Furthermore, the concept recognises the cultural component of neocolonialism, as the 

dominant powers often export their values, languages, and consumer culture, which can 

lead to the erosion of local traditions and identities (Fanon, 1963). The spread of Western 

cultural norms and consumer products can be seen as a form of cultural imperialism, 

subtly imposing the values and lifestyles of powerful nations on less developed regions. 

However, this cultural influence is not unidirectional; developing nations often adapt and 

reinterpret these influences uniquely, creating a more complex cultural dynamic than 

neocolonialism initially accounted for. 



 35 

2.2.2 Soft Power 

However, amidst these power dynamics, a newer concept has emerged—soft power—a 

term popularized by Joseph Nye in the late 20th century (1990). Soft power offers a fresh 

lens to understand international relations, emphasizing the significance of attraction, 

persuasion, and influence as pivotal foreign policy instruments. While neocolonialism 

operates through overt political pressure and cultural imposition, soft power operates 

subtly, employing the allure of ideas and values to shape global discourse and diplomatic 

strategies. This juxtaposition underscores the evolving landscape of power in 

international relations, where traditional notions of dominance give way to the nuanced 

interplay of coercion and persuasion. 

 

Joseph Nye, a prominent American political scientist, first introduced the term "soft power" 

in the early 1990s. Nye's work, particularly his book "Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature 

of American Power" published in 1990, laid the theoretical foundations for this concept. 

Nye recognized that the conventional notion of power primarily revolved around military 

strength and economic dominance. While these 'hard power' elements remained critical, 

Nye argued that a less tangible but equally influential dimension of power was at play in 

international relations. This dimension, which he coined 'soft power,' was built upon a 

nation's ability to shape the preferences of others through attraction and co-option rather 

than coercion (Nye, 1990). 

 

The concept of soft power hinges on several fundamental elements. At its core, it 

recognizes that a nation's soft power resources emanate from its culture, political values, 



 36 

foreign policies, and the appeal of its societal and political systems (Nye, 2004). It 

acknowledges that when nations are admired, respected, and seen as legitimate actors 

on the global stage, they possess more excellent soft power capabilities. These 

capabilities enable them to shape international outcomes, foster alliances, and advance 

their interests through non-coercive means. 

 

One essential aspect of soft power is the appeal of a country's culture and ideas, which 

includes elements like art, music, films, literature, and educational institutions. Nations 

that effectively export their culture and ideas can influence global public opinion and build 

goodwill (Nye, 2004). The spread of American culture and the global popularity of 

Hollywood movies are often cited as examples of this phenomenon. Another aspect of 

soft power is a nation's foreign policies and international image. When a country is 

perceived as responsible, cooperative, and committed to common global goals, it can 

attract other nations to its diplomatic initiatives and build coalitions (Nye, 2004; Mawdsley, 

2019). 

 

However, soft power's effectiveness and ethical implications remain subject to debate. 

Critics argue that soft power can be a form of manipulation, subtly imposing the values 

and agendas of powerful nations on others. The use of soft power by countries like China 

through initiatives such as Confucius Institutes and global media expansion raises 

questions about whether these efforts genuinely promote mutual understanding or serve 

as tools of influence and control. In this sense, soft power can be seen as a modern 



 37 

extension of the earlier neocolonial strategies, using cultural and ideological means to 

achieve similar ends. 

 

In essence, soft power recognizes that the ability to influence others depends on the 

perception of a nation's virtues and the attractiveness of its policies rather than coercion 

or financial incentives. It complements traditional hard power resources such as military 

capabilities and economic strength, enabling a more comprehensive understanding of a 

nation's overall power potential. The interplay between soft power and neocolonialism in 

the context of China's BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia provides a nuanced perspective on 

how contemporary forms of influence and control operate, highlighting both the 

opportunities and challenges these dynamics present for developing nations. 

 

2.3 Application to the Research 

This section applies dependency theory, neocolonialism, and soft power concepts to 

analyse China’s BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia. Dependency theory illuminates economic 

and geopolitical impacts, while neocolonialism reveals persisting imbalances. Soft power 

explores China’s diplomatic strategies. Despite their strengths, these frameworks have 

limitations, such as oversimplification and subjective perceptions. However, they remain 

crucial for understanding power dynamics in the BRI context. By delving into these 

theories, this research offers insights into the multifaceted implications of China’s 

investments in Africa. 

 



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In the context of the research on “The economic and geopolitical implications of China’s 

BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia: A comparative analysis,” dependency theory offers a 

valuable analytical framework to explore the economic and geopolitical consequences of 

the BRI projects in these African nations. Dependency theory emphasises structural 

inequality and the perpetuation of global economic disparities and provides a 

comprehensive lens through which to assess the multifaceted impacts of China’s 

investments in these developing nations (Cardoso & Faletto, 1979). 

 

Economic Implications: Dependency theory is particularly relevant when analysing the 

economic implications of the BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia. It offers a critical perspective on 

how these projects may affect the terms of trade, resource extraction, and economic 

inequalities in these countries (Prebisch, 1950). By applying dependency theory, the 

research can scrutinise whether the BRI contributes to genuine economic development 

or exacerbates existing dependency on global economic structures (Frank, 1967). 

 

Geopolitical Implications: The theory is equally pertinent in evaluating the geopolitical 

implications of China’s BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia, which influence their domestic and 

international policies. Dependency theory underscores the influence of powerful nations 

on the foreign policies and international relationships of weaker countries (Cardoso & 

Faletto, 1979). It provides a valuable framework for analysing how China’s initiatives may 

impact the agency and sovereignty of Nigeria and Ethiopia in the international arena. This 

includes assessing how these countries navigate their interests within the broader context 

of global structural inequalities and dependencies (Prebisch, 1950). 



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2.3.1 Neocolonialism and soft power concepts as lenses for the study 

Neocolonialism and soft power are valuable lenses within the broader framework of 

dependency theory as they provide specific perspectives to analyse different aspects of 

the relationship between developed and developing countries.  

 

Neocolonialism as a Lens: Neocolonialism, an extension of colonialism in contemporary 

times, is a valuable lens within dependency theory for several reasons. It helps illuminate 

the persisting economic and political imbalances between powerful nations and less-

developed countries. In the case of the BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia, neocolonialism can 

reveal how China's investments and economic engagements may lead to economic 

dependencies and potential exploitation, akin to historical colonial relationships. This lens 

is crucial for understanding whether BRI projects promote genuine development or 

perpetuate asymmetrical power relations. 

 

However, it is essential to acknowledge dependency theory's and neocolonialism's 

limitations for a comprehensive analysis. While dependency theory and neocolonialism 

provide valuable insights into economic and political disparities, they can sometimes 

oversimplify complex relationships and overlook the agency of developing nations. For 

instance, critiques of dependency theory highlight its tendency to overlook internal factors 

such as governance and corruption in perpetuating underdevelopment (Cardoso & 

Faletto, 1979), as mentioned in 2.2. Similarly, neocolonialism has been criticised for its 

ambiguity in definition and difficulty in establishing direct causality between external 

actions and socio-economic conditions (Vandewalle, 2001). Despite these weaknesses, 



 40 

dependency theory and the neocolonialism concept remain pertinent frameworks for 

understanding power dynamics, particularly in the context of BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia. 

 

Soft Power as a Lens: As conceived by Joseph Nye, soft power complements the 

neocolonialism concept within dependency theory. It emphasises the role of influence, 

attraction, and persuasion rather than coercion in international relations. In the context of 

the BRI, soft power helps explain how China seeks to cultivate positive perceptions and 

partnerships in Nigeria and Ethiopia. It is a valuable lens for assessing how China 

employs its cultural appeal, diplomatic initiatives, and cooperative foreign policies to 

shape the preferences of these nations, building positive relationships that may benefit 

its economic and geopolitical interests. 

 

One limitation is its reliance on subjective perceptions and interpretations of 

attractiveness and influence. As Nye (2004) noted, soft power operates through the power 

of attraction and persuasion, which are inherently subjective and prone to biases. This 

subjectivity can undermine the credibility and effectiveness of soft power strategies, 

particularly in cross-cultural contexts (Hoffmann, 2013). Moreover, soft power may be 

less effective in environments characterised by hostility or conflict, where coercive forces 

may overshadow attraction and persuasion (Jervis, 2006). Ethical concerns also surround 

soft power strategies, especially when they involve cultural imperialism or the imposition 

of values on other nations (Bleiker, 2009). Critics argue that soft power, if not wielded 

responsibly, can be perceived as manipulative or exploitative, undermining its legitimacy 

and effectiveness in the long run. 



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2.4 Conclusion 

Theoretical frameworks such as dependency theory are foundational for comprehending 

global economic disparities and power dynamics. Dependency theory's emphasis on the 

core-periphery model and historical context provides a comprehensive lens for analysing 

China's BRI in Nigeria and Ethiopia. Despite its limitations, dependency theory remains 

invaluable in unpacking economic inequality and structural dependency on a global scale. 

Critiques of dependency theory highlight its evolving nature and the need for nuanced 

perspectives, acknowledging the agency of developing countries and internal factors 

within underdeveloped nations. Neocolonialism and soft power concepts offer nuanced 

perspectives on global power relations, revealing economic exploitation and emphasising 

attraction and persuasion in shaping international relations. By incorporating these 

frameworks, this research comprehensively understands China's BRI's economic and 

geopolitical implications, contributing to a nuanced analysis of its impact on global 

economic relationships. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



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2.5 Research Methodology 

The research methodology section serves as the blueprint for the systematic inquiry 

undertaken in this study on the economic and geopolitical implications of China's BRI in 

Nigeria and Ethiopia. This chapter elucidates the methodological framework guiding the 

investigation, encompassing the research design, selection of case studies, data 

collection methods, ethical considerations, validity and reliability strategies, and data 

management protocols. Each sub-section delineates the pivotal components of the 

research methodology, elucidating the rationale behind methodological choices, 

operational procedures, and quality assurance measures. By meticulously outlining the 

research methodology, this chapter ensures transparency, rigour, and coherence in the 

conduct and reporting of the study, thereby enhancing the credibility and trustworthiness 

of the research findings. 

 

This study employs a qualitative case study approach to investigate China's BRI's 

economic and geopolitical implications in Nigeria and Ethiopia. The qualitative case study 

design allows for an in-depth exploration of the complex and dynamic nature of the BRI 

phenomenon within the specific socio-economic and political contexts of Nigeria and 

Ethiopia (Yin, 2018). By utilising this approach, the research aims to provide a nuanced 

understanding of how the BRI influences economic development, infrastructure growth, 

power dynamics, and geopolitical relationships in these African countries. 

 

Qualitative research methods are well-suited for exploring multifaceted phenomena such 

as the BRI, as they allow for collecting rich, detailed data that capture the perspectives, 



 43 

experiences, and interactions of various stakeholders involved (Creswell, 2013; Corbin & 

Strauss, 2008). Through in-depth interviews, document analysis, and thematic analysis, 

this study seeks to uncover the underlying mechanisms and processes through which the 

BRI impacts Nigeria and Ethiopia, shedding light on its positive and negative implications 

(Braun & Clarke, 2006; Bogdan & Biklen, 2006). 

 

To gather these insights, semi-structured interviews were conducted with experts and 

stakeholders familiar with the BRI's implementation in Nigeria and Ethiopia. The 

interviewees were identified through professional networking platforms such as LinkedIn 

and through referrals. Out of approximately 15 experts who were emailed and asked to 

participate, only five accepted the interview invitation. These participants were academic 

researchers and experts in Sino-African relations and International Relations, providing 

specialised perspectives on the BRI's impacts. The relatively low response rate highlights 

one of the challenges in qualitative research, emphasising the need to carefully select 

and engage with respondents to ensure rich and relevant data. 

 

The choice of a case study approach is particularly appropriate for this research, given 

its focus on specific cases (Nigeria and Ethiopia) within a larger socio-political context. 

By conducting detailed case studies, the research aims to generate contextually rich 

insights that can inform broader theoretical understandings of the BRI's effects on African 

countries (Yin, 2018). Furthermore, the comparative nature of the case study design 

allows for identifying similarities and differences between Nigeria and Ethiopia in their 

responses to the BRI, enhancing the depth and breadth of the analysis (Stake, 1995). 



 44 

 

However, the case study approach does have its limitations. One major limitation is the 

issue of generalizability. Findings from the case studies of Nigeria and Ethiopia may not 

be easily extrapolated to other African countries or regions involved in the BRI. Each 

country has unique socio-political and economic contexts, and the impact of the BRI can 

vary significantly based on these factors. Therefore, while the case studies can provide 

in-depth insights into Nigeria and Ethiopia, they may not fully capture the broader 

implications of the BRI across different African settings. 

 

Another limitation is the potential for researcher bias. Qualitative research, particularly 

case studies, often relies heavily on the researcher's interpretation. This can introduce 

subjective biases in the selection of data, the framing of questions, and the analysis of 

findings (Bogdan & Biklen, 2006). Although triangulation, peer debriefing, and member 

checking can help mitigate these biases, they cannot be eliminated. Additionally, the 

availability and reliability of data can pose challenges, as some information might be 

sensitive or difficult to access, which can affect the comprehensiveness of the research. 

 

Moreover, the time-intensive nature of qualitative case studies can limit the scope of the 

research. Conducting in-depth interviews, extensive document analysis, and thorough 

thematic analysis requires substantial time and resources. This can constrain the ability 

to include more case studies or to delve deeper into certain aspects of the BRI's impact 

(Corbin & Strauss, 2008). The dynamic and evolving nature of the BRI also means that 

findings may quickly become outdated as new developments occur. 



 45 

 

In summary, the qualitative case study approach adopted in this research is well-suited 

to comprehensively explore China's BRI's economic and geopolitical implications in 

Nigeria and Ethiopia. Through rigorous data collection and analysis, the study aims to 

contribute valuable insights to the literature on the BRI and its impact on African countries. 

 

2.6 Selection of Case Studies 

The selection of case studies is pivotal in clarifying China's BRI's economic and 

geopolitical implications in Nigeria and Ethiopia. This section delineates the rationale 

behind choosing Nigeria and Ethiopia as case studies, emphasising their strategic 

significance as critical participants in the BRI. By examining these distinct socio-economic 

and political landscapes, this study provides comprehensive insights into the multifaceted 

dynamics of BRI implementation in diverse African contexts. The careful selection of case 

studies ensures the research findings' relevance, depth, and applicability, contributing to 

a nuanced understanding of China-Africa relations within the BRI framework. 

 

2.6.1 Rationale 

Nigeria and Ethiopia have been selected as case studies for this research based on their 

strategic significance as participants in the BRI and their distinct socio-economic and 

political landscapes. Both countries play pivotal roles in Africa's regional dynamics and 

have emerged as critical partners in China's BRI projects, as already stated in this study's 

"significance and scope of the study" section.  

 



 46 

Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa and one of the largest economies on the 

continent, holds significant geopolitical influence and serves as a central hub for Chinese 

investments under the BRI (Ukeje & Nwajiuba, 2017). Similarly, Ethiopia has attracted 

substantial Chinese investment in infrastructure development projects with its rapidly 

growing economy and strategic location in the Horn of Africa (Amsalu & Adele, 2020). 

 

2.6.2 Sampling Criteria 

Specific criteria guided the selection of case study sites to ensure a comprehensive 

understanding of the economic and geopolitical implications of the BRI in Nigeria and 

Ethiopia. These criteria include: 

Level of BRI Involvement: Countries substantially involved in BRI projects were 

prioritised to capture economic and geopolitical impacts. 

Economic Indicators: Factors such as GDP growth, FDI, and trade volumes were 

considered to assess the BRI's economic implications in each country. 

Geopolitical Considerations: The strategic importance of Nigeria and Ethiopia within 

their respective regions and their geopolitical relations with China and other foreign 

powers influenced the selection process. 

Regional Dynamics: The broader regional context, including regional integration 

initiatives and cross-border dynamics, informed the African continent's selection of 

Nigeria and Ethiopia as representative case studies. 

 

 

 



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2.6.3 Data Collection Methods 

This section shifts to the fundamental aspect of data collection methods, which constitute 

the foundation of qualitative research. These methods are pivotal in capturing textual data 

essential for analysis, mainly through thematic analysis. By employing qualitative data 

collection techniques, researchers aim to achieve a multifaceted understanding of various 

phenomena, including individuals' experiences, the dynamics of social norms and cultural 

practices, and the contextual intricacies surrounding specific issues or programs (Gill et 

al., 2008). 

 

2.7 Document Analysis 

In addition to document analysis, case studies and interviews were employed to 

contextualise the implementation of the BRI, identify trends, and understand policy 

dynamics. Various sources, including policy documents, reports, academic literature, and 

media articles, were systematically reviewed and analysed. This comprehensive 

approach enabled the research to triangulate findings from different sources, enhancing 

the validity and reliability of the study (Bowen, 2009). 

 

2.7.1 Case Studies 

These case studies provided a nuanced understanding of the real-world impact of BRI 

projects, shedding light on their outcomes within the unique contexts of Nigeria and 

Ethiopia. This approach uncovered the complexities of BRI implementation through 

detailed analysis, including its effects on local economies, geopolitical dynamics, and 



 48 

societal structures. By contextualising the findings within specific projects, this study 

offered valuable insights into the multifaceted nature of China's engagements in Africa. 

 

2.7.2 Interviews 

Semi-structured interviews were the primary method for data collection, allowing for in-

depth exploration of the economic and geopolitical implications of China's BRI in Nigeria 

and Ethiopia. The set questions, the same questions asked of all the interviewees, will be 

included in the appendix for referral. As stated above, the interviewees were identified 

through professional networking platforms such as LinkedIn and through referrals. Out of 

approximately 15 experts who were emailed and asked to participate, only five accepted 

the interview invitation. The semi-structured format provided flexibility to delve into 

specific topics while allowing the five experts to elaborate on their experiences, 

perceptions, and decision-making processes related to the BRI (Guest et al., 2006). Each 

interview was conducted via Google Meet, with audio and visual recording, following 

ethical guidelines and obtaining informed consent from participants. 

 

2.8 Ethical Considerations 

Prior informed consent was obtained from all interview participants, ensuring they were 

fully aware of the research aims, procedures, and potential risks before agreeing to 

participate (Fontana & Frey, 2005). The consent process included providing participants 

with a detailed explanation of the study's purpose, procedures, expected outcomes, and 

their rights to withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. Consent forms were 

distributed electronically via email, clearly outlining the terms of participation and 



 49 

confidentiality agreements. The consent forms, recordings, and transcriptions are all on 

a password-protected Google Drive. The interviews were recorded first and then 

transcribed using Microsoft 356; then, they were decoded using a graph with the guidance 

of the set questions the participants were asked. Then, to help answer the research 

questions, the graph with the information was put into themes, which were used in the 

comparative analysis chapter. 

 

2.8.1 Anonymity and Confidentiality 

Measures were implemented to protect the anonymity and confidentiality of participants 

throughout the research process, should they wish to be anonymous. However, for this 

study, participants' identities are not concealed because they are professionals who have 

permitted not to have their names replaced with pseudonyms in written reports or 

publications to safeguard their confidentiality. All data collected, including interview 

transcripts and documents, were securely stored. Access to identifiable information was 

restricted to the researcher and authorised personnel only, and data were stored in 

password-protected files, specifically Google Drive. 

 

2.8.2 Reflexivity 

The researcher maintained reflexivity throughout the study, critically examining their 

biases, perspectives, and positionalities to ensure the integrity and credibility of the 

research findings. Reflexivity involves an ongoing process of self-awareness and self-

critique, acknowledging the researcher's influence on data collection, interpretation, and 

analysis (Finlay, 2002). 



 50 

2.9 Conclusion 

The research methodology chapter lays the groundwork for systematically investigating 

China's BRI's economic and geopolitical implications in Nigeria and Ethiopia. Through a 

qualitative case study approach, this study delves into the multifaceted dynamics of the 

BRI phenomenon within the specific socio-economic and political contexts of the selected 

countries. By employing qualitative