School of Social Sciences (ETDs)

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Gender-based violence in Sri Lanka: Has Sustainable Development Goal 5 been an effective policy tool?
(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-03) Jurgensen, Kim; Zähringer, Natalie
This research paper is an investigation of gender-based violence and gender inequality in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka was chosen as a case study because it ended the 26-year civil war in 2009, and has had over a decade since this reset moment to rebuild the country. The paper builds on feminist research which says that high levels of gender inequality give rise to high levels of violence against women. The research is based on a gender structural inequality theoretical framework, and uses the Sustainable Development Goals (specifically SDG 5 which talks to gender equality) as the measurements of these structures. While there has been work done on various aspects of development in Sri Lanka, the purpose of this research project was to pull together the targets under SDG 5 and, using a process tracing methodology, demonstrate their effect on levels of violence against women. The research stated upfront that data for the dependent variable (violence against women) was already known, and that data would be sought for the independent variables (i.e. the remaining targets under SDG 5) to show correlation between the DV and IVs. The research showed that there has been poor implementation for most of the targets under SDG 5, and as such the outcomes were mostly negative. These findings were in line with the theoretical framework of gender structural inequality, and the feminist writings of the link between gender inequality and violence against women. It was interesting to see that on two main areas i.e. sexual health and education (which does not fall under SDG 5), Sri Lanka has almost complete gender parity. This demonstrated that women’s economic power and participatory parity (i.e. participating at senior level in the labour market and in government) were decisive factors in entrenching conservative societal views that undermine women’s agency and entrenches unequal power dynamics in the home, where most of the violence occurs.
South Africa’s Economic Foreign Policy: A Study of Slow Maturation
(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-10) Nemalili, Lusani; Gwatiwa, Tshepo
In the international environment, all state relations are guided by a foreign policy that conveys what a state intends to achieve through its relations with other states. Foreign policy is the means used to express a state’s national interests internationally to other states whilst executing on its domestic policy making, strategies and decisions. Therefore, foreign policy is the translation of domestic national interests to an international audience for engagement. However, national interests vary according to what the state aims to fulfil abroad. They could be economic, social, security, political interests. Nevertheless, it remains critical that economic interests have always dominated the international relations arena. Thus, a convergence of foreign policy and domestic economic policy of a state are crucial for its international success that contributes to its economic growth within and beyond its borders. This convergence produces an economic foreign policy. An economic foreign policy then guides the decisions of policymakers and diplomatic practices of the state bureaucracy in achieving the state’s national interests abroad. The presence of an economic foreign policy in a state is important because decisions that different actors (state and non-state) make in the international environment have to be accounted for and guided by a policy in order to understand the reasoning and logic behind them. The absence of an economic foreign policy enables a state to operate on an ad hoc decision-making basis in the international environment and with outcomes whose impact cannot be measured nor monitored by the state itself or other states intending to form economic relations with it. South Africa, with its economic interests, goals and a foreign policy, has not yet produced a coherent, codified and well-expressed economic foreign policy for an international audience. Whilst the country has relevant actors and the right processes to produce an economic foreign policy, it has not brought one into maturity through the consolidation and unification of foreign and economic policies of the state. This is due to several domestic conditions in policy making, decisions and processes that prohibit the realisation of an economic foreign policy. It is in these domestic foreign and economic policy making environments that the enquiry of this study is found to reveal the reasons why South Africa has not had a matured economic foreign policy since the new democratic dispensation of 1994.
Studying Political Discourse at COP Using Text Mining
(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-07) Meletakos, Christina; Eyita-Okon, Ekeminiabasi; Alence, Rod
Climate change has become one of the most pressing issues of our time and it is increasingly important for nations to come together and address the crisis. Every year since 1995, countries from around the world congregate at COP (Conference of the Parties) in the attempt to find consensus on how to tackle the problem. This dissertation studies the political speeches given by country representatives at the conference. 552 transcripts were used to perform multiple analyses. A sentiment study showed that the majority of speeches were overwhelmingly positive, and that the language used by delegates showed that they wanted to come across as being trustworthy and knowledgeable. Wordscores illustrated that prior to 2016, speeches were more alike. At the onset of US President Donald Trump’s announcement that he was pulling out of the Paris Agreement, most countries turned away from the US’ positioning. While a narrative of marketization was prevalent, it was the nationalist discourse used by the president that deterred countries. Lastly a regression model was run which showed that GDP, population, and region played an important part in how a country positioned itself on the world stage.
Sustaining the Unsustainable? Political Accountability and Development in sub-Saharan Africa’s Resource Economies
(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-07) Ndlovu, Xichavo Alecia; Alence, Rod
Sub-Saharan Africa’s development challenge is to ‘sustain the unsustainable’–using non-renewable resources to initiate long-term development processes that outlive the short-term proceeds of resource extraction. Literature has highlighted how differences in political institutions help determine whether natural resources help or hinder development. However, there is disagreement on which political institutions account for the variations in development outcomes. This study clarifies whether political regimes, electoral competitiveness, and party institutionalisation matter for inclusive and sustainable development using a sample of all sub-Saharan African countries for which data is available from 1990 to 2018. Specifically, do democracies perform better or worse on average than non-democracies? Do electorally competitive democracies perform better or worse than dominant-party (but still multiparty) democracies? Do more institutionalised party systems perform better or worse than less institutionalised party systems? In general, how, if at all, do different political accountability mechanisms affect inclusive and sustainable development? The study uses ‘nested’ analysis, which combines cross-national statistical analysis and case studies of four resource-rich democracies in Africa: Ghana, Zambia, Namibia, and Mozambique. The cross-national analysis shows that party institutionalisation is the only political predictor for social inclusiveness, and all political variables do not improve or worsen economic sustainability. On the other hand, resource rents are negatively associated with social inclusiveness but do not predict economic sustainability. Meanwhile, the non-rent sectors contribute positively to both dimensions of development, highlighting the potential significance of income levels in explaining the cross-national development patterns in Africa. Evidence in the case studies shows that electorally competitive democracies outperform dominant party democracies on social inclusiveness. The risk of being removed from office incentivises incumbents to provide public goods and increase social welfare. However, the impact of political accountability mechanisms on economic sustainability is ambiguous and may depend on sectoral institutions, policies and actors. The study contributes to (and bridges) two groups of literature, one investigating the economic consequences of politics and institutions and another accounting for the resource curse. It also considers both the inclusivity and sustainability aspects of development and highlights contextual factors from case studies, often overlooked in cross-national analyses.
The Impact of the International Human Rights Regime on Personal Security: A Comparative Study of South Africa and Saudi Arabia
(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-07) Ragooloo, Prebashnee; Zähringer, Natalie
Personal security has become an important issue area to the international community since its differentiation as an aspect of human security (United Nations Human Development Report 1994, 25). The protection of the personal security of people is reliant on international and domestic criminal justice systems. The personal security of people within territories of democratic forms of government are expected to be more protected. Using a comparative method of analysis, South Africa and Saudi Arabia have been selected for this study due largely to the different types of government to determine the degree of personal security that people have in the respective countries. Unexpectedly, Saudi Arabia offers a greater protection of personal security to people within its territory due to the harsh punishments it administers to perpetrators of violent crime. The findings of the study indicate that democracies do not offer greater protection to people from physical violence as a result of its compassionate criminal justice laws. On the other hand, while authoritarian forms of government such as Saudi Arabia is viewed negatively, it affords people within its territory greater protection from violent crime. This study has found that a non-democratic regime (Saudi Arabia in this case) is found to be better a ensurer of personal security than a democratic regime. A key recommendation for future study could be that of comparing a greater number of democratic and non-democratic regimes and to gauge what a bigger sample of comparison could deliver.
To the captor goes the spoils: An investigation of Russian State Capture in Sudan and the Central African Republic, 2014 - 2021
(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-06) Connock, Kendra; Mpofu-Walsh, Michael Sizwe
Following a period of disengagement after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian engagement in Africa has resumed in earnest. In the almost-decade since Russia annexed Ukrainian Crimea, Russia has endured criticism and hostility from the international community. Some African nations have, however, continued to express support for Russia in diplomatic fora and continue to engage with Russia through both formal and informal means. Russian engagement in Africa has come into acute focus for its unconventional nature. Particular concern is shown for the use of disinformation and the deployment of Private Military Companies. A distinct pattern of Russian engagement is presenting itself in Africa whereby these services are traded in exchange for access to natural resources, specifically precious minerals. This transaction between Russia and African nations is allowing embattled leaders to hold onto power. This research report seeks to explain and understand this phenomenon.
What are the reasons behind the poor access of Covid-19 vaccines in Africa?
(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2023-09) Xaba, Lumkile Thobile; Moore, Candice
Despite the pandemic and initiatives such as COVAX that were put in place for fair and equal distribution of vaccines, the African continent remains the least vaccinated continent in the world. Incorporating evidence from articles, journals and policies, this study demonstrates that the African continent had the least and poorest access to vaccines. This research paper aims to understand why Africa has received the least vaccines and is the least vaccinated continent. The paper looks at the availability of vaccines in Africa and the appropriate options available in healthcare settings to receive Covid-19 vaccines. Literature is used by various scholars to understand the reasons behind the poor access to vaccines which have resulted to low vaccine uptake in Africa. It aims to look at the various contributing factors to this phenomenon, “why has the African continent been the least vaccinated?” To respond to these issues, this study uses the theories of classical realism and institutional liberalism to discover why Africa was the least vaccinated continent. Data has been collected from March 2022 and subjected to discourse analysis to help further understand the reasons behind the poor access of vaccinations during Covid-19 in Africa. We find that there are both internal and external reasons behind the poor access in Africa and both national and international factors have contributed to poor vaccine access.

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Browsing School of Social Sciences (ETDs) by Department "Department of International Relations"

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