????????????????????????????????????????? d e v e l o p i n g t h e p u b l i c a m e n i t y n e t w o r k f o r t h e n e w u r b a n c o m m u n i t y k a y h a u s l e r 2 I, Kay Hausler [0509794p], am a student registered for the course Master of Architecture [Professional] in the year 2010. I hereby declare the following: I am aware that plagiarism [the use of someone else?s work without permis- sion and/or without acknowledging the original source] is wrong. I confi rm that the work submitt ed for assessment for the above course is my own un- aided work except where I have stated explicitly otherwise. I have followed the required conventi ons in referencing thoughts, ideas and visual material of others. For this purpose, I have referred to the Graduate School of Engi- neering and the Built Environment style guide. I understand that the Univer- sity of the Witwatersrand may take disciplinary acti on against me if there is a belief that this is not my unaided work or if I have failed to acknowledge the source of the ideas or words in my own work. ______________________________ k a y h a u s l e r 0 3 - 1 2 - 2 0 1 0 This document is submitt ed in parti al fulfi lment for the degree: M a s t e r o f A r c h i t e c t u r e [Professional] at the University of the Witwatersrand, Jo- hannesburg, South Africa, in the year 2010. d e c l a r a t i o n 3 ???????????????????????????????? I would like to thank my family for 6 years of endless support, pati ence and encouragement. Thank you to my supervisor, Lone Poulsen, for her invalu- able directi on and assistance this year. A very special thanks to the ?harem? and the ?commune? for the advice, the laughter, the moral support, the san- ity and the camping food. To my friends, thank you for giving me balance and perspecti ve. 4 5 1 _ a b s t r a c t ________________________________________________ 2 _ i n t r o d u c t i o n __________________________________________ lost space to public amenity 3 _ m u t u a l i s m _____________________________________________ 4 _ r e a d i n g t h e c i t y _____________________________________ the setti ng amenity mapping history 5 _ s i t e _____________________________________________________ 6_ t h e s i s p r o p o s a l ______________________________________ precedent _ the contemporary amenity 7 _ d e s i g n d r i v e r s ________________________________________ tolerances adapti ve reuse public : private precedent _ melbourne hybridity 8 _ f o r m ____________________________________________________ 9 _ p r o g r a m m e ____________________________________________ 10 _ c o n c l u s i o n _____________________________________________ 11 _ c a s e s t u d i e s __________________________________________ 12 _ c o n c e p t d e v e l o p m e n t _______________________________ 13 _ u r b a n i n t e r v e n t i o n _________________________________ 14 _ a r c h i t e c t u r a l i n t e r v e n t i o n________________________ 15 _ b i b l i o g r a p h y __________________________________________ ??? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? m e a - l i e s _ moshe sekete (Masondo, Potenza, and Adams, 2007: 46) 6 1 ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ? 8 J o h a n n e s b u r g i n n e r c i t y 2 0 1 0 9 The inner city of Johannesburg has encountered many changes in its identi ty, use and level of occupati on. In 2010, downtown Jo- hannesburg is comprised of pockets of vibrant acti on and produc- ti on with an ever-increasing industrious populace and residenti al sector, and therefore ever-increasing pressure on the public serv- ices. With the legal and illegal conversion of countless commer- cial buildings for housing, what is apparent is the lack of basic public ameniti es. While the informal network, clustering around populated points, sati sfi es minor daily needs, its transient, sim- plisti c, repeti ti ve system, does not perform to the extent required by a residenti al community. These enterprises are neither large enough to be an insti tuti on, constant enough to be socially inclu- sive nor structured enough to be capable of fulfi lling social serv- ices. Concurrently, there exists a series of unuti lised, unproducti ve pri- vate spaces; a dormant network of sites, saturated with potenti al to fulfi l that which the city is lacking, an effi cient public territory. [ Taking something the city has and doesn?t need and creati ng something city dwellers don?t have, and need. ] This thesis aims to use unproducti ve ?gaps? to create a model for urban public infi ltrati on; incorporati ng existi ng ameniti es into a complex, hybrid- ised, democrati c structure. The result is to be the formati on of an inclu- sive social service network, provision of basic ameniti es, opportuniti es for the gathering of an increasing residenti al populati on and the recepti on and integrati on of a non-residenti al and immigrant populati on, in the city of Johannesburg. 10 2 ??????????????????????? 12 13 ?The instrumentality of design [is] its enabling functi on? (Wall, 1999: 233). Public architecture exists to sati sfy public need and facilitate social interacti on. The resultant relati onship between public and space is vital in creati ng functi oning city ?neighbourhoods?. The inner city of Johannesburg is no longer the primary central business district; it is now a cosmopolitan African metropolis inhabited by a new public requiring an urban neighbourhood. This populati on has been defi ned by Clive Chipkin as ?urban opti mists? who ?see the inner city as a place of opportunity rather than a zone of economic decline? (Chipkin, 2008: 416). While the city?s complex physical structure is reclaimed by this new populati on, the one thing missing is a public interface. The city of Johannesburg consists of layers: a natural backdrop and a built landscape interspersed with ever-evolving, ever-acti ve trans- port, communicati on, social and economic networks. These networks ti e the city and its users together. The residual, ?negati ve? layer is made up of a series of blank, unproducti ve spaces. These are a typol- ogy of their own and due to their prevalence, produce their own spa- ti al network. This typology is what Roger Trancik has defi ned as ?lost space? (Trancik 1986: 3). In Hunch, produced by The Berlage Insti tute, Luciano Basauri and Francisca Insulza focus on the urban voids of LA, stati ng that ??want- ing space? is not a negati ve conditi on, but one to be taken advantage of. Together these voids form a powerful system of semi-public spac- es; although they are privately owned, they are used and perceived collecti vely? (Basauri and Insulza, 1999: 26) [ The city is public, the buildings are private. The need is public, the space available is private. ] These ?lost spaces? of the city represent a lack of spati al, monetary and urban producti vity and are therefore appropriate sites for interven- ti on. These gaps have enormous potenti al to fulfi l that which the city is lacking, an eff ecti ve, appropriate public domain. The infusion into the programmati c void acts as a catalyst for that which Jane Jacobs in The Death and Life of Great American Citi es, terms ?city diversity?; the multi plicity of form, functi on, use and user within an urban region. Lizeka Mda addresses the lack of public space in her essay City Quar- ters: Civic Spine, Faraday Stati on, KwaMayiMayi and Ponte City and comments on the city council?s use of substanti al funding to create enti rely inappropriate urban landscapes, while people are naturally constructi ng small, yet effi cient public ameniti es in left -over spaces (Mda, 1998: 198). Within the specifi c setti ng of Johannesburg, what is required is not another park or public-square, but a concentrated net- work of functi oning public ameniti es which directly benefi t the user. People create public space and public ameniti es insti ncti vely. These spaces are effi cient due to the natural, needs-based manner in which they are formed. In this unique urban and social situati on, public service is most eff ecti ve in its simplest structure and purpose, where facility and recreati on occur simultaneously. The themati c mixture generates social, spati al and economic success in the unproducti ve spaces of the city. The hybrid public amenity acts as a typology for creati ng city diversity; a plant-like network, which spreads, mutates and evolves within a defi ned urban ?room? and ulti mately throughout the city. ????????????????????????????? ???????????????????????????? l o s t s p a c e 3 July 1998, roof, Pretoria Street, Hillbrow, Johannesburg _ Themba Hadebe (Judin and Vladislavic 1998: 190) 14 n o l l y m a p the space between ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ? 3 16 On the periphery of the inner city, where the commercial, industrial and residenti al sectors meet, there exists a multi -cultural, multi -nati onal public. This 24 hour-commu- nity requires the same quanti ty and varie- ty of essenti al ameniti es as any suburban neighbourhood. The existi ng mixture of functi ons, patt erns of use and users of this transiti onal zone tends towards the ?city di- versity? that Jane Jacobs claims makes for a successful city region. According to Jacobs, considering the combinati on of uses is funda- mental in understanding the urban landscape. Jacobs states that ?city diversity itself permits and sti mulates more diversity? so when ?re- building? urban centres, it is fi tti ng to focus on a diversely structured yet undeveloped region which has the potenti al to generate multi plic- ity within itself (Jacobs: 1961: 144). The inner city periphery is such a space. The existi ng built form and land-use varies greatly and the presence of the public throughout the day is consistent (due to the commercial and residenti al elements), however, this populati on is not catered for in terms of functi oning social services. Residenti al space is ineffi cient without a social space, commercial en- ti ti es are unproducti ve without service auxiliaries and educati on fa- ciliti es are incomplete without student resources. Large populati ons within specifi c areas for the purposes of work, educati on and (or) resi- dence, require both social and cultural faciliti es and basic services. In The Death and Life of Great American Citi es, Jane Jacobs asks, ?how can citi es generate enough mixture among uses ? enough diversity ? throughout enough of their territories, to sustain their own civiliza- ti on?? (Jacobs, 1961: 144). She explains that ?city diversity? (that is programmati c, spati al, social, economic multi plicity) produces self- suffi cient urban cores; a contained ?pool? of use. Jacobs claims that a site within which four specifi c conditi ons are evident, has the poten- ti al for success. The conditi ons which according to Jacobs generate city diversity are: 1 _ ?The district, and indeed as many of its internal parts as possible, must serve more than one primary functi on; preferably more than two. These must insure the presence of people who go outdoors on diff erent schedules and are in the place for diff erent purposes, but who are able to use many faciliti es in common? 2 _ ?Most blocks must be short; that is, streets and opportuni- ti es to turn corners must be frequent? 3 _ ?The district must mingle buildings that vary in age and con- diti on, including a good number of old ones so that they vary in the economic yield they must produce? 4 _ ?There must be a suffi ciently dense concentrati on of peo- ple for whatever purposes they may be there. This includes dense concentrati on in the case of people who are there because of resi- dence.? (Jacobs: 1961: 147). According to Jacobs, within big citi es exist large, diverse populati ons, requiring a wide range of specialised ameniti es. The denser the popu- lati on of an area, the more small enterprises it can support. Therefore, by ?tapping into? an existi ng dense populati on or densifying a lesser populati on, more varied and numerous enterprises can survive. The product, is city diversity; a more effi cient use of space containing a varied series of places and programme and ulti mately, a more effi - cient urban region (Jacobs: 1961: 147). 17 18 ?The [Johannesburg] metro?s aim is to have 50 000 ? 75 000 new units in the city in the next 5 years. It can happen. But if there is one child for each fl at, that means 50 000 children needing schooling, clin- ics, libraries and places to play. And the authoriti es are doing nothing about it. what are these kids going to do?? (Plit, 2010: 77) ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ??? ?? ?? ?? ? ? ?? ?? ?? ? 4 20 In Tokyo Blanks, Stefano Boeri speaks of the programmati c voids in the city as a ?parallel universe? made up of un- producti ve surfaces and spaces. He states that ?the cleft s, intervals, glades in the body of the metropolis, help us to perceive, much more ef- fecti vely than do skyscrapers, clusters or single- family housing districts, the spirit of a city? (Boeri, 1999: 40). Spati al effi ciency within the city is of extreme importance. An empty space represents a lack of producti vity. Roger Trancik explains, ?lost spaces are the undesirable areas that are in need of redesign: the anti spaces, making no positi ve contributi on to the surroundings or users? (Trancik 1986: 3). He sees these surfaces and volumes as an individual typology. According to Trancik, the spati al implicati ons of historical planning and design methods, the creati on of transport net- works, zoning and urban renewal, privati sati on of the public realm and alterati ons in land-use have allowed for these ?lost spaces? to occur (Trancik 1986: 1-4). In Johannesburg, these spaces are oft en components of private build- ings. Due to an increase in the populati on and a shortage of appro- priate low-cost housing, vacant lots, abandoned offi ce or residenti al blocks and empty shops oft en end up being densely populated by squatt ers. Trancik states that ?lost spaces, underused and deteriorat- ing, provide excepti onal opportuniti es to reshape an urban centre, so that it att racts people back downtown and counteracts sprawl and suburbanizati on? (Trancik 1986: 2). In From Industry to Culture: left overs, ti me, material transformati on in four contemporary museums, Phoebe Crisman quotes Ignasi de Sol?-Morales? positi on on the appeal of ?vacancy and openness? in the city; a conditi on he calls ?terrain vague?. De Sol?-Morales? explains that ?the relati onship between the absence of use, of acti vity, and the sense of freedom, of expectancy, is fundamental to understanding all the evocati ve potenti al that the city?s terrains vagues have accrued as part of the very percepti on of the city in recent years. Void, then, as absence, and yet as promise, as encounter, as the space of the pos- sible excepti on? (Crisman, 2007: 407). Certain regions of Johannesburg are becoming increasingly unproduc- ti ve and progressively more decayed due to these ?anti spaces?. It is these spaces which hold the potenti al for greatly diverse and conse- quently, effi cient urban centres. 1 2 5 21 The inner city of Johannesburg has been a focus for redevelopment as an att empt to lure commercial and social acti vity back to the aban- doned CBD. In order for the development to be directed towards spe- cifi c areas and provide areas with a unique identi ty, regions within the city were defi ned by the JDA (Johannesburg Development Agency). Newtown, for instance, was classifi ed as the ?cultural precinct? and has been the locati on for the regenerati on and creati on of various heritage sites for cultural acti vity, such as Museum Africa, Market Theatre and Mary Fitzgerald Square. Simultaneously, the area gained other uses, such as social housing in the Brickfi elds project (by Savage and Dodd), the large transport node, MetroMall (by Urban Soluti ons) and clusters of small ameniti es and entertainment venues. This has created a multi -functi onal, vibrant urban centre; a region of success- ful diversity. ????????????????????? The JDA are implementi ng that which Roger Trancik hypothesizes; rebuilding decaying centres and buildings in order to restore the city and therefore bring people and business back to the origi- nal CBD. n e w t o w n c u l t u r a l p r e c i n c t 2 0 0 9 1 + 2 . MetroMall (Urban Soluti ons) 3 + 4 . Brickfi elds Social Hous- ing Project (Savage + Dodd) 5 . Mary Fitzgerald Square 3 4 22 i n n e r c i t y d i s t r i c t s city precinct plan _ Johannesburg De- velopment Agency 23 Roger Trancik states, ?an integrated city will prevail if, in the process of transforming wornout urban areas, we bring infi ll development into harmony with the predominant existi ng patt ern. An integrati on of living and work places in the urban core can sti m- ulate a functi onal yet cultural city of mixed uses, in which lost exterior spaces become new are- nas for social and physical interacti on? (Trancik, 1986: 234). 24 25 The unproducti ve buildings are as prevalent as the gaps in civic infra- structure; they represent ?need? and site for interventi on. In order to analyse the existi ng network of public infrastructure, it is necessary to deconstruct the noti on of public space and public amenity. ?Amenity?, is an acti ve system or space for public service. In South Africa, the requirements and physical manifestati on of pub- lic amenity (and the relati onship of the public with it) varies greatly. Within some areas, amenity is characterized by a collecti on of com- mercial enterprises within large, exclusive shopping malls or smaller strip malls. Within the city-centre, it diff ers further. Some redevel- oped areas such as ?Bank City? include purpose-built public arenas, where restaurant seati ng spills into squares shielded by sizeable tow- ers. These are almost exclusively commercial areas, meaning that while these spaces are well-uti lized at midday by offi ce-workers; their patronage at other ti mes is limited. On the periphery, however, ?amenity? is a unique model, serving a multi tude of publics, where services do not necessarily operate with- in formal buildings or structures. Many functi ons or enterprises exist as part of the system of the street or as a component of a formal industry or business venture. These minor, informal insti tuti ons are of great value to the city and its passing patrons, due to their frequency, specifi city and low-cost items or services, however, their transient nature and lack of infrastructure reduces their effi ciency and conven- ience to a resident public with constant service requirements. ????????????? i n f o r m a l a m e n i t y Polly Street, Doornfontein. 2010 26 In residenti al suburbs exists another type; the neighbourhood com- munity centre. This is predominantly comprised of a basic hall struc- ture which accommodates varying functi ons operati ng according to an allocated ?ti me rental? throughout the week. These spaces are public, yet exercise access control. They serve their specifi c society in terms of regular functi ons and exist primarily as spaces of gathering and interacti on. The basic form allows for a wide variety of use, oft en including community meeti ngs, religious gatherings, sport or training for various ages and disciplines such as marti al arts, yoga or pilates, children?s scout meeti ngs, performances, educati onal programmes, skills training and social events. A typology for an urban community centre does not exist in this part of Johannesburg. The populati on is as large as that of any suburb, with the equivalent needs, but does not have the designated space within which to exercise these social functi ons. The primary questi on is related to what a city community centre is, what it incorporates and how it operates within its unique context. i n c l u s i v i t y t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d c o m m u n i t y c e n t r e parkhurst recreati onal centre faciliti es off ered: hall, clinic, sport (tennis courts), post boxes, library, playground, skate ramp, graf- fi ti wall and playing fi eld the space is used for: the hall is used for a wide va- riety of acti viti es at varying ti mes of day, such as commu- nity meeti ngs, gymnasti cs or pilates or bridge clubs; people walk dogs on the fi eld; fami- lies use the space on week- ends; mothers meet with their babies in prams; students hang out on the grass and the clinic has a district nurse and off ers baby and child healthcare services, counsel- ling and ante natal classes. 27 28 29 e x c l u s i v i t y the other side of parkhurst recreati onal centre 30 d e f i n i n g p u b l i c a m e n i t y a study of forms of pub- lic amenity currently op- erati ng in the inner city. This analysis is used to map the existi ng amenity net- works within the defi ned area. 31 32 ????????????? Defi ning the fundamental components of civic infrastructure, as be- ing public spaces and public services, facilitates the investi gati on of the existi ng public networks contained by the periphery of the inner city. A public facility must adverti se itself physically or through sig- nage in order to fl ourish. Thus, a broad mapping of these obvious or promoted locati ons within the focus-area of the periphery, will il- lustrate the successful networks as well as those which are lacking or absent. Using the JDA?s designated districts as a foundati on onto which data is gradually layered, generates a diagram of the density and comprehensiveness of the public infrastructure and, more impor- tantly, the gaps. A broad analysis of the periphery of the inner city shows that the western city-edge has been redeveloped to include many public gath- ering spaces as well as civic, cultural and transport nodes. The north- ern boundary contains the train stati on, the Johannesburg Art Gallery and associated park, expansive taxi ranks, informal markets and malls. The north-eastern porti on includes a cluster of religious buildings and a few minor educati on faciliti es, while the southern edge, which bor- ders on industrial land, has scatt ered public recreati onal faciliti es and a handful of semi-public squares. The eastern porti on in comparison is gravely lacking in public ameniti es. The urban-renewal projects and the signifi cant public infrastructure appear to have ?skipped? the south west porti on of Doornfontein (defi ned as the ?Fashion District?) and conti nued into the ?Manufacturing District? with urban recreati onal spaces such as the Arts On Main development and Mai Mai Market. 33 The area was identi fi ed by the Johannesburg Development Agency as a region for upgrade, however, very litt le expansion or improvement is evident. The only modifi cati on to the urban public domain consists of a few pavement mosaics, signage and new street lighti ng. The development of Fashion Square (opening onto Pritchard and Polly Streets), designed as an outdoor public and event space, was aimed at promoti ng spin-off fashion-orientated developments in the area. The square itself is permanently enclosed by high fences and has there- fore not succeeded as a public gathering space or a dynamic event venue. While a few housing developments, small fashion studios and studio apartments have been developed in the south of the Fashion District, the JDA?s interventi ons have been insuffi cient and the area has not reached the success of other developed and thriving inner city regions. The Fashion District is, therefore, an appropriate envi- ronment within which to test the typology of a self-suffi cient public network of subsidised enterprises in order to create a functi oning, all-inclusive zone. m a c r o m a p a broad mapping of the public infrastructure in the inner city 34 In order to build onto an existi ng urban centre, it is crucial to learn from the historical formati on of the region, the culture, lifestyle and social systems of the current populati on, the urban context and the formal and informal networks and material structure of the space. Roger Trancik claims that it is ?incumbent upon designers of the mod- ern city to fi nd the inherent relati onship between form and purpose that has evolved through the local traditi on and regional context? (Trancik, 1986: 234) Doornfontein was originally a farm inhabited by the earliest sett lers, the Voortrekkers, who lived in wagons or unsophisti cated reed and mud structures. The land was named aft er the local spring (or ?fon- tein?) and means the ?fountain of thorns?. The area was proclaimed as a public mining site in 1886 and within the next few years, the land was appraised at extreme value due to its gold-bearing proper- ti es (Palestrant, 1986: 8-20). In the 1980?s, Doornfontein was a sepa- rate township; a residenti al area for the wealthy Randlords with large estates and its own authority and police force. Doornfontein and its surrounding areas began densifying as more people moved to the Transvaal. The area became known for its high land-value and eliti st populace and boasted the popular social meeti ng place, the Doorn- fontein Club and later the Doornfontein Baths (Palestrant, 1986: 40- 44; 105). In 1896, the region of Rosebank was proclaimed and stands were adverti sed as being ?in the country?. In the early 1900?s, the populati on of Doornfontein discovered the more favourable locati on of Parktown. Doornfontein lost its residents and its exclusivity and the land-value and property sizes were reduced (Clarke, 1987, 19-36). In the 1930?s, Johannesburg began developing upwards. The city cen- tre now contained ever-increasing numbers of skyscrapers and the former mining camp became a functi oning commercial city (Clarke, 1987, 95). In September 1934, the Star Newspaper contained an arti - cle headed ?Looking out over rooft ops from the city?s tallest buildings? and referred to the many living spaces on rooft ops of the buildings in the inner city. The arti cle states, ?many of the ornamental domes of buildings serve as completely furnished caretakers? domains. These people live and have their being on rooft ops with the sky as their neighbour? (Clarke, 1987, 96). ????????????? J o h a n n e s b u r g 1 . original layout of farms within the Witwatersrand, 1885 (adapted from Beavon, 2004: 48) 2 . m a p o f J o h a n n e s b u r g, 1987 (Beavon, 2004: 19) 3 . sky-locati ons sti ll evident on inner city rooft ops, 2010 1 35 2 Simultaneously, many residenti al blocks incorporated a number of simple rooms on rooft ops, designed to be set back from the facade so as not to be seen. These spaces were for occupati on by domes- ti c staff . This was because of the Nati ves (Urban Areas) Act of 1923, which stated that domesti c workers were only permitt ed to live on the property of their employer if they were provided with appropri- ate accommodati on (Goldring, 2009: 2). The era (from 1948 to 1994) known as Apartheid, saw the enforcement of the Group Areas Act (of 1950), which prevented non-white and white communiti es living in the same areas. Locati ons outside of the city were created and, over ti me, between 8 000 and 10 000 non-white people were removed and relocated to areas according to their race (Clarke, 1987, 143). At this ti me, people living in these ?sky locati ons? were forcibly removed from the city, leaving these unique spaces largely unuti lised (Goldring, 2009: 2). 3 36 In 2010, the rooft ops of the inner city, remain as ?lost space(s)?; un- used, detached, saturated with potenti al. The city contains numer- ous similarly-blank, valuable spaces; once-used and abandoned, as the city?s inhabitants dispersed. Decentralisati on began in the 1970s, when a number of corporate headquarters began moving to the ur- ban edges. Small business districts were developed in Crown Mines, Barlow Park, Sunninghill and Sandton. Clive Chipkin states that ?none of these early prototypes moved to what would soon become the Sandton CBD. The constructi on of a CBD in the Northern suburbs, seemingly an event that occurred overnight, was in fact three decades in the making?. Chipkin explains that this process was due to South Africa?s politi cal crisis of the 1980?s (Chipkin, 2008: 411). The result is polycentricism: a city with multi ple urban cores. The inner city is no longer the primary CBD and has allowed for the area?s diverse struc- ture, programme and populati on (Chipkin, 2008: 410). The inner city is conducive to the kind of urban multi plicity that Jane Jacobs claims stems from existi ng diversity. Doornfontein is such a site; for expan- sion and regenerati on, for success. In the last fi ft y years, Doornfontein has undergone a shift in classi- fi cati on and structure, from the bustling shopping tract of Market Street, to a ?wholesale? district, to a conglomerate of sweatshops, to a ?fashion district?, to a current-day fusion of fashion, housing, mass- storage, minor retail and educati on. The structure of the buildings has changed too. The original, large wholesale spaces on the ground fl oor have been divided into small, single-room, separate enterprises. The upper fl oors of some buildings have been converted into storage space, additi onal retail space or fl ats. This is an area in fl ux with a transient physical structure and populati on. In this region, a restaurant space one month is a market the next. Spaces are altered informal- ly with a welder or by the rearrangement of furniture, according to what is seen to be required at that specifi c ti me. J o h a n n e s b u r g map showing the use zones of the inner city, 1959 (Beavon, 2004 :152) 37 To the north of the district, is an area known as the ?Ethiopian Quar- ter?. The enterprises of this zone support the large Ethiopian popula- ti on in the area. The buildings are predominantly Chinese-owned and while the merchandise is comparable to Chinese-wholesale, the ten- ants, managers, patrons and associated restaurants, coff ee shops and services are Ethiopian. In these buildings, the public domain in not simply the ground fl oor and street. These buildings contain a verti cal shopping structure. Multi ple levels of retail and recreati on draw the public up through the building. This is an example of the adapti ve reuse of unproducti ve internal spaces for public inclusion and public service, responding to the spe- cifi c requirements of the direct context and populati on. This porti on of Doornfontein is currently a vibrant, bustling urban cen- tre, hindered by its physical surroundings. New developments stand like stars in the fi rmament against the backdrop of layers of worn-out history, the remarkable forms of industry and lifestyle and fusion of nati onaliti es and ethnicity. This is a unique metropolitan African so- ciety. The public is parti cularly visible in this area, due to the permanently- animated streetscape, but save for the pavement and the multi tude of taverns; an obvious public realm is non-existent. The area serves multi ple publics on multi ple levels; the people who work in the retail and commercial sector, the many residents, the people att ending the various training insti tuti ons and the visitors. The area is also a trans- port hub, introducing a constant non-residenti al (oft en foreign) pass- ing public. Not only is it a centralised point on the Bus Rapid Transport (BRT) route, but it is also the terminus for buses arriving from other African countries, such as Zambia and Zaire. This thesis aims to create a public domain that sati sfi es the needs of each of these publics, both separately and concurrently. 38 ?fi eldwork is half research ? searching for something; half experience ? letti ng it fi nd you. Intelligence weaves them to- gether, connecti ng what you found to what you thought you were looking for? (Chu, 1999: 2) ?? ?? ?? ? 5 40 Jane Jacobs states that it is vital to understand the components com- posing the urban structure. Therefore, in order to address the need for public infrastructure, it is necessary to analyse the existi ng public network. Mapping the evident public insti tuti ons of the focus area, illustrates not only the type of amenity in operati on, but also the extent to which they are clustered. This highlights the gaps in public infrastruc- ture. The research produces a series of diagrams. What is evident, is the quanti ty of minor terti ary educati on faciliti es and entertainment venues (all shebeens or taverns) and the complete absence of open or green space, sports arenas, playgrounds, recreati on space and formal religious insti tuti ons. m i c r o m a p intensive mapping of the public infrastructure in the Fashion District, Doornfontein 41 42 analysing the existi ng ameniti es : 43 apparent patt erns and resultant physical and social networks 44 45 The porti on of Doornfontein that borders with City and Suburban (the Fashion District), is in a state of decay. While a few buildings to the south of the region have been renovated for fashion studios or apart- ments, the balance of the area is dilapidated. The building structure and use is, by and large, very similar, yet the area has a visible north- south divide. The confi gurati on of the southern porti on is predomi- nantly small retail on ground fl oor level, with warehousing (or offi ce space converted to storage) on the fl oors above. The arrangement of the northern porti on is primarily small retail (generally fashion-ori- entated) with the upper fl oors being either purpose-built residenti al space or offi ce layouts that have been converted (legally or illegally) into residenti al space. The variety of primary use within the existi ng buildings in the area (housing, retail, educati on) indicates its capabil- ity to generate further diversity at various intensiti es. This makes it an ideal site for testi ng a typology for social programming. The proposed typology is to be adaptable and inspire similar devel- opments as part of regenerati on schemes elsewhere in the city. The focus area for interventi on will comprise a series of city blocks within Doornfontein which will act as a minor ?neighbourhood? supporti ng the network. These sites are chosen using the data gained through mapping and site analysis, ensuring that the combined region incor- porates the conditi ons defi ned by Jane Jacobs. The site investi gati on has shown that the area?s prime functi ons are retail and dense hous- ing, with an additi onal functi on identi fi ed in the multi ple forms of ter- ti ary educati on. The city blocks are short, including only four or fi ve stands per street edge. The diversity in building age is clear and while a few buildings to the south of the district have been redeveloped or newly constructed, the majority within the projected area are older and in varying conditi ons. There is a consistent volume of people in the area due to the working and resident community who require various services and faciliti es. Public amenity aligns itself with the densest populati on. It is therefore fi tti ng that focus be directed towards the northern region of the Fashion District, which includes both residenti al and commercial acti vity. 46 47 t r a n s i t i o n a l z o n e contextual use zones and infl uences on the site 48 The Revised Business Plan for the Inner City Fashion District, as pre- pared by Rory Robertshaw of Issue Urban for the JDA (2002), defi nes the role of the JDA in the development and regenerati on of the Fash- ion District. The document describes the responsibility of the JDA as playing a ?supporti ve/enabling role, pushing delivery to the most appropriate level or insti tuti ons? in order to ?prioriti se the formati on of a Fashion District CID [City Improvement District]? (Robertshaw, Issue Urban, 2002: 2). According to the documentati on, the fundamental elements of the Fashion District Project are to be viability, functi onality and sustain- ability, focussing on social and economic opportuniti es. The JDA?s main objecti ves are to ?facilitate urban management services, allow for public and private sector investment [and] create opportuni- ti es for generati ng revenue?, while the district becomes ever more independent. Other objecti ves are: ?to upgrade infrastructure taking cognisance of urban form; the public/private realm interface; public spaces, open space, markets, a traffi c plan; parking and offl oading needs; and the realisati on of an att racti ve and supporti ve physical environment that uti lises adap- ti ve reuse of buildings in a manner that is sympatheti c to the needs of local users. The design and resoluti on of public spaces will aid in assisti ng more meaningful social amenity for all users in the area? (Robertshaw, Issue Urban, 2002: 4). Within this area, there is virtually no open space. This means that any additi onal spati al requirements must be fulfi lled through media- ti on (both physically and socially) with the existi ng framework. Thus, the most appropriate space for infusion is that which can be defi ned as ?lost space?. In this context, ?lost space? exists around, within and on top of aged structures. The introducti on of public spati al units must be the result of the material negoti ati on between contrasti ng programmes, new and old, public and private. This can be achieved through the adapti ve reuse of a series of existi ng buildings in various states of decay. The architectural infusion and the original structure have a mutualisti c relati onship. The exposure and exchange exists between public and private. The connecti on produced allows the public realm to draw from existi ng services while the private realm gains an eff ecti ve social, economic and functi onal service. The addi- ti on grows into the private domain but maintains a defi ned thresh- old between public and private, old and new. Thus, the site requirements can be defi ned as: _ a group of city blocks determined to be a ?gap? in public infrastructure, containing a multi tude of oppor- tuniti es for physical and social interventi on and a close proximity between the available space and streetscape. These parameters are sati sfi ed by the city block to the north east of the district between Jeppe Street and Kerk Street, Mooi Street and Goud Street. The site is aligned to the BRT route of Claim Street and is to be considered as part of the greater nine city-block region within which it falls. The defi ned area consists of buildings of a vary- ing age and conditi on and the surrounding blocks include several recently renovated residenti al buildings. The overall scale of the built landscape is lesser than that of city centre, as the area is a transiti on- al zone, where the commercial core and lower scale industrial and residenti al periphery meet. Roger Trancik arti culates that ?as urban designers we must work as surgeons or auto mechanics and repair the broken diverse parts of the city rather than trying to manufac- ture a completely new, self-suffi cient, confl ict-free urban machine? (Trancik, 1986: 230). These sites are prime opportuniti es for renewal and diversity for public benefi t in terms of a theoreti cal approach as well as that of the JDA. 49 s i t e [ a b o v e ] aerial photograph of site [ b e l o w ] site demarcati on 50 s i t e a gap in built form a gap in public infrastructure ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ??? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ? 6 52 This thesis proposes an urban public skel- eton culminati ng in a hybridised public amenity network as mediati on with the ex- isti ng built landscape. The typology to be designed as a product of this research is aimed at transforming lost space to producti ve space; blank urban rooms to inclusive, uti lized public arenas. The projected result is a functi oning public territory, and therefore a successful, diverse urban centre and for the development of a typol- ogy which promotes the use of unproducti ve gaps for social program- ming in other parts of the city. The ?lost spaces? of the city represent a lack of spati al, monetary and urban producti vity. These urban voids have an inherent structure. They are ?rooms? with edges, boundaries, conditi ons, monetary val- ue and public signifi cance. The physical thresholds of each space are provided by their material and legal surrounds; buildings, pavements, zoning and air rights and urban frameworks. These spaces represent ferti le ground; currently fallow, but with the potenti al to support growth. The built landscape becomes the site; the existi ng buildings seen as a thickening of the ground. The public network is to have plant-like tendencies. The network is to behave like a vine or creeper which has the capacity to grow, generate its own sustenance, extend limbs, explore surfaces (in search of an opti mum route), mutate, divide, en- velope structures or enclose space, converge, separate and encroach into the existi ng private realm. The plant-like system does not only have a reacti on to that which it discovers, but is reacted to by the site itself. Just like forest conditi ons, the forms beneath the creeper must adapt to survive; the weakest of which will die. The path and structure of the architectural interventi on will have a similar eff ect. The built landscape supporti ng the ?enveloping? network would be altered by the additi on. Most buildings would adapt to it, allowing for a successful mutualisti c relati onship, while others would not survive the new conditi ons and might be dismantled or demolished. The existi ng informal network serves a social functi on. Each enter- prise operates according to the requirements of a parti cular locality but the service is inconsistent and unreliable due to a lack of legal and physical structure and management. The introducti on of a formalised structure aims not to exclude or compete with this network, but to learn from it and expand on its functi onality and exist as an extension to it. The formalised, ?super-sized? typology is to be more constant, effi cient and producti ve in order to create an insti tuti on to ti e the city neighbourhood together. The same principle applies to the existi ng ameniti es. The develop- ment aims at incorporati ng these smaller systems into the larger net- work being formed. The typology is intended to re-think the social insti tuti on and ti e the stand-alone ameniti es together so as to create an inclusive public system. t h e e x p l o r a t i v e n e t w o r k connecti ng programme, distributi ng programme, fi nding lost space, fi lling lost space 53 54 55 the contemporary amenity ????????????????????????????????????? The contemporary answer to the local neighbourhood-need is the service stati on. Existi ng to fulfi l the average need of the average person, this space incorporates programmati c and spati al components in a va- riety of combinati ons, directly related to the context. The ameniti es are hybridised and would be seen as an unusual blend, if they weren?t so common. The service stati on typically incorporates a petrol facil- ity, a shop, a restaurant and restroom faciliti es. Depending on its site, it may also include a picnic area, playground and various speciality shops, such as gift shops, specialised food outlets, mechanic services, car sales, an ATM, a car wash, movie-rentals or markets. These eve- ryday ameniti es are predominantly open 24 hours a day and contain small quanti ti es of a large array of products to sati sfy a diverse public. The project in Doornfontein is to do a similar thing. The amen- ity is to be an insti tuti on, larger than the scat- tered kiosks and stalls, smaller than the all-en- compassing conglomerate or shopping mall. The interventi on is to be comprised of a fusion of functi ons with the adaptability for multi ple uses at a variety of ti mes, the possibility for growth and expansion, the incorporati on of service with recreati on and the recepti on of a multi tude of publics. By harnessing and learning from the existi ng, the informal and a se- ries of case studies, an effi cient, appropriate public realm can be cre- ated where public and private domains are exposed to one another, for mutual profi t. This is aligned to the JDA text, which includes inten- ti ons to develop a ?strong human, well networked, technical, insti tu- ti onal, fi nancial and infrastructure base? for the area as well as a ?new brand identi ty? and ?brand architecture? in a process aligned to the regenerati on occurring in other parts of the inner city (Robertshaw, Issue Urban, 2002: 5). Contemporary integrati on exists on numerous levels of space and use. According to Nan Ellin in A Vulnerable Urbanism, ?the current shift in architecture and urban planning has been from the earlier em- phasis on objects and the separati on of functi ons, to context and pro- grammati c hybridity? (Ellin, 2003: 226). This fusion allows for small enterprises to be successful. The specifi city of each part would fail if it existed alone, but in a cluster, the variety of specialized ameni- ti es makes the whole viable. The units share the site, services and practi caliti es as well as the user base; the more units, the more users. In Integral Urbanism, Ellin quotes William H Whyte?s theory of ?trian- gulati on?, which is the deliberate combinati on of dissimilar (almost contradictory) functi ons for an astonishingly positi ve result. This in- creased acti vity density is eff ecti ve and sustainable due to the reduc- ti on in resources and sprawl. The spati al, management and service requirements are drasti cally reduced, ti me and transport of patrons is reduced and social interacti on and opportuniti es for further devel- opment are greatly increased. This is ?city diversity? on a minor scale. The proposed urban social network existi ng ameniti es are linked at a macro scale, while the hybridity of programme and space within the complex additi on represents linkage at a micro-scale. At an opera- ti onal level, however, the amenity must be visibly connected so as to indicate the presence of a public service network. [ l e f t ] s e r v i c e s t a t i o n s along major transport routes 2009 56 In Johannesburg, the philosophy on competi ng branding and adver- ti sing appears to be ?the bigger and brighter, the bett er?. Inner city buildings are wrapped in adverti sing, rooft ops incorporate almost-in- vasive signage and lighti ng; even transportati on requires a trademark colour and compositi on. The bright red and blue BRT stati ons are all identi cal in form and create a network by their appearance. Kiosks used for phone services or internet cafes perform a public functi on and while their container-shell is constant, their extensive exterior branding gives each its own identi ty. The ?branding? and therefore visual connecti vity in this case, is not to add to the visual noise levels in the city, but rather to incorporate existi ng networks through an urban landscape; the creeper?s ?shoots?, which draw users and connect existi ng enterprises to the composite structure. This connecti ve ti ssue is to both literally and fi gurati vely green and is to make visible the new growth and recycling of compo- nents of neglected city structures. Like growing healing plants in toxic ground, this is urban detoxifi cati on. This green infi ltrati on aims at retaining and harnessing the identi ty and materiality of the urban fabric while drawing the natural aestheti c of Johannesburg, largest man-made forest in the world, into the city. u r b a n d e t o x i f i c a t i o n less patrick blanc, more duisberg park [above] green walls by patrick blanc images: www.google.com/images [below] duisberg park, germany by lutz und partner image: (paredes, 2006: 265) ????????????????????????????? 7 58 The lost spaces in the city are transient spaces, oft en used for brief periods for varying functi ons. It is questi onable therefore, whether the architecture imposed on that site should be of a similarly tran- sient manner, or of a contradictory permanence. In creati ng a spati al network which aims to eff ecti vely ?fi ll the unproducti ve gaps?, what is in demand, is not a mobile soluti on, but rather something constant which extends its positi ve eff ect through the various networks it cul- minates. The design drivers are therefore: a series of primary public functi ons within an adaptable structure (allow- ing for hybridity of programming), which both gains from and returns a service to the existi ng site with which it merges, adverti ses itself, ap- peals to all publics and has both sustainable and green (planted and recycled) components in the fi nal form. In following Jane Jacobs? principle of ?city diversity?, there should be multi plicity, not only in the urban regenerati on sti mulated by the ar- chitectural interventi on, but also in the form itself. For this reason it is vital to study the structure and consti tuents of traditi onal public ameniti es and re-imagine those functi ons for the unique situati on and populati on requirements set by the site in Johannesburg. Within this setti ng, there exists the physical and social tolerance be- tween private and public, street and amenity as well as the social and politi cal division between various publics. Sarah Whiti ng in her essay Going Public, describes the role of the architect, as ?public cross- ing guard: a generator of and mediator among multi ple publics? (Whiti ng, 2008: 190). A civic network allows for social in- teracti on and exchange in the city. The current populati on can be documented through studying the existi ng ameniti es. Apart from the South African people, there is a large Mozambican community in the area (evident in the Mozambican market, bars and restaurants), as well as a Chinese populati on (which appears to be there for the pur- pose of commerce rather than residence) and a large proporti on of people from various African countries such as Ethiopia. ??????????????????? x e n o p h o b i c a t t a c k s s o u t h a f r i c a 2 0 0 9 images courtesy of: 1 . www.abc.net.au 2 . www.i.telegraph.co.uk 3 . htt p:media.monstersandcriti cs.com 1 2 59 The JDA aims to develop social opportuniti es within the district, by involving and representi ng previously excluded groups, such as im- migrants and the marginalised (Robertshaw, Issue Urban, 2002: 5). In The Spaces of Democracy, Richard Sennett describes Aristotle?s belief that ?the awareness of diff erence occurs only in citi es, since the very city is formed by synoikismos, a drawing together of diff er- ent families and tribes of competi ng economic interests, of nati ves with foreigners? (Sennett , 1998: 19). The amenity network must be suitable for all publics in programme, as well as spati al organisati on. This exchange between such diverse communiti es, allows for social diversity and complexity, which tends towards the noti on of the ?city neighbourhood?. In the book Cosmopolis II: Mongrel Citi es in the 21st Century, Leo- nie Sandercock states that with Integrati ng Immigrants, ?the problem of co-existi ng in the shared spaces of citi es of diff erence?, is solved through the contemporary noti on of ?cosmopolis: citi es in which there is acceptance of, connecti on with, and respect and space for the stranger? (Sandercock, 2003:127). The result is what Sandercock terms a ?hybrid culture?. 3 South Africa is known for the fusion of its inhabitants. As more le- gal and illegal immigrants relocate into the country (and parti cularly Johannesburg), divisions of the local populati on become increasingly unsett led. This is not what Sandercock terms ?urban fear?; but rather, xenophobia. The multi plicati on of an already large populati on with enormous housing and employment shortages causes the local to re- sent the internati onal. The climax of this confl ict occurred in 2008, when highly-publicised xenophobic att acks and riots caused huge disrupti on in the country and forced the immigrant populati on into hiding. The architectural soluti on for integrati ng immigrants is through what Sandercock calls ?place-identi fi cati on? and belonging. People from dif- ferent cultural and spati al backgrounds require a sense of community when redefi ning their positi on within a new context. Thus, spati ally, socially and programmati cally, architecture must support this public. The result is the classifi cati on of the designer as mediator. Sandercock conveys Richard Sennett ?s ideas of ?togetherness in diff erence? explor- ing the noti on of ?living together not simply in tolerant indiff erence to each other but in acti ve engagement? (Sandercock, 2003: 87) 60 In his Citi chat arti cle (of 15/03/2010), ti tled Reconsidering Bad Build- ings, Neil Fraser says, it is the neglected, decaying buildings that hinder the development of the Fashion District (Citi chat: 15/03/2010). The defi ned site contains a fusion of an old and dilapidated building, two open and neglected parking lots, an old, hybridised building, a newly renovated residenti al building and a building recently converted from the African Diamond Company, to a residenti al block. The degraded buildings on this site are therefore opti mum as ?hosts? for a new ar- chitectural additi on between which a mutualisti c relati onship can de- velop. In biological terms, ?mutualism occurs when both members of a pair of species benefi t from their interacti ons, usually by avoiding nega- ti ve interacti ons with other species? (Hickman, Roberts, Keen, Larson, I?Anson, Eisenhour, 2008: 826). The existi ng buildings tend towards that which the appendage requires; a form as site, a physical struc- ture, existi ng arti culati on of services, existence within a vibrant loca- ti on, adjacency with multi ple transport nodes and prominent street edges. Similarly, the additi on is precisely that which the original build- ings and context necessitate, a channel with which to engage social and economic acti vity, as well as physical renewal, imperati ve to their survival. The adaptati on of an original building, is to give the degraded worth in contemporary society. Jane Jacobs endorses the noti on of using old buildings for these small ?infusions?. She claims that ?old ideas can someti mes use new buildings; new ideas must use old buildings? (Jacobs, 1961: 188). This is because the costs related to constructi ng, buying or renti ng new premises are exceedingly high, thus without adding large profi t margins to merchandise or services (making them unsuitable to the community), small enterprises can- not aff ord to use new buildings. Jacobs goes on to explain that it is the evidence of ?ingenious adaptati ons of old quarters to new uses? that prove that ?city districts have vitality and are responsive to human needs? (Jacobs, 1961: 194). ???????????????????????????? Adapti ve reuse brings to light the debate on the extent to which the existi ng is retained or destroyed. This thesis suggests that the original is seen as the site; a collecti on of disused buildings to be uti lised as resource rather than monument. The process of recycling, takes these edifi ces from anonymity, to branded, included, acti ve spaces. The proposed system of public ameniti es is to not only adapt and recy- cle existi ng structures, but also to be adaptable in its individual spac- es, in terms of structure and variety of programme. The small amenity must be adaptable in order to survive. According to Jane Jacobs, to keep overheads low is to allow for small enterprises to exist and be successful. To allow for small diverse enterprises within a small, dy- namic, vibrant area is to allow for district success (Jacobs, 1961: 188). A series of functi oning primary uses, made economically successful by a constant presence of passing public, create what Jacobs terms as ?a ferti le environment for secondary diversity? (Jacobs, 1961: 162). Secondary uses are those that grow in response to the presence of the thriving primary use. The anchors allow for these smaller, more specialised conveniences to develop, which in turn draw more users to the area. In Doornfontein, while the primary uses are retail, whole- sale and educati on, opportuniti es exist to serve and employ residents and visitors, secondary ameniti es are required to fulfi l the needs of these people to ensure that the area is self-suffi cient and the popula- ti on does not have to leave the district to seek supplementary serv- ices. The mutualisti c additi on is to provide public faciliti es and an architectural catalyst for public life. 61 Roger Trancik arti culates that ?in any redesign of urban space, the confl ict between public good and private gain must be re- solved? (Trancik, 1986: 17). 62 ????????????????????????????????? Kaarin Taipale, in her essay Citi zen or Shareholder, states that ?the city is not only about buildings, but about the space in-between. Streets, parks and squares will remain the core of public space, but a two-fold shift has already occurred: from horse carriages to virtual mobility, and from a purely public space to a fuzzy mix of public and private domains. We?ll have to learn to read the complexity of it in all of its power-driven manifestati ons? (Taipale, 2008: 147). In order to create a transiti onal architecture in the ?fuzzy mix? between these seeming- ly opposing sectors requires the understanding of each, individually. The private and public enti ti es too, have a mutualisti c relati onship. Ali Madanipour in his book, Public and Private Spaces of the City, states that, as humans, it is the natural and public infl uence that shapes our understanding of our own private realm. He claims that ?rather than a pure, disconnected and disembodied private sphere, human subjec- ti vity is located at the intersecti on of biological and social forces and is constantly changing them and being shaped by them. The inner private space of the body and the public space of the world are, there- fore, interpenetrati ng and interdependent? (Madanipour, 2003: 229). It is the exposure and exchange between people that shapes individ- ual identi ty. In Public Places and Spaces, Michael Brill states that the historical intrusion of public into private is via the public media. He claims that informati on, representi ng the public, has always fi ltered into the private zone. Whereas historically the separati on between the two has been absolute, there is a shift in modern society where the private chooses to combine their own domain with the public. This is seen in the various ?home-based? businesses and services, such as offi ces or childcare (Brill, 1989: 20). While the private sector in this context must retain solid thresholds, due to the need for privacy and security, the benefi cial interface with the public, allows the hybrid to be viable. Territorialism is a primal yearning; people feel the need to protect their space and feel safe within that which is designated to them. Thus, in the mediati on between the existi ng private and added public, it is imperati ve that a membrane or threshold is maintained between the two. Madanipour states that ?representati on and exchange are closely connected with the material conditi ons in which they take place? (Madanipour, 2003: 235). It is therefore necessary to construct the public arena so that it promotes this interacti on through spati al experience. In reality the responsibility of the development falls to one of the two sectors. In this proposal, it is the public which is encroaching into the private domain, indicati ng that it is the public component which adjusts to private right. Ulti mately the social and physical tolerances are re- solved in the formal product. p h y s i c a l m e d i a t i o n b e t w e e n p u b l i c a n d p r i v a t e 63 64 ????????????????? A model for the eff ecti ve urban public domain is Melbourne, Aus- tralia. Here, what is created is not simply public space; it is a further development from public space. An available public (or private) area is used as a site. Public squares, laneways, rooft ops and pavements are not left as surfaces that belong to the community, they are used as sites for physical additi ons that not only practi cally benefi t the user, but draw more users to that space. Public squares gain large public artworks which exist as semi-permanent seati ng while creat- ing an amphitheatre; laneways are used as free, accessible gallery or performance spaces; pavements must include seati ng, shade, bi- cycle racks and performance space and rooft ops are inhabited with bars, movie theatres, gyms, swimming pools, tennis courts, gardens or cr?ches. Each space is conceived beyond the simplicity of public space and into the realm of public amenity. The public intersecti on with the private appears seamless, without ei- ther losing its integrity. Melbourne?s public additi ons to private build- ings, illustrate the viability and popularity of such developments, due to the fact that each space gains an appropriate functi on and an as- sociated economic yield of varying measure. Johannesburg has the potenti al to imitate Melbourne. Melbourne has a series of offi cial development and sustainability manuscripts which govern the current and future maintenance and improvement in the city. The Melbourne Development Strategy 2030 is such a document. The strategy includes guidelines for expansion and populati on growth, sustainability frameworks, the future inhabitants, possible future lifestyle requirements, and how all these elements correspond to the current and future planning and structure of the city. A major objec- ti ve is to create ?a more compact city?. The strategy is to densify and opti mise existi ng locati ons in order to make the regions more effi cient and ?liveable? for their residents or users. The document states that as the populati on increases, the opti misati on of these areas becomes more crucial in order to maintain the socially-orientated system (Vic- toria Department of Infrastructure, 2002: 36). 1 2 5 6 9 10 65 m e l b o u r n e _ as case study public spaces, public ameniti es and parasiti c / mutualisti c architecture 1 : new yellow steel bridge with- in original bridge structure. 2 : indoor and outdoor swimming pool on the roof of an offi ce block 3 : Kids On Colins creche on a rooft op in the city centre 4 : outdoor public movie thea- tre on the roof of Clarence House 5 : public art in a public square used as seati ng for lunch breaks 6 : public bar on the roof of Clarence House 7 : private roof garden in the city 8 : tennis court on the roof of an apartment block 9 : new additi on to an exist- ing building incorporati ng the dis- tance between new and old facades 10: new balconies added to an exist- ing structure - designed so as not to cut into the original facade but to remain separated through contrasti ng materiality 11: mutualism : new addi- ti on on top of existi ng building 12: landscaping on the roof of an offi ce building 3 4 7 8 11 12 66 The city of Melbourne is also a successful prototype for adapti ve re- use. The city council created a policy, whereby additi ons to heritage buildings have to comply with a series of precise regulati ons. The ra- ti onale is to ensure that new additi ons do not detract from the origi- nal in any way. This is achieved by several methods, including the im- positi on of a consistent distance between the facade of the primary structure and that of the additi on. The result is that new component resembles a completely separate building in the background. The Clarence House building in Melbourne?s city centre is an assem- bly of varying functi ons much the same as Starrett and Van Vleck?s Downtown Athleti c Club in New York (Koolhaas, 1994: 153). Although on a smaller scale and dissimilar programming, the building draws the public upwards through a series of semi-public spaces, each with its own experience and functi on. Various commercial opportuniti es that encourage either fl eeti ng exposure or quiet browsing, step upwards towards spaces of relaxati on, entertainment and even educati on. This is verti cal recreati on. Although privately owned and developed, the building is predominantly used by the public. In the book Public Places and Spaces, Michael Brill describes the ne- goti ati on between public and private, quite unconventi onally. He sug- gests that it is the private sector that should control the constructi on and management of its buildings so as not to interfere with ?public good? (Brill, 1989: 20). By encouraging mutualism between public additi ons and the existi ng ?host? buildings, both structures and popu- lati ons benefi t. The amenity serves the public, while the private sec- tor reaps the economic benefi ts. The infusion into and on top of the building does not preserve its ?host? and can therefore create its own programmati c and circulati on systems and, in fact, its own structure, inside the original. The popularity and proliferati on of Melbourne?s urban social and spati al interventi ons exist as proof of the effi ciency of these strategies. Their success confi rms that similar networks and spaces in South Africa could operate as eff ecti vely, thereby creati ng the appropriate public realm required. 67 Rem Koolhaas arti culates that ?In the Downtown Athleti c Club each ?plan? is an abstract compositi on of acti viti es that describes, on each of the syntheti c platf orms, a diff erent ?performance? that is only a fragment of the larger spectacle that is the Metropolis? (Koolhaas, 1994: 157). The built form of the Downtown Athleti c Club represents that which exists around it in a diminuti ve scale. The architecture is created for people and must refl ect their ordinary lifestyle. The archi- tecture of the urban community centre is to be similar; the structure is representati ve of the direct context. The programme is specifi c to the need produced by the users? presence, the space is moulded out of that need and the form is to att ract response from that user. While the form meshes itself with an existi ng built landscape, the structure embodies that which the user requires. Koolhaas states, ?such an ar- chitecture is an aleatory form of ?planning? life itself: in the fantasti c juxtapositi on of its acti viti es, each of the Club?s fl oors is a separate instalment of an infi nitely unpredictable intrigue that extols the com- plete surrender to the defi niti ve instability of life in the Metropolis? (Koolhaas, 1994: 157). While this hybrid network is built on idealism, the form of the public-convenience facility in the South African city is built on realism; the basic, everyday necessity. The architectural product is designed for the public, by the public. The human possesses human-qualiti es because of other humans; similarly, built form exists because it is required, designed, produced and used by humans. In the book Camoufl age, Neil Leach expresses that ?we human beings are governed by a chameleon-like urge to blend with our surroundings ? to ?camoufl age? ourselves within our environment. We need to feel at home to fi nd our place in the world? (Leach, 2006: 9). Spaces for public use must ulti mately be democrati c in their design and experience. They should refl ect, accommodate and provide for the human. ????????????????? [ opposite ] c l a r e n c e h o u s e, m e l b o u r n e a study of the infusion of the public into the private realm within an original building in the city of melbourne. 2009 68 t h e c o m p l e x n e t w o r k the hybrid , adaptable public form (cover of architect magazine, Jan 2010) ?? ?? ?? ? 8 70 The public facility proposed in this thesis aims to reverse regional decay and relieve the pressure on the existi ng public services by developing an adaptable structure which transforms unproducti ve spaces into a hy- bridised social insti tuti on. The infusions are to be designed as a collecti ve; adding a cur- rently-missing layer to a focus area in order to create a producti ve urban neighbour- hood. The urban community centre aims to link all existi ng ameniti es to the new addi- ti on, so as not to create competi ti on with the original systems, but rather to incorpo- rate them into an all-inclusive public infra- structure. e x i s t i n g f o r m : s i t e a n a l y s i s The proposed site comprises a mixture of old and new buildings, avail- able space and available air rights. The ?base? site is comprised of two adjacent parking lots, one associated with the warehouse behind it (no longer in use) and the other aligned to a bus company, Trans Af- rica, operati ng from the ground fl oor of the adjoining building. This building stretches from Jeppe Street to Kerk Street and was originally designed with a simple three-storey structure, allowing for a fl exible interior. This means that the building has been conti nually hybridised; once containing a butchery, hair salon and offi ces and currently in- cluding the bus company on the ground fl oor, an educati on facility, Pride Learning Academy, on the fi rst fl oor and a church facility on the second fl oor. The building has a fl at roof and includes a basement with a delivery lane which extends from Jeppe to Kerk under the building. This building relates to the existi ng multi plicity that Jane Jacobs refers to and is to be a ?host? for mutualisti c mediati on by the new form. The warehouse sti ll supports its original structure and roof. The at- tracti ve original features such as the roof lights could be retained while incorporati ng the structure into the greater infusion. The remaining four buildings on the site are considered to be ?stable?. These are buildings which are obviously successful private ventures which give the block fi scal and structural security and can ?support? the proposed additi on by their presence. These include a security company, two residenti al buildings (one of which has been recently renovated) with small retail outlets at ground fl oor level and the Af- rican Diamond Company building, newly converted to a residenti al block. s i t e 71 72 n o r t h o f s i t e [ r i g h t ] n o r t h e l e v a t i o n [ r i g h t ] s i t e a n a l y s i s 73 74 s o u t h o f s i t e [ a b o v e ] s o u t h e l e v a t i o n [ b e l o w ] 75 e a s t o f s i t e [ a b o v e ] e a s t e l e v a t i o n [ b e l o w ] 76 w e s t o f s i t e [ a b o v e ] n o r t h w e s t e l e v a t i o n [ r i g h t ] 77 78 g r o u n d f l o o r 79 u s e m a p p i n g a study of all uses on the site and making up the direct context The dominant use within the sur- rounding blocks is evidently residen- ti al. This consists of mainly newly de- veloped or renovated residenti al units. f i r s t f l o o r s e c o n d f l o o r a n d a b o v e 80 e x i s t i n g n e t w o r k s The nine blocks within which this site falls, form its direct context and the urban fabric within which the extents of the network?s ?shoots? will explore. The surrounding blocks contain a similar fusion of old and new buildings and a variety of use and structure. The many new residenti al buildings, along with the variety of small ameniti es op- erati ng from these blocks, exist as both social and service networks which are to be drawn into the complex infusion proposed. A series of existi ng networks are linked to site and surrounding edg- es. The BRT stati on to the west of the site is responsible for drawing and depositi ng a large number of people into the vicinity. The Trans Africa Bus Company and the Inter Cape and CR Holdings Companies (opposite the southern edge of the block) are the pick-up and drop- off points for ?luxury coaches? from other African nati ons. There is no infrastructure associated with this functi on. The only structure is an offi ce and an empty parking lot off Jeppe Street (on the site) and a basic shed space on Kerk Street. Passengers waiti ng for their bus sit on their luggage on the pavement, while the bus navigates its way through the miniscule gate to the parking lot. Concurrently, trolley-pushers (gathering cardboard) assemble on the corner of the same pavement with their trolleys, where they load their collecti ons into small trucks going to the depot. This informal system is an important network to be taken into considerati on as, for these people, this exchange is how they earn an income. The block to the north of the site and the corner of the eastern block contain taverns. These spaces are populated day and night and are therefore the base of a minor social network. The ameniti es in the immediate context include several hair salons, cellphone shops, laundries and an internati onal freight company. The latt er performs a vital functi on in the lives of the resident im- migrants, giving them the opportunity to send goods home to their families. The site of this project exists in transiti onal zone between the Fash- ion District, the residenti al districts of Hillbrow and Joubert Park to the north, the industrial areas to the south and east and the com- mercial centre to the west. These are all networks which will both feed and need to be fed by the proposed architectural interventi on. g r e a t e r u r b a n l i n k s major infl uences on the site, populati on present and existi ng networks 81 82 m o v e m e n t | t r a f f i c a study of public movement intensiti es through the focus area 83 84 u s e r m a p p i n g the diversity and density of public in the area and the ?pooling? and patt erns associated with various spaces, ameniti es and functi ons. m u l t i 85 p l e p u b l i c s 86 87 p r o p o s e d f o r m : complex urban community centre The network refl ects the plant in its performance (the negoti ati on with an opti mum host) and appearance (the visual and experienti al planted and recycled compositi on); bringing the forest into the city both theoreti cally and literally. The green ?branding? of the infusion connects each existi ng amenity, transport, social, ethnic and religious network to the complex public structure and exists as a visual promo- ti on of the new, all- inclusive public-system. Just as the iconic colour and form of BRT stati ons and service stati ons inform the public of their functi on, so the introducti on of a rare green layer will act as an icon of urban growth. The interventi on is ulti mately a fusion of basic public services, be it daily tasks, educati on, recreati on or religion. The facility seeks to become a series of subsidised enterprises of social programming, hybridised with a recreati onal component designed to promote social interacti on. The formal design is to rethink the social insti tuti on in order to create a site-specifi c, needs-based facility which relates to a multi tude of publics and the unique identi ty of the locati on. The interventi on must not only refl ect the populati on, but also the surrounding landscape. Trancik explains that ?people?s image of and reacti on to a space is largely determined by the way it is enclosed? (Trancik, 1986: 18). These structures are to exist between, inside, around or on the rooft ops of primary structures. The unique form, hybridity of pro- gramme and aestheti c of the additi on will adverti se its presence and encourage interest and parti cipati on from the public. The design is to be related to the way people currently understand and uti lise public space in order for the populati on to identi fy with the interventi on. Currently, the only public space is that of the street and pavement. For this reason, the noti on of street is to be carried through the structure, aestheti c and distributi on of programme with- in the facility. As lost space (although plenti ful) is comprised of small ?in-between? urban rooms, opportuniti es for lateral development are minimal. The architectural infusion is therefore forced to become verti cal, retaining as much of the ground fl oor as open pubic space, while stacking functi ons according to physical constraints, importance (higher patronage near to the ground fl oor), security thresholds, tol- erances, light, sound and programmati c implicati ons. The plant-like search for space allows the road-like network to coil on itself as it grows upwards and to branch outwards into the internal void of exist- ing buildings, to hang over smaller structures and to encroach onto rooft ops. g r e e n l i n k s the existi ng green lung and [left ] the ?oasis? of End Street Park 2010 88 ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ? 9 90 Jane Jacobs states that ?the infusion of a new potenti al use is to have a practi cal idea of what the infusion must ac- complish if it is to overcome the district?s root trouble? (Jacobs, 1961: 157). The ?root trouble? in this porti on of Doornfon- tein, is the lack of public territory. The mapping demonstrates the amenity density-patt erns of the surrounding areas compared to the chosen sites. The site is opti mum due to the quanti ty of people drawn to the area and the complete lack of public environment to support them. The conti nuous presence of people is due to the numerous buildings on and around the block having been recently converted from commercial to residenti al, the conti nual infl ux of people into the area by BRT bus, the arrival of immigrants by private bus companies and the locati on of exchange for the trolley-pushers. The diagrams produced by the mapping demonstrate a severe lack of formal religious spaces, open or green spaces, cr?ches, playgrounds, family entertainment spaces and exercise faciliti es. [ Children play on pavements and in pas- sages, washing hangs out of windows, religious ceremonies are required to take place beyond the city perimeter, mothers are forced to take their babies to work with them; the city of Johannesburg, the world?s largest man-made forest, is not green. ] This thesis looks to the existi ng amenity networks and patt erns in Doornfontein in order to establish that which is lacking and to learn from the way faciliti es operate successfully and where they fail to be effi cient. When addressing the services that are absent in an area, it is vital to determine whether they are missing and if there is a need for them, or if they are missing because there is no need for them. The programme is defi ned through this analysis of the existi ng ameniti es. A social facility which exists in the area (but is not functi onal), is evi- dently in need, and is therefore an appropriate subject of study and redesign. The new additi on, however, is not aimed at eliminati ng or competi ng with the original enterprises. The proposed network is aimed at linking the public infrastructure which exists but is not suffi cient or eff ecti ve, to the design interven- ti on in order to generate a complex system of social services within a concentrated area. The research into Doornfontein has defi ned the ameniti es which are required. Some faciliti es, such as cr?ches and exercise faciliti es, exist (showing that they are needed) but are ineff ecti ve or insuffi cient for public use due to their size, locati on or conditi on. The two cr?ches in the area operate in run-down buildings, within small spaces with covered windows and no open-air play-spaces. The only gym space is male-orientated and only provides boxing. There are laundries in the area but balconies and rooft ops are the only drying areas. Other public services are required for healthy living and producti ve urban neighbourhoods are simply absent, such as green space, libraries, rec- reati onal space suitable for all ages, playgrounds, religious space or a ?town hall?. It is therefore appropriate that these services be introduced in a for- malised structure so as to create a functi oning, diverse urban centre. In order to make these spaces fi nancially, spati ally and socially viable, the additi on is to incorporate a hybrid of programme and adaptability of structure. Hybridity is evident in the direct context and in the build- ings within the block. 91 e x i s t i n g c r e c h e Polly Street, Doornfontein, 2010. A fi rst fl oor creche, situated above a bar and identi fi ed only by its painted windows. 92 c i t y s e r p r o g r a m m a t i c c a p s u l e s Defi ning elements of everyday public service. 93 The urban community centre is to be identi fi ed as the city service stati on. It is to be comprised of a verti cal layering and juxtapositi on of service and social spaces. The programmati c components are to be distributed along a verti cal ?route?. These are defi ned simply as a cr?che, library, religious space, exer- cise facility, park, family entertain- ment venue and a multi -faceted ter- minus and citi zens? advice bureau. These traditi onal typologies are to be tested and redefi ned in order for the product to refl ect both the populati on and physical context. Within each type, lies the possibility for hybridity of use according to ti me or planning. The ?cr?che? is seen as a care and educati on facility. A process of ti me rental allows for a morphing programme; the space is a cr?che connected to a space which is a kindergarten in the morning, home- work facility is the aft ernoon and library and study area at night. The result is three programmes, three sectors of the public; hybridity within a single space. The ?exercise facility? also requires redefi niti on for validity in this context. While typical fi tness centres may not draw the public, creat- ing opportuniti es for boxing, dance and marti al arts, allows various ages, ethnicity and cultures to parti cipate within a single space. The structure of this space is to be fl exible in order to adapt to these dif- ferent functi ons and can therefore be used as gathering, exhibiti on or social space at various ti mes. The lack of evident religious space in Doornfontein illustrates that an interventi on could be multi denominati onal and multi -use. A ?hall? in its basic form, it invites performances, religious ceremonies, com- munity meeti ngs and funeral services. The existi ng church facility on the site has potenti al to be adapted and formalised for this purpose. The multi ple arrivals into the area (migrant or immigrant), require an introducti on to the area, the country or community. This public build- ing has the potenti al to gather the public and encourage interacti on and an exchange of informati on. Programmati c components compose patt erns such that the manipu- lati on of representati ve graphics can inform degrees of physical inter- secti on or separati on. Faciliti es require similar internal services, such as access, wet services, outdoor space or dining faciliti es. These pro- grammes have the potenti al to become common between ameniti es, thereby reducing cost and increasing hybridisati on. Re-thinking the insti tuti on involves re-designing the architectural type, the programme and the way people relate to it. v i c e s t a t i o n 94 ??????????????????? 10 96 The typological product has infi nite possibiliti es in terms of diff u- sion or invasion and hybridity. The design is centred between the uncontained creeper-like behaviour of the evolving network, and the grounding of reality and context. The negoti ati on results in entry points, like chimneys, which draw users upwards out of the bustling streets; planti ng which oozes over the edges of buildings, telling the passing public that recreati on is nearby; the sound of children playing as a call to others to join the game; the chime of the ti me-out, intro- ducing the next boxer to the ring or the sound of psalms being sung from above, drawing the religious closer to their God. The project above the streetscape is not a park on a roof, but rather a composite of community opportuniti es fi lling the uncoordinated void. Ulti mately, the architectural interventi on is that which Marc Ange- lil and Anna Klingmann defi ne as, a ?hybrid morphology [that] un- folds from a system of relati ons between diff erent, someti mes con- tradictory forces, no longer as an absolute but in reference to other structures? (Ellin, 2006, 20). The city includes a variety of spaces, programmes and voids. The functi ons within the built form draw a diverse public; the public produces a need; the need requires minor- enterprise; enterprise necessitates place; place requires space; voids denote available space; space demands structure, access, identi ty and a connecti on to other space. A network is formed; the network draws users; the space serves the user. The product is the complex network of public ameniti es fi lling ?lost space?, within a single city block in the transiti onal land-use zone of the inner city of Johannesburg. Raoul Bunschoten states that ?a city expresses the acti ons of individuals and collecti ves in an environment organised by rules. It refl ects the needs of individuals and collecti ves. It orchestrates scenarios for living collecti vely. It exists as an expression of, and a backdrop to, the physical encounters that remain so important in our lives, despite the technical advances in communica- ti ons? (Bunschoten, 1998: 7). In Doornfontein, the rules are the urban skeleton; the needs, the amenity; the encounters, the network; the expression, the architec- ture. 97 98 ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ????????????????????? 11 100 c i t y s e r v i c e s t a t i o n [ u r b a n ] [ a m e n i t y ] [ t e r m i n u s ] d e f i n i n g h o w t h e b u i l d i n g i s t o p e r f o r m The purpose of the city service stati on is essenti ally to uti lise unpro- ducti ve urban rooms as a site and to create an all-inclusive, democrati c structure which incorporates and culminates existi ng and new networks. At its essence, the building is about social and architectural exposure and exchange. 101 102 103 ?In the city, the geography of human acts are landscape. Operati ons involve layering, revitalising, infi lling, marking, carving.? (Saitowitz in Bell, 1996: 21) 104 105 106 107 p r o g r a m m a t i c l i n k s Noti ng the primary programmes, it is pos- sible to fi nd possible programmati c links and opportuniti es for unusual hybrids. The architectural product can be divided into three parts. a t h e t e r m i n u s : receiving and dispatching dedicated busses and en- closing all bureaucrati c elements of bus-travel. b t h e l o n g b u i l d i n g t o t h e e a s t: the most structured building is to contain the most structured pro- gramme. This building has the capacity to be completely closed at night. This is therefore the most appropriate locati on for programme requiring formality, access control, security and specifi c ti me rental. For this reason: _ the ground fl oor of the building is to contain basic public servic- es (private enterprises, only operati ng during the day and requiring direct access and thoroughfare), as well as to incorporate the infor- mal sector in fl exible stall spaces which can be locked up at night. _ the fi rst fl oor is to contain a clinic and counselling centre. _ the second fl oor is to contain the redevelopment of the programme retained from the existi ng hybrid building, the cr?che and the church offi ce. The cr?che is designed to include larger faciliti es and incor- porate a kindergarten. The church offi ce is to have its own access. _ the roof of the neighbouring building to the east is to be uti lised as a green space, playground and food garden for the children in the kindergarten. As the second fl oor and neighbouring roof levels meet at this point, the children are able to uti lise the space while be- ing totally separate from the general public and public green space. _ the roof of the building is to incorporate a new amphitheatre structure with stage and extended decking. This creates a fl exible public gather- ing space and can be used for religious meeti ngs, community meeti ngs, performances and social events. The decked surface allows for a larger performance space, an expanding audience or a form of exercise class. c t h e o p e n s i t e : is to be uti lised for the most unstructured programme. Here, the fragmented layout allows for a verti cally-stacked hybrid. The weaving circulati on intertwines the three structures together and gains programme within itself. 108 ????????????????????????? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ? c l i n i c - Recepti on = 3 x 3 = 9m? - Staff room / kitchen = 3 x 3 = 9 m? - Cleaners storeroom = 2 x 1 = 2 m? - 1 pati ent wc = 1.2 x 3 = 3.6 m? - 1 staff wc = 1.2 x 3 = 3.6 m? - Storeroom = 3 x 2 = 6 m? - Min 3 doctors rooms = 3(3 x 5) = 45 m? - Physiotherapy = 3 x 4 = 12 m? - Counselling = 3 x 4 = 12 m? - Room with beds = 6 x 3 = 18 m? T o t a l = 210 m? c r e c h e - 2 ? 3 m? per child - 6 ? 8 children per group - 2 groups = 2(8 x 3) m? = 48 m? - Cupboards, etc = 4 m? T o t a l = 52 m? k i n d e r g a r t e n - 1.5 ? 3 m? per child - 25 ? 30 per group - 2 groups = 2(30 x 3) = 180 m? - Cupboards, etc = 4 m? T o t a l = 184 m? a f t e r s c h o o l - 1.5 ? 4 m? per child - 25 ? 30 per group - 1 group = 30 x 4 = 120 m? - Cupboards, etc = 8 m? T o t a l = 128 m? l i b r a r y - Recepti on = 3 x 2 = 6 m? - Book shelves = 20(1. 5 x 4) = 120 m? - Storeroom = 4 x 3 = 12 m? - Lounge area = 4 x 8 = 32 m? - Work area (tables) = 4 x 10 = 40 m? - Media = 10 x 10 = 100 m? T o t a l = 310 m? 109 e x p l o r i n g t h r e s h o l d investi gati on into height variati ons for se- curity, privacy and access thresholds t i m e r e n t a l investi gati on into verti cal layering of day- ti me programme and the incremental closure progression from the top fl oor to the ground fl oor. The open site and terminus are to re- main open 24 hours a day. b r e a k i n g t h e m o u l d investi gati on into the departure from the verti - cally-stacked city tower by shift ing fl oor plates and volumes, thereby allowing for infi ltrati on into and over the existi ng built landscape. 110 p a r a s i t i c a r c h i t e c t u r e Las Palmas Parasite, Rott erdam _ Kortenie Stuhlmacher Architecten (image:architecture.myninjaplease.com) m u t u a l i s m A study of the physical manifestati on of mutualism between ?parasite? and ?host?. The mutually benefi cial relati onship is to be physical, fi nan- cial, social and programmati c. The two structurally-simplisti c existi ng buildings allow for the material infi ltrati on to occur. The formality and minimalism of the original forms, allows the new infusion to express itself as a unique enti ty and become an icon of urban regenerati on and social possibility. 111 112 ???????????????????? 113 ????????????????????????????????? Testi ng the degree to which the mutualisti c addi- ti on infi ltrates into the existi ng built landscape. The four buildings forming the eastern porti on of the block are determined to be ?stable?; adding positi ve fi nancial, pro- grammati c, social and structural stability to the city block. For this reason, this porti on of the block is to remain untouched, while the existi ng structures to the west, are to be uti lised in the The building to the East of the vacant site (which extends from Jeppe Street to Kerk Street) is an existi ng hybrid, containing a reli- gious space, a badly organised cr?che, a take-away restaurant, a small cellphone shop and a bus company. This hybrid can be seen as unproducti ve, as the spaces are ineffi ciently organised and the building is inaccessible to the general public. The formalised con- crete-framed structure is to be (for the most part) kept intact and uti lised as a ?host?. Any alterati ons are to be the rearrangement of internal non-load bearing walls and a few simple punctures into the skin, allowing the two structures to merge into one another. The abandoned warehouse is to be incorporated into the develop- ment as it is seen (by the local community) to be a negati ve situa- ti on which is claimed to be connected with illegal transacti ons. The structure possesses the style and form reminiscent of early transport buildings in Johannesburg. The roof lights are similar to those on the original park stati on building and Museum Afri- ca (the original city market). For this reason, the structure is to be largely retained. Ensuring that the roof is untouched will preserve the building?s link to Johannesburg?s historical transport aestheti c. 114 s e r v i c e s t a t i o n t o c i t y s e r v i c e s t a t i o n ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ? ????????????????????? 12 116 a : openness b : internal street c : service d : public : private e : multi ple publics ????????????????????????????????????????????? 117 f : exposure + exchange g : day vs night h : urban detoxifi cati on i : internal views 118 j : verti cality k : translucency and openness l : framed views from street / courtyard m : natural lighti ng 119 n : ti me rental o : interacti ve architecture p : structured vs unstructured programme 120 vvt h e c r e e p e r The analogy of the creeper is conti nued in the design of the build- ing in terms of structure and layout of programme. The concept of plant-like explorati on, expansion, multi plicati on and diversion, can exist in both the physical development of the building (?exploring? the built landscape) and in the experienti al progression of the user. The slow, undulati ng circulati on routes through the new structure are aimed at heightening the users? personal, physical interacti on with the building, as well as to allow the structure to ?grow? upwards, gain- ing volume and skin; wrapping around itself to form envelope and diminishing to ooze into existi ng volumes. The creeper becomes tangible in its progression from ramp, to balus- trade, to wall, to envelope, to roof and then its reducti on to screen and internal wall and juncti on with the existi ng. ?????????????????????? 121 122 [ from ramp, to balustrade, to wall, to envelope, to roof . . . ] d e v e l o p i n g c r e e p e r an explorati on into the physical manifesta- ti ons of the mutualisti c creeper and its in- teracti on with both old and new structures. 123 124 ????????????????????????????????????????? 1 2 3 125 54 4 1 c o o p e r s q u a r e the new academic build- ing for the cooper union _ Thom Mayne of Morphosis images 1 - 4 : roland halbe for www.dezeen.com 5 : secti on through circulati on core w w w . a r c s p a c e . c o m t h e c h e m i c a l b r o t h e r s g e t y o u r s e l f h i g h 126 ????????????????? m e r g i n g n e w w i t h o l d Dancing House, Prague _ Frank Gehry (images: google images) 127 t y i n g t h e n e w i n t o t h e e x i s t i n g f a b r i c The existi ng buildings consist of two concrete-framed build- ings, each with a regular column grid, predominantly to the edges of each form. This produces free internal spaces which allow for fl exible division according to the specifi c programme. he new structure is to appear as a product of the two exist- ing buildings; allowing both new and old to have a physical eff ect on each other. For this reason, the prominent grid lines from each original structure are merged and conti nued onto the new site. This allows the organizati on of each building to be read in the respecti ve street elevati ons, where old and new meet. As the new structure regresses from the existi ng, the grid be- gins to fragment and deconstruct. This disintegrati on is to re- late to the fragmented form of the BRT stati on to the west of the site. 128 ????????????????????????????????????? 1 2 4 129 i n f u s i o n i n t o t h e e x i s t i n g A study of the transformati on of the ground plane generated by the mutualisti c addi- ti on. The cuts into the existi ng structure re- late to the access and circulati on routes of the development. The openings allow all three structures to blend into one another to for one homogenous form and experience. 1 : the existi ng fl oor plans for the two original buildings 2 : the existi ng openings to the original buildings 3 : the new openings into both struc- tures, exposing them to the open site 4 : cutti ng into the existi ng build- ing (to the east of the open site) to cre- ate light wells into the lower levels. The light well contain vents at the top, allowing hot air to escape and therefore cooling the amenity arcade on ground fl oor. 5 : the angle of the glazing in the light well creates a connecti on between the chil- dren in the kindergarten and people in the amenity arcade while people in the clinic are excluded, giving them a sense of privacy. 3 5 130 131 132 ???????????????????????????????????????? [ p r o g r a m m i n g w a i t i n g ] 133 r e t h i n k i n g t h e l i b r a r y a s a t y p e [opposite] Questi oning the consti tuents of the ?library? when it exists in the inner city The inner city library is, in its essence, about a transfer of informa- ti on, predominantly by means of cellphone based media (such as games, books and music). Through this transmission, the cell- phone becomes the basis of both virtual and literal social net- working. Social gathering and entertainment becomes a primary consti tuent of this urban informati on centre. The existence of traditi onal book storage and quiet work space becomes less im- portant, but remains valuable as a space to be uti lised by all ages. [this page] Library + cafe Fragmenti ng the noti on of cafe and library and creati ng a form of multi -layered hybrid, allowing each programme to infl uence each other. The social functi on of each, makes them compati ble. The resultant diagram is at its essence, the basis of the new form. 134 ?????????????????????????? p e o p l e c a r v i n g r o u t e s i n t o t h e s i t e access routes, sight lines, pedestrian movement and ordering related to programmati c signifi - cance begins to inform the layout and splinter- ing structure of the ground fl oor and the pro- gression with which the following fl oors exist. 135 b r e a k i n g t h e b l o c k Considering the complete volume available on the open site in order to understand the con- sequences of the architectural and theoreti cal devices employed to develop the new form. d i r e c t i o n a l b u i l d i n g A building which announces entrance and conveys openness and democracy. c u t t i n g c o r n e r s Exposing the corner (the most important public space in the Johannesburg city block). Cutti ng the library volume to cre- ate a view into the space from all four corners , adverti sing its programme allowing people to draw oth- er people to the space. e l e v a t i n g k n o w l e d g e Levels of accessible informati on and social networking growing in spa- ti al formality towards the second fl oor. As the user moves upwards, they are exposed to and become involved in more programme and opportuniti es. 136 137 138 ?????????????????????????????? 1 2 r e g u l a r f o r m i r r e g u l a r c u t s 139 c a s a d e m u s i c a porto, portugal _ OMA images 1 : www.arquibooks.blogspot.com 2 - 3 : exploring the de- sign of fragmented forms 3 140 a p p r o p r i a t e s c a l e A mezzanine is designed to halve the larg- er volume, separati ng the loud and quiet porti ons of the library. The form is to de- crease in mass as it att aches itself to the existi ng structure, celebrati ng the juncti on. c a r v i n g t h e l i b r a r y A regular form, sculpted by the de- fi ned architectural devices. r e d u c t i o n The angled window allows the form to appear thinner and less solid and weighty, while the glazing opens the fa- cade and makes it more approachable. v i e w s g e n e r a t e c u t s The form is generated by the views into the building from the street and the internal court- yard. The library is designed to expose specifi c internal functi ons to the passing public. For this reason, facets in the skin, frame and promote certain interior occurrences, such as the me- dia library or reading and socialising spaces. c o n n e c t i n g s t r u c t u r e a n d s t r e e t An angled cut at the base of the library cre- ates a link between people on the street and people using the space. This is to encourage the growth of the social net- work and promote the use of the space. l i n k The building begins to merge with the existi ng structure. The materiality of the new library slides over the existi ng facade, show- ing the infusion of new into old. d e d u c t i o n The volume is decreased further where the new form meets the old. s i m p l i f y The envelope is to be kept as understated as possible in order to allow for the framed views to take precedence and to ensure that the form is accessible and not foreign or inti midati ng. 141 j u n c t i o n The overhang is reduced and be- comes a thinner roofi ng element as the new structure enters the old. d e n o t i n g e n t r a n c e Additi onal volume is added to create an over- hang as the ramp intersects with the library. b u i l d i n g f r a m e Large, verti cal structural fi ns extend from the second fl oor to the roof, fram- ing views into the media library and work space on the mezzanine level. c o v e r i n g The building is to be constructed using varying forms of sheeti ng. A roof plane is added to express the fall of the roof and the manner in which roof material wraps over the edge to become wall treatment. i n c l u s i o n a r y f o r m The overhang and mezzanine are cut away, producing a simplifi ed, enclosing structure, which appears to contain the internal court- yard of the open site while reducing the mass of the library structure. The angle of the in- cision allows more light into the open space. d i r e c t i o n a l i n c i s i o n s As on ground fl oor, the library form is carved away where the building opens onto the street. The whole building is to express the accessibil- ity of the availability of the public structure. g l a z e d c o n n e c t i o n s Translucent facets of the library allow the structure to open up towards the interior courtyard. This promotes views into the library, maintaining the social and architectural con- necti ons throughout the new development. The opening allows soft er southern light into the formal working space within the libraray. e x t e r i o r l i b r a r y A large overhang (incorporati ng the mezza- nine) is designed to create an external library; an informal gathering and interacti ve space which contains the over-fl ow of the library and draws passers-by into the acti viti es within. 142 143 144 ?? ?? ?? ?? ??? ??????????????????????? 13 146 147 [ opposite ] c u l m i n a t i o n o f s u r r o u n d i n g s o c i a l a n d a m e n i t y n e t w o r k s The aim of the new public amenity node is not to replace the social and programmati c systems that exist, but rather to create a centralised community locati on which draws all these networks together in a building which supplements the area with that which it lacks and improves and enhances that which is present but insuffi cient or ineff ecti ve. 1 : laundry 2 : boxing gym 3 : tavern 4 : tavern 5 : restaurant 6 : tavern 7 : hair dresser 8 : laundry 9 : freight and postage 10: beauty salon [ this page ] s e r v i c e s Ameniti es within the surrounding city blocks, as per urban network diagram (opposite). 2 3 7 8 10 148 ????????????????????????? ??????????????????????? 14 150 [ this page ] s i t e m o d e l [from left to right] 1 : looking east. 2 : looking north. 3 : looking west. 4 : looking south [ opposite page ] s i t e p l a n 151 152 c o n n e c t i v e a r c h i t e c t u r e The building is to become an extension of the streetscape; an expand- ing, growing ground plane, creati ng the connecti ve ti ssue which links the building to its urban context and community. The creeper analogy becomes literal in the development of the building. The pavement is drawn upwards into a ramping structure; ramp expands to become spati al and allow for pause and interacti on; ramp extends to become wall; wall becomes skin; skin encloses volume and creates shelter and weatherproofi ng. The creeper grows into the internal volumes of the stripped, block- like existi ng structures, creati ng a new internal skin and a series of new volumes and more eff ecti ve programmes. n o r t h e l e v a t i o n Balustrades to the perimeter of the structure are kept solid and mini- mal, so as to maintain the simplicity of form, while all internally-facing balustrades are designed to be light and open. This is to promote in- terior views and visual links between programmes and people. This also allows the courtyard (a product of the enveloping structure) to appear connected to each level and for the series of ramps to be ex- perienced as one conti nuous route, which widens and expands to be- come spati al and internal. 153 154 c i t y s e r v i c e s t a t i o n looking north 155 156 c i t y s e r v i c e s t a t i o n looking north down mooi street 157 158 159 g r o u n d f l o o r p l a n The light grey hatch indicates the existi ng structure, while the black indicates additi ons. On ground fl oor, the platf orm from the terminus is carried through to the primary site, linking the two and creati ng an escape from the pavement itself, while remaining structurally open to it. Seati ng lines this platf orm forming a queuing space and is designed in reference to the way people wait for busses currently. At present, people sit on the baggage while waiti ng along the pavement. The bench-like seats provided are to have one verti cal edge open to allow for baggage to be stored underneath, while people wait. 160 c i t y s e r v i c e s t a t i o n view into the internal courtyard from the terminus showing the bag- gage storage area and waiti ng space 161 162 f i r s t f l o o r p l a n 163 s e c o n d f l o o r p l a n 164 f i n a l m o d e l The grey indicates the existi ng structures and landscape, while the white indicates additi ons. s e c o n d f l o o r f i r s t f l o o r 165 g r o u n d f l o o r b a s e m e n t 166 i n n e r c i t y c h i l d r e n On the second fl oor, the kindergarten opens onto the neighbouring rooft op, which is converted into a playground. The space is separate from the public green space and exists as an outdoor extension of the fl exible internal space and has both hard landscaping and low con- crete boxes containing food gardens. 167 168 169 [ l e f t ] t h i r d f l o o r / r o o f p l a n [ r i g h t ] v i e w o f l i b r a r y f r o m i n t e r n a l c o u r t y a r d s e c t i o n b - b secti onal elevati on through the internal courtyard 170 l i b r a r y internal view of the library showing the administrati on area and quiet library mezzanine The library is well insulated from external noise and heat, using a bub- ble foil layer (which refl ects heat) hidden by the ceiling boards which fi t between the steel structure, allowing the constructi on to remain visible. The fi rst fl oor of the library is called the ?loud library?. This refers to its programming, rather than its noise level. The space con- sists of a media library or internet cafe to the western edge and audio media and visual media to the eastern end, where the new structure merges with the existi ng. The audio centre consists of a lounge-like layout with listening pods accessed using head-phones, while the visual media space can be closed off with sound-proof doors when in use. This negates the need to separate the loud and quiet library with a sound barrier. The enti re envelope of the audio and visual media areas consists of large pivot doors, which can be opened to venti late the space and provide passersby with visual access to the various forms of informa- ti on available. The second fl oor is dedicated to various forms of educati on. In order to symbolically connect the library and kindergarten to one another, a glass brick wall is used. This semi-translucent membrane allows the diff erent users to become aware of each other, while eliminati ng di- rect views. 171 172 173 w e s t e l e v a t i o n 174 175 176 b a s e m e n t p l a n sorti ng depot (run by recyclers) and second hand furniture recycling 177 b a s e m e n t p l a n 178 s o c i a l a n d a r c h i t e c t u r a l e x p o s u r e a n d e x c h a n g e The design of the building is based on the noti on of social and archi- tectural exposure and exchange. The building is to relate to the hu- man in terms of scale, use and the basic physical interacti on between body and structure. For this reason, the materiality is to be tacti le and rugged, while the built form is to be able to be opened, closed, sat on, adjusted or viewed at specifi c moments in the building where the user might require it. This creates a personal connecti on between each member of the public and the democrati c structure, by allowing them to control their own physical, climati c or experienti al conditi ons at all ti mes. This is evident on the ground fl oor where people waiti ng for taxis at the taxi stop can pull a porti on of the kiosk facade down as a seat. The seati ng wraps around the building and leads the end of the queue to the waiti ng space on fi rst fl oor. 179 s e c t i o n a - a o p e n n e s s The building?s skin fragments to allow for views into areas of social gather- ing and informati on transfer from the in- ternal courtyard and points of arrival. 180 j e p p e s t r e e t 181 t a x i s t o p a n d w a i t i n g s p a c e 182 k e r k s t r e e t 183 184 185 e x t e n d e d h o u r s vs 2 4 h o u r The programme within the original structure allows for extended busi- ness hours and is then completely closed at night. The unstructured programme and terminus, however, remain open 24 hours a day. This fl exibility allows students or professionals to study or work in the quiet library; courses, documentary screenings or social gatherings to be conducted in the loud library; performances, exhibiti ons or movie screenings to occur on the meeti ng platf orm and for people to wait for late night bus arrivals or departures. 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 i n n e r c i t y r o o f t o p The library mezzanine faces a green roof space which consists of deck- ing, which becomes a stage and then folds into the seati ng of the cov- ered amphitheatre. This space is to operate according to a ti me-rental system, allowing for varying uses at diff erent ti mes of day, through- out the week. The space is designed to accommodate more than one functi on or programme at a ti me. The stage can be used for small meeti ngs, large religious gatherings, performances or classes. The decking can be used as an extension of the stage, for more seati ng or for a separate acti vity, such as exercise or dance classes. The green space can be uti lised for leisure, meeti ngs, and social gatherings or by certain religions as a place to conduct ceremonies. u r b a n i s e d r e l i g i o n _ malusi malanga (Masondo, Potenza, and Adams, 2007: 32) 193 l e i s u r e + g a t h e r i n g e x e r c i s e + o b s e r v a t i o n p e r f o r m a n c e + t e a c h i n g 194 195 s e c t i o n a - a d e t a i l c detail showing steel shingles of the an- gled kiosk wall which conti nues to be- come the balustrade of the eati ng platf orm 196 f o r m a n d m a t e r i a l i t y The roof sheeti ng conti nues over the edge to become the wall treat- ment. The sheeti ng is carried through to the facade of the existi ng building, celebrati ng the mutualisti c relati onship between old and new. The steel sheeti ng is merged with an opaque polycarbonate with the same corrugati ons so that, during the day, the structure reads as seamless but at night the juncti on between original and additi on is illuminated. This light box is experienced from both the street and the internal courtyard. The dark window frame of the angled glazing makes the opening ?dis- appear?. This is to create the illusion that the library?s form is thinner and less weighty. c i r c u l a t i o n + s t r u c t u r e The two existi ng circulati on cores (containing lift s, staircases and fi re escapes) are to be retained. Small alterati ons are made in order to restrict access to certain porti ons of the building, for example, the clinic and cr?che are to have one entry point and the other is blocked off , without restricti ng movement up and down the staircase or fi re escape. The supports of the stepped structure are to be kept separate so as to read as disconnected elements. 197 n o r t h e l e v a t i o n 198 199 s e c o n d f l o o r p l a n 200 s e c t i o n c - c 201 p h y s i c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f t h e c r e e p e r The ramps are designed to relate physically and programmati cally to space to which they lead. The ramp from ground to fi rst fl oor in- cludes a thickened balustrade wall which is uti lised as a noti ce board for accommodati on noti ces, adverti sements or the promoti on of courses or events within the building. This relates to the city introduc- ti on on ground fl oor, as well as the interacti ve waiti ng spaces above. The ramp from fi rst to second fl oors is drawn through the terminus and the library, exposing people to one another and the various pro- grammes, while physically linking the buildings? diff erent parts. The ramp from the second fl oor to the roof is about adverti sing the public green roof space. As people at street level would not know that this space is available to them, just as the amphitheatre structure hangs over the edge of the existi ng building (adverti sing its presence as an added innovati on), the ramps include long planter boxes containing creepers, which will grow over the balustrade structure and eventu- ally hang down over the internal courtyard. This hanging garden will develop over ti me, drawing more users to this oasis. 202 d e t a i l a and b detail showing the constructi on of the angled window in the library 203 d e t a i l d Detail showing the ramp from the sec- ond fl oor to the roof space. 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